Rosa DeLauro

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained and so I missed rollcall vote No. 350 regarding the ``Pallone of New Jersey Part B Amendment No. 1'' (H.R. 3301). Had I been present, I would have voted ``yes.''

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I will include for the Record a document from the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, and I rise in strong opposition to this bill. To cater to special interests, it deliberately weakens the essential regulatory and oversight functions of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, and it fails to address the CFTC's biggest challenge--its flawed funding mechanism. Simply put, this bill is a recipe for another disaster on Wall Street, like the one that caused the Great Recession. Americans want to see more accountability from big banks and oil speculators and fewer reckless transactions, market failures, and bailouts. That is what the CFTC's job is, to rein in gambling with risky derivatives on Wall Street and prevent undue speculation on oil. Unfortunately, this bill goes in the wrong direction. It includes provisions that will make it harder for the CFTC to regulate derivatives transactions between the United States and foreign banks. It goes out of its way to impose new hurdles and litigation risks to prevent the Commission from doing its job. It fails to address the CFTC's flawed funding mechanism, hamstringing its ability to create fair and transparent derivatives and futures markets. The CFTC is the only financial regulator that is completely dependent upon the general fund to provide for its operations. Every other financial regulator--SEC, FDIC, FHFA, the list goes on--collects user fees. Fixing this structural flaw has been proposed by every President since Ronald Reagan. It is all the more important since Congress greatly expanded the CFTC's responsibilities 4 years ago in response to the bad behavior that precipitated a devastating financial crisis. According to Acting Chairman Wetjen: The unfortunate reality is that, at current funding levels, the Commission is unable to adequately fulfill the mission given to it by Congress. I submitted an amendment that would have addressed this flaw, yet the House majority refused to allow it to be heard. We should not undermine the CFTC's ability to oversee risky market behaviors, protect consumers, and enforce the law. I urge a ``no'' vote. Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, June 16, 2014. Representative, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Representative, I write on behalf of the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP) a non-profit, non- governmental organization based in Minneapolis, MN to urge you to vote against H.R. 4413, ``Customer Protection and End User Relief Act.'' A vote for H.R. 4413 annuls or amends major portions of Title VII of the Dodd Frank Act Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (DFA) and per Title 1V's retro-active application to July 2010, makes regulations and guidance issued under the DFA authorities vulnerable to legal challenge by the regulated entities. Furthermore, if enacted, H.R. 4413 would impede DFA Title VI implementation by, among other measures: 1) preventing the cross-border application of DFA authorized rules unless the Commodity Futures Trading Commission and the Securities Exchange Commission jointly determine that foreign jurisdiction rules are not ``broadly equivalent'' to DFA rules (Section 359); 2) micro-managing the CFTC Division Directors, Chief Economist and staff (Sections 204, 205 and 206); 3) micro-managing and possibly impeding CFTC enforcement activities (Section 209); 4) imposing cost-benefit analysis of each CFTC rule prior to implementation, and as required of no other independent agency, under terms that would paralyze CFTC rulemaking that did not conform to industry demands (Section 203); and 5) by requiring that CFTC voluntary guidance to industry be subject to the same Administrative Procedures Act (APA) requirements as for legally binding rulemakings (Section 212). IATP began to work on commodity derivatives issues in June 2008, when grain elevators stopped forward contracting with farmers and rural banks stopped loaning to elevators, due to extreme price volatility and price levels in commodity derivatives markets, which resulted from excessive speculation by financial institution. IATP has participated in the Commodity Markets Oversight Coalition (CMOC) since 2009, and the Derivatives Task Force of Americans for Financial Reform (AFR) since 2010. 1ATP has contributed to and signed on to numerous CMOC and AFR letters in support of Title VII of the DFA. IATP has submitted several comments on CFTC rulemaking, and on consultation papers of the International Organization of Securities Commissions, the Financial Stability Board, the European Securities and Markets Authority, and the European Commission's Directorate General for Internal Markets. H.R. 4413 offers terrible trade-offs that no member of Congress should be forced to vote for. As H.R. 4413 is constructed, you can only vote for the widely agreed customer protections in Title 1, if, e.g. you also vote to require the CFTC Commissioners to vote on the length of a subpoena, the renewal of the subpoena and whether the Division of Enforcement has a ``legitimate purpose'' for each investigation it undertakes (Section 209). Title 1 could and should be proposed as a separate bill, for which you should be able to get sponsors from Republicans, as well as Democrats. IATP also requests that you propose and vote for deletion or amendment of certain sections of the bill, because its passage is very likely. It is crucial that there be recorded votes on all amendments to or deletions of H.R. 4413. Here are IATP's top five priorities for deletions, since amendments may not be possible, given the short amount of time before the amendment deadline of Tuesday at 3 p.m. ET. 1. Section 359: This section (paragraph a) first requires the CFTC to issue rules jointly with the Securities Exchange Commission on the cross-border application of DFA rules. The CFTC has authority over about 96.5% of the gross notional value of the U.S. derivatives market, whereas the SEC has authority over 3.5% of this market. The SEC has authority over just one asset class of derivatives, equity-based derivatives. The House would give equal rulemaking authority with the CFTC to an agency that has historic competence and legal authority for only a small sliver of the derivatives market. This section further seeks to impede the CFTC's ability to apply DFA authorized rules to foreign affiliate swaps of U.S. swaps dealers that have a ``direct and significant'' impact on the U.S. economy (Sect. 722, DFA). It does so first by requiring that the CFTC's international memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with foreign market regulators comply with APA requirements for binding rulemaking (paragraph c). MoUs are not binding rules, but diplomatic agreements whose implementation and enforcement does not depend entirely on U.S. law or regulations. Here, again, H.R. 4413 seeks to micro-manage the CFTC's work, this time in negotiations with foreign governments. Most perniciously, Section 359 grants a blanket exemption from compliance with DFA authorized derivatives rules for ``Countries or Administrative Regions Having Nine Largest Markets,'' [sic] unless the CFTC and SEC ``jointly determine that the regulatory requirements'' of these countries and regions are not ``broadly equivalent'' to U.S. regulatory requirements (paragraph d). Given the aforementioned huge disparity in the ``market share'' of the CFTC's and SEC's authority over the swaps market, this co-determination requirement is grotesque. Furthermore, taking into account the markets in the 28 member states of the European Union, plus the next eight largest market jurisdictions, Section 359 exempts more than 90 percent of the foreign swaps market from compliance with the cross-border application of the DFA. The seven largest U.S. bank holding companies have 4939 foreign subsidiaries and thousands of more affiliates. Trading losses by these subsidiaries and affiliates resulted in default cascades by their U.S. parent companies, saved from bankruptcy only by at least $19 trillion in emergency loans from the Federal Reserve Bank, plus $10 trillion to foreign central banks to bail out their banks with U.S. affiliates from 2007-2010. The regulatory regimes of the foreign jurisdictions to which the Fed loaned at ultra-low interest rates had been judged to be ``broadly equivalent'' during the Bush Administration. 2. Section 203: Cost Benefit Analysis. The CFTC, unlike other independent regulatory agencies, is required to do a cost-benefit analysis prior to each regulation it issues. This section does not operate consistently with Executive Order 13563, as House supporters claim, since 13563 applies only to non-independent agencies.Paragraph H requires the CFTC to tabulate the costs of compliance by ``all regulated entities,'' in effect requiring the CFTC to accept as fact the compliance costs claimed by the regulated entities. These claimed compliance costs often have been shown to be wildly overstated. Paragraph J requires that the CFTC demonstrate prior to implementation that each of the agency's regulatory approaches ``maximize net benefits.'' These two paragraphs alone should ensure that DFA authorized rules are not implemented unless they satisfy the cost-benefit demands of the regulated entities. Ex-ante cost-benefit analyses traditionally are done on the basis of econometric modeling, and not by the peculiar dependence on regulated entity claims featured in this section. 3. Section 209: Subpoena duration and renewal. This section authorizes the Commissioners to determine the length of a subpoena that the Division of Enforcement shall use to compel testimony and production of documents relative to an investigation. It will require the Commission to vote on whether the Division of Enforcement has a ``legitimate purpose'' for requesting the subpoena, what the duration of the subpoena will be and whether to renew the subpoena. Well- funded subjects of an investigation will be advised by their lawyers to delay complying with any subpoena in the event that a majority of Commissioners decides to override the Division of Enforcement and not renew a subpoena. It is one thing to disagree with an investigation. It is quite another for the House to vote for a section that would impede enforcement of the law. 4. Section 204: Division Directors. This section requires that each Division Director report to and be reviewed (``serve at the pleasure of'') by each Commissioner. In the event that the Commissioners disagree about any activity of a Division, the Division Director could be taking contradictory instructions from the Commissioners. Disagreements among Commissioners must be resolved among the Commissioners and not transmitted to Division Directors in the form of contradictory orders. This section offers a high degree of opportunity for one Commissioner to paralyze the work of the Commission. At best, the section ensures delay of DFA implementation through Commission micro-management of Division Directors and the staff (see also our Comments on Section 205 and 206). 5. Section 353: While the title of this section indicates that it would give ``relief'' from record-keeping to farmers and grain elevator participants in the derivatives market, the application in the exemption from record-keeping could and almost certainly will be applied to much larger participants in the derivatives markets. By requiring only a written record of the final agreement of swaps for participants in unregistered designated contract markets or swaps execution facilities, this section precludes the CFTC from seeking interim documentation of swaps transactions, including cell phone records if needed. This section makes constructing audit trails in investigations more difficult and otherwise limits enforcement activities. Other sections that IATP believes you should consider for deletion from HR 4413 include: Section 205: The Office of the Chief Economist. This section requires that the Chief Economist report to and be reviewed by each Commissioner. Our concerns are the same as those of Section 204. Section 206: This proposal to require a seven day advance notice to review each and every staff letter and to allow the Commission to delay, review and revise staff letters, puts the Commission in charge of micro-managing the staff. Many of the staff no action letters that are the subject of the complaint in the House agricultural committee report on HR 4413 are the result of the need to reply to industry questions and complaints, and to postpone compliance by foreign affiliates of U.S. swaps dealers, as foreign jurisdiction rulemaking is delayed by industry opposition. A staff whose budget, personnel and computer infrastructure has been severely constrained by the House has operated as efficiently and effectively as their meager resources allow. This section is not an attempt to improve CFTC transparency and openness but another tactic to micro-manage the staff. Section 211: Requires that CFTC voluntary guidance to industry be subject to the same Administrative Procedures Act (APA) requirements as legally binding rulemakings. This section represents the plaintiff's position in a court case involving the CFTC's guidance on the cross border application of DFA rules and would pre-empt the result of that case. If the House wishes to require that APA procedures for issuing guidance are the same as for rulemaking, it should amend the APA, rather than single out one agency for this peculiar pre- emption of a court ruling and unique application of the APA to one agency. Section 212: This section allows plaintiffs to file a lawsuit in the District of Columbia or ``in the circuit where the party resides or has the principal place of business'' (paragraph a). If the CFTC were a self-financed regulatory agency or had a budget corresponding to its greatly expanded duties under the DFA, the extra costs of litigating outside the District of Columbia might not be a financial burden for agency. Given the House's budgetary expression of hostility to the CFTC, this section represents another tactic to increase the burden on the agency to defend the DFA in court. Section 362: One of the advantages of trading Over the Counter is the delay in reporting, relative to the near real time reporting required of exchanges for futures and options contracts. OTC traders take advantage of price, volatility and other information provided by the public and regulated markets while providing no information of their own, a huge competitive advantage. This section would allow traders of uncleared and ``illiquid swaps'' to delay reporting up to 30 days after a trade's execution, an eternity in financial markets, to protect the identity of individual traders. Because swaps can be structured to be illiquid, this section does not consider that the exemption from reporting in near real time could be part of a regulatory evasion strategy. If the industry wishes to petition the CFTC for a reporting exemption on illiquid swaps, let it do so. Legislators should not be involved in designing reporting exemptions. Section 355: The asset class indiscriminate de minimis of $8 billion of swaps dealing before a swaps dealer is required to register with the CFTC and be subject to CFTC rules may be lowered only with a vote of the Commission. It is dangerous to remove the CFTC's regulatory discretion in determining the justification for a de minimis. Whereas $8 billion of interest swaps is a low de minimis relative to the more than $150 trillion annual gross notional value of interest rate swaps, an $8 billion de minimis is a very, very high de minimis for commodity swaps. Again, here is another section where the House is acting to micro-manage the CFTC's rulemaking discretion and authority. In sum, notwithstanding Title I on customer protections and some sections of Title II and III, HR 4413 is a bill that reauthorizes the CFTC, only to impede it from carrying out its statutory duties. IATP urges you to vote against this bill and to vote to delete the aforementioned sections. I would be pleased to work with your staff on any amendments or deletions that you may wish to offer. Thank you for your consideration of our views on HR 4413. Respectfully, Steve Suppan, Ph.D., Senior Policy Analyst.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, may I inquire as to how much time is remaining.

Ms. DeLAURO. I thank the Chair. Madam Chair, I and others have long fought for--and we have succeeded in passing through the appropriations process--a ban on Federal contracts for U.S. companies that acquire a business in a lower tax jurisdiction and claim their headquarters there, despite still being a U.S. company. According to a 2009 GAO report, 63 of the 100 largest publicly traded U.S. Federal contractors reported having subsidies and tax havens in 2007. These companies are currently paying a tax rate of zero percent-- zero percent. So unless you believe tax reform should eliminate taxes for U.S. companies, this avoidance is not about corporate tax reform. We need to send that clear message. If a company is going to abuse the tax loopholes at the expense of businesses that are paying their fair share, they will not be rewarded with defense contracts. I am happy to hear and I urge my colleagues to make this stand with me again and to pass this amendment. I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield myself 2 minutes. My amendment would prohibit Federal contracts issued by the Department of Defense from going to entities incorporated in Bermuda and the Cayman Islands, two nations most often abused as tax havens. This body accepted a similar provision for the Departments of Transportation and Housing and Urban Development earlier this month. According to a joint study by the U.S. Public Interest Research Group and Citizens for Tax Justice, 70 percent of the companies in the Fortune 500 used tax havens last year. These companies stashed nearly $2 trillion offshore for tax purposes, with almost two-thirds of that total, 62 percent, being hidden away by just 30 companies. We just saw the medical device manufacturer Medtronic, a company founded in a Minnesota garage with deep roots throughout the State, announce it was effectively moving operations to Ireland to escape its tax obligations. This is a persistent and a growing problem, and we need to start taking action to rein it in. We can start with this amendment. Of the companies who have established subsidies in tax havens, nearly two-thirds have registered at least one in Bermuda or in the Cayman Islands. The profits these companies claim were earned in these two island nations in 2010 totaled over 1,600 percent of these countries' entire yearly economic output. These companies take advantage of our education system, our research and development incentives, our skilled workforce, and our infrastructure, all supported by U.S. taxpayers. They should not be allowed to pretend that they are an American company when it is time to get a defense contract, then claim to be an offshore company when the tax bill comes. We should not spend taxpayer money on Federal contracts to companies that have renounced their American citizenship in favor of an island tax haven. As I said, a similar amendment became part of the Transportation and Infrastructure bill. I urge my colleagues to pass this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, the fact of the matter is that this amendment gives the CFTC flexibility. That is all it does. It could spend all of that money on IT. If they want to spend it on enforcement staff, they would be able to do it. This leaves them the flexibility to make the determinations based on what the needs are. With that, I yield the balance of my time to my colleague from Connecticut (Mr. Himes).

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, currently this bill mandates that the Commodity Futures Trading Commission spend $52.6 million of its already limited budget on information technology. My amendment, put forward with my colleagues Congresswoman Waters of California and Congressman Himes of Connecticut, reduces this IT set-aside back to its current level of $35 million. Americans want to see more accountability from Wall Street and oil speculators and fewer reckless transactions, market failures, and bailouts. That is the CFTC's job, to rein in gambling with risky derivatives on Wall Street and prevent undue speculation on oil. Republican and Democratic experts both have argued that the current funding level purposefully sets the CFTC up for failure. The current bill leaves CFTC dangerously underfunded, 22 percent below the President's request. This increased IT set-aside is equivalent to reducing their budget by another 7 percent below last year's level. By returning this set-aside to $35 million, our amendment gives the Commission more flexibility to spend the budget they have on enforcement and examinations, to put more ``cops on the beat,'' as it were, if they see fit. This represents neither a cut nor a rise in the current level of CFTC funding. While I think we should fund them higher, this amendment merely lets them use their budget to do their job, and they manage to do a lot, even with the limited resources we have given them. Last year, the Commission's enforcement division brought in just over $1 billion to the Treasury. That is more than the Congress has provided the Commission in the last 5 years. According to Acting Chairman Wetjen: The unfortunate reality is that, at current funding levels, the Commission is unable to adequately fulfill the mission given to it by Congress. The agency's enforcement staff is already smaller than it was in 2002, when the Commission was just responsible for the futures and options market. Today, this smaller staff has additional important and extremely complex oversight responsibilities. They must now also oversee the $400 trillion swaps market, and they are responsible for pursuing cases against reckless, manipulative, or deceptive schemes. We need to give the Commission the flexibility in allocating resources that it needs to do its job, to oversee risky market behaviors, protect consumers, and enforce the law. This amendment will allow them to do that, and I urge all of my colleagues to support it. I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to this agriculture funding bill. Budgeting is about choices, and this bill makes the wrong choices for the American people. Time and again in this legislation the House majority has chosen to put profits and politics before nutrition and food safety. It puts partisan ideology before impartial science, and the interests of big corporate industries over the needs of families and children. Examples: for decades our Federal nutrition policies have been based on the principle of sound scientific research and evidence-based decisionmaking. Until now, Congress has never prescribed the details of Federal nutrition programs. This bill circumvents the Institute of Medicine process for determining the appropriate foods to offer in the Supplemental Women, Infants, and Children program, or the WIC package. To benefit industry, the House majority adds white potatoes to WIC, despite the advice and findings of nutritionists that white potatoes are not lacking in a mother's and children's diets. In fact, they are the most consumed vegetable in America. This is the same type of thinking from Congress that got pizza called a vegetable. Further, this bill would waive requirements for schools to meet the nutrition standards that we passed as part of the 2010 Healthy Hunger- Free Kids Act. These standards, developed by experts, improve school meals, remove unhealthy junk foods in our Nation's schools. The standards have already been achieved at over 90 percent of America's schools and are working to help kids choose healthier food options. House Republicans are trying to appease special interests by weakening child nutrition programs in this bill. The bill also undermines menu labeling and creates carve-outs for industries at the expense of health. It assumes a passage of an accelerated and unsafe poultry inspection system that increases the chance of contaminated chicken on our kitchen tables just so companies can make more profit. At a time when foodborne illness outbreaks are a continual challenge, it cuts the Food Safety and Inspection Service, a linchpin of our food safety efforts, by $6 million, putting families at risk, and no permanent inspectors will be able to be hired. This bill dangerously underfunds the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. It allows risky financial transactions to continue, putting the profits of Wall Street ahead of consumers. These are all unprecedented attempts to use the appropriations process to do the bidding of industry and special interests at the expense of the public interest. Our job--our job--is to craft a budget that does right by the American people, that helps kids get the nutrition that they need to grow, that fights hunger in all of our communities, and that ensures that our food supply is safe. This budget fails in all of these regards, and I urge my colleagues to oppose it.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this purely ideological amendment by my colleague from Georgia, which aims to eliminate the use of official time for representational activities for employees covered by the T-HUD bill before us. This is yet another attempt to accelerate a race to the bottom and to deny workers their fundamental right to bargain collectively. Specifically, this amendment aims to prevent effective union representation by attacking the use of official time by employees. Use of reasonable amounts of official time has been supported by government officials of both parties for 50 years. In exchange for the legal obligation to provide the same services to those who pay as those who choose not to pay, the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 allowed Federal employee unions to bargain with agencies over official time. Under this law, Federal employees who volunteered to serve as union representatives are permitted to use official time to engage in negotiation and perform representational activities while on duty status. Using official time increases efficiency and is beneficial to both Federal employees and the Federal Government. These types of informal meetings save the government money by allowing the parties to avoid costly arbitration and other less efficient means of dispute resolution. At the FAA, for example, official time is essential for the collaborative process between employees and management. At a time when we are overhauling our Nation's air traffic control system, eliminating official time is inappropriate, fiscally irresponsible, and an unnecessary violation of workers' basic rights. At a time when we face so many challenges, when we are in massive need of infrastructure improvements, I wish that the majority would find something more constructive to do than attack the fundamental right to bargain collectively. I urge a ``no'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, my amendment would prohibit Federal contracts issued by the agencies under the jurisdiction of this bill-- namely, the Departments of Transportation and Housing and Urban Development--from going to entities that were incorporated in the United States, but reincorporated in the most notorious tax havens-- Bermuda and the Cayman Islands. According to a joint study issued last week by the U.S. Public Interest Research Group and Citizens for Tax Justice, 70 percent of the companies in the Fortune 500 used tax havens last year. These companies stashed nearly $2 trillion offshore for tax purposes, with almost two- thirds of that total--62 percent--being hidden away by just 30 companies. According to that same study, approximately 64 percent of U.S. companies with subsidiaries in tax havens registered at least one in Bermuda or the Cayman Islands. The profits these companies claimed were earned in these two island nations in 2010 totaled over 1,600 percent of these countries' entire yearly economic output. Of course, it defies logic and credulity to believe these companies conducted such a large amount of business there. What these companies are really doing is avoiding U.S. taxes by stashing profits in these tax havens. According to a 2009 GAO report, 63 of the 100 largest publicly traded U.S. Federal contractors reported having subsidiaries in tax havens in 2007. I and others have long fought for--and succeeded in passing through the appropriations process--a ban on Federal contracts for inverted corporations. These are U.S. companies that acquire a business in a lower tax jurisdiction and claim their headquarters there, despite still being a U.S. company, yet U.S. companies can still simply claim to the IRS that their profits were made in places like Bermuda and the Cayman Islands, and companies incorporated in these and other tax havens still find ways to receive Federal contracts. We need to stop allowing companies to game our system. They take advantage of our education system, our research and development incentives, our skilled workforce, and our infrastructure--all supported by U.S. taxpayers--to build their businesses and then turn around and invert or otherwise avoid paying taxes by abusing these tax havens. These companies should not be allowed to pretend that they are an American company when it is time to get contracts, then claim to be an offshore company when the tax bill comes. We can start putting an end to this right here, right now, with this amendment. It will ensure that future contracts are not awarded to U.S. companies that incorporate in the most egregious tax havens--Bermuda and the Cayman Islands. Madam Chairman, in 2010, U.S. companies earned $129 billion on three tiny island nations--Bermuda, the Cayman Islands, and the British Virgin Islands. As The New York Times recently pointed out, these islands have a total population of 147,400 individuals. That means, if you believe U.S. companies really earned that much in these locations, their profits worked out to be $873,000 per person. This is, of course, nonsense. Some of my colleagues may echo the cries of these tax-avoiding companies and say the real need here is for corporate tax reform, but many of these companies are currently paying a tax rate of zero percent--zero percent--so unless you believe corporate tax reform should eliminate taxes for U.S. companies, the argument simply does not hold water. Again, the amendment simply bans corporations, once incorporated in the United States, but have since incorporated in Bermuda or the Cayman Islands--a maneuver that is undertaken to avoid taxes--from receiving Federal contracts. We need to send a clear message that, if a company is going to abuse tax loopholes at the expense of businesses that are paying their fair share, they will not be rewarded with government contracts. I urge my colleagues to make a stand with me and pass this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, the appropriations bill before us includes only $100 million for the National Infrastructure Investment grants, otherwise known as TIGER grants. This is an 83 percent cut to this critical investment. This wrongheaded and foolish slashing of infrastructure monies will cost us far more than the money saved. TIGER grants have invested, as my colleagues have pointed out, in road, in rail, transit, and port projects that achieve vital national objectives all across this great Nation. Yet, the bill before us not only imposes a savage cut to the program, it restricts the use of these grants to highway, bridge, port, and freight rail intermodal projects only. It says that these are the only projects that can get done, meaning that transit, passenger rail, bike and pedestrian paths would no longer be eligible. Mr. Chairman, we face an infrastructure crisis in this country. The American Society of Civil Engineers has estimated that we need to invest $3.6 trillion by 2020 to bring our Nation's infrastructure back to good condition. We also face a job crisis in this country, and TIGER creates jobs. A study last year on the Economic Impact of Public Transportation Investment found that every $1 billion invested supports 21,800 jobs, and these are jobs that cannot be outsourced. It generates $3 billion of additional business sales, and $432 million in Federal, State, and local tax revenues. We need to invest in our national infrastructure. We need to support projects that make our communities more livable and sustainable. In this project's history, we have found that so many of our colleagues in Arkansas and Illinois, Ohio, Minnesota, Arizona, Iowa, Pennsylvania, and, yes, Connecticut, Georgia, Utah, Washington State, Idaho, Florida, Virginia, Maine, California, Nevada, North Carolina, many of whom have received more than one TIGER grant, with the results that, the reason why they wanted these grants was because, in fact, it does make that investment in infrastructure. It creates jobs and creates future economic growth. TIGER grants are an excellent way to do this that make our communities more livable, more sustainable, and we should support them. I urge my colleagues to oppose this deep and this dangerous cut. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, it is with great pleasure that I rise today to join the many friends, family and colleagues who have gathered to extend my heartfelt thanks and appreciation to Mara Saccente who served as a member of my District staff for 15 years. As a Caseworker and Scheduler, Mara dedicated an enormous amount of her personal time and energies to addressing the needs and concerns of the residents of Connecticut's 3rd Congressional District and I cannot thank her enough for all the outstanding work she has done. A native of Orange, Connecticut, during her senior year at the University of Connecticut, Mara spent the fall semester as an intern in my Washington, D.C. office. She was energetic and full of enthusiasm, assisting our press secretary and writing constituent correspondence. It was fortunate timing that upon her graduation, I had an opening for a caseworker in my District Office. Mara officially came on board on July 1, 1998. During the first three years of her tenure, she was responsible for a variety of casework areas including issues with Social Security, immigration, and the environment. Her compassion and understanding lent itself to the position and she thrived--the myriad of thank you notes she received is a testament to the difference she was able to make in the lives of others. As anyone in this Chamber can understand, the position of scheduling in a Congressional office requires a unique combination of patience and organization as well as the ability to manage the many personalities of constituents vying for your time. With a seemingly never ending list of events, invitations, and meetings coming in, in the twelve years that Mara served as my district scheduler, she managed to balance it all with both poise and integrity--earning a distinguished reputation among her colleagues and the many community members she interacted with every day. Though I can hardly figure out where she was able to find the time, Mara is also very involved with her community. A member of Or Shalom Synagogue, she served as Secretary of the Board of Directors, she has been a leader for her daughter's Girl Scouts troop, as well as an active member of the PTA and the local Democratic Town Committee. Mara's strong desire to give back to her community has made a real difference and serves as an example to us all of how one person's actions can enrich the lives of others. Mara has embarked on a new professional endeavor, however, she will always be more than just a staffer or a colleague--she is family. I, like all of those who have had the opportunity to work with her, will miss her. Today, I am honored to have this opportunity to extend my deepest thanks and sincere appreciation to Mara Saccente for all of her good work both on my behalf and that of the residents of the 3rd Congressional District. I wish her, her husband, Ken, and their children, Anna and Nathan, as well as her parents, Paul and Debbie Davis, the very best for many more years of health and happiness.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, it is with great pleasure that I rise today to join the many family, friends, and colleagues who have gathered today as the new UNITE HERE HEALTH healthcare center in Atlantic City, New Jersey celebrates its grand opening and is named in honor of an outstanding health care advocate and my dear friend, Elizabeth Gilbertson. Betsy has dedicated her professional life and much of her personal time to ensuring that everyone has access to affordable, quality health care. The dedication of this new health center in her honor is a testament to the extraordinary commitment she has shown to this effort as well as the distinguished reputation she has earned as an advocate healthcare provider. From the earliest days of her career Betsy combined her passion for advocacy with that of her belief that quality, affordable healthcare was a right, not a privilege. As a member of the Connecticut Nurses Association and District 1199, New England SEIU, Betsy represented her fellow nurses in collective bargaining. She also led a non-profit women's health center before joining UNITE HERE HEALTH, a Taft-Hartley labor management trust fund that aims to provide health benefits that offer high quality, affordable health care to their participants, where she held a number of leadership roles prior to her current position as Chief of Strategy. Betsy's dedication to quality, affordable healthcare extends far beyond her professional career. She has served on National Quality Forum Task Forces on patient safety and ambulatory care measures; was founder as well as Chair/Co-Chair of the Health Services Coalition, a labor- management organization that contracts with hospitals and advocates for public policies that improve quality health care, affordability, and access in Nevada; and was a Board member of the National Committee for Quality Assurance for five years. Today she continues her good work serving on the Lown Institute Advisory Council and the federal Interagency Pain Research Coordinating Committee. I would be remiss if I did not extend a special note of thanks to Betsy for her many years of friendship, support, and guidance. She has not only been an invaluable resource to me on healthcare issues, but a cherished friend. I, like so many of those who have the opportunity to work with her, continued to be inspired by her passion and compassion. I consider myself fortunate to call her my friend. Betsy's commitment to quality, affordable healthcare, not only for the members UNITE HERE HEALTH but for all, is unparalleled and it is no surprise that the labor and management Trustees of UNITE HERE HEALTH voted unanimously to honor her service to this organization by naming this new center in her honor. I am so proud to join her husband, John Wilhelm, their children Tom and Vinnie, their grandson, Alonzo, and the many family, friends, and colleagues who have gathered in extending my heartfelt congratulations to Elizabeth B. Gilbertson on this very special occasion.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, it is with great pleasure that I rise today to join the many family, friends, and colleagues who have gathered to celebrate the 40th Pastoral Anniversary of my good friend, the Reverend J. Cletus Kiley. Over the course of his 40 years as a priest, Father Kiley has served the church and his congregations with great dedication and commitment. Today, as he reflects on all that he has accomplished through his ministry, he can be proud of the impact he has had on the lives of so many. Father Kiley has a rich and diverse career with the church. A priest of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Chicago, in his earliest years he served as a member of Cardinal Bernardin's Cabinet and Director for Personnel Services for the Archdiocese of Chicago. Having studied at the Centro de Artes y Lenguas in Cuernavaca, Mexico as well as the Seminario Arcivescovile di Milano in Venegono, Italy, Father Kiley is fluent in both Spanish and Italian. His trilingual knowledge was particularly helpful during his service as Acting Vicar for Religious, Chairman of the Comision del Plan Pastoral Hispano and as Asesor for El Movimiento del Encuentro Conyugal Arquidiocesano, and as an Associate Dean of Formation and spiritual director at Mundelein Seminary. Father Kiley went on to serve as Rector/President of Niles College Seminary/St. Joseph College Seminary at Loyola University where he developed and implemented a new strategic plan that led to the relocation of the seminary on to the main campus of Loyola University. Before joining the Conference of Bishops where he was Executive Director of the Secretariat for Priestly Life and Ministry, Fr. Kiley was pastor of St. Agnes of Bohemia parish in Chicago, one of the largest parishes in Chicago serving over 5,000 immigrant families. In June of 2006, Father Kiley became the President and CEO of the Faith & Politics Institute and during his four-year tenure he worked closely with members of Congress from both political parties. He hosted an annual program for members of Congress and members of the Labor and Business communities to reflect on the lives and issues of importance to America's working people, oversaw the development of a dialogue group for over 35 Senate chiefs of staff, and conducted weekly reflection groups for members of Congress. I, along with many of my colleagues, consider it fortunate that the Congress has had such a dedicated and compassionate advocate working with us. Today, Father Kiley continues his ministerial work as the Director for Immigration Policy for UNITE HERE where he works on immigration reform strategies with the union's national leadership and its local members throughout the country. He serves as a staff member to the Immigration Committee of the AFL-CIO. He also works with a variety of allies including serving on the steering committee for the Justice for Immigrants Initiative of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops and is a Senior Fellow at the Institute for Policy Research and Catholic Studies at the Catholic University of America. Father Kiley also oversees a project to train a new generation of Catholic Labor priests with more than 125 priests now a part of this network. The initiative is housed at the National Federation of Priests' Councils and done in consultation with the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops. The initiative was recently endorsed by the U.S. Association of Catholic Priests and was honored by the Association of Chicago Priests. As a religious leader, advocate, mentor and friend, Father Kiley has touched the lives of thousands--helping to shape public policy and improving the quality of life for those most in need. Through all of his good work he has inspired others to join in his efforts--instilling hope and promise in all of those who have had the good fortune to work with him. His spiritual guidance has nourished the souls of many and his compassion has encouraged others to give more of themselves. Today, as he celebrates his 40th year as a priest, he continues to make a difference in the lives of others--his work a reflection of the heart of Catholic teachings. I am proud to extend my deepest thanks and appreciation as well as my heart-felt congratulations to Father J. Cletus Kiley as he celebrates this very special milestone. Happy 40th Anniversary and best wishes for many more years of success.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, today, friends, family and colleagues will gather to pay tribute to one of our community's most outstanding citizens. I am proud to stand today and join the Connecticut Anti- Defamation League as they honor Mark G. Sklarz with the 2014 Greater New Haven Torch of Liberty Award. Our communities would not be the same without the efforts of individuals whose work benefits our families and neighborhoods. Each year, the Connecticut Anti-Defamation League presents the prestigious Torch of Liberty Award to an outstanding leader in the community, recognizing their unique commitment and dedication. Mark is a remarkable reflection of the spirit of community service. With extraordinary compassion and generosity, he has touched the lives of many throughout the Greater New Haven community. A partner in the Corporate and Business Law Department of Day Pitney, LLP, Mark is an active member of the New Haven County and Connecticut Bar Associations, serving as vice chair of the Business Law Section of the CBA as well as a member of the organization's Executive Committees of the Business Law and Tax Sections. He was a longtime member of the Connecticut Bar Examining Committee, a twenty-four member committee charged with the responsibility of determining whether candidates are qualified to be admitted to the Connecticut bar. Mark was also a member of the Business Taxation and Real Estate, Probate, and Trust Law Sections of the American Bar Association. He has enjoyed great success in his professional career, earning a distinguished reputation among his colleagues and the community alike. Mark has made many invaluable contributions through his professional career, however, it has been through his personal service to our community that he has made a real difference and touched the lives of many. Chairman and Past President of the Board of the Jewish Federation of Greater New Haven, President of First City Fund Corporation, past president of Congregation Mishkan Israel and the Jewish Community Center of Greater New Haven, as well as a past member of the Board of Trustees of the Hopkins School in New Haven, he has left an indelible mark on our community. Mark's extraordinary generosity and compassion is reflected in the myriad of awards and honors he has received including the Hopkins School Medal for distinguished service and the Gold Ring award from the New Haven Boys Club Alumni Association. It is my honor and privilege to stand today to join his wife, Judy, their children, Jeff and his wife Karen and Rick and his wife Cambra, as well as the Connecticut Anti-Defamation League and the New Haven community in paying tribute to Mark G. Sklarz for his invaluable contributions. Every community should be so fortunate as to have such a selfless, dedicated individual who so willingly commits his time and energy to enriching the community and improving the quality of life for all.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Chair, I rise in support of Congresswoman Esty's amendment, which strikes a dangerous rider that would bar the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives from enforcing a reporting requirement on certain semiautomatic weapons in four southwest border States. It is over 16 months since the tragedy in Newtown, Connecticut, where six adults and 20 children were murdered in cold blood. It has been almost a week since the latest mass tragedy that occurred in California. Nineteen people were shot, and four were killed in New Orleans last weekend. Even before what happened at UC Santa Barbara, over 80 Americans were killed by guns last week, and all of the families who have lost loved ones--the families in Newtown, in Santa Barbara, and all across America--are still waiting for Congress to act. It is no secret that the appropriations bills have been used to incrementally chip away at the Federal Government's ability to enforce the gun laws and to protect the public from gun crime. This is yet another example of the same bad behavior. Currently, licensed gun dealers in Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas are required to report to the National Tracing Center when a dealer sells multiple assault rifles to one individual, just as all dealers have reported multiple handgun sales for over 20 years. This requirement is narrowly tailored, applying only to the sales of rifles that are semiautomatic, that are greater than the .22 caliber, and that hold a detachable magazine. Multiple assault rifle sales reports help law enforcement crack down on gun trafficking along the southwest border, where dealers are disproportionately fueling Mexican cartel violence. This reporting requirement is effective. During the first 8 months it was in effect, the ATF initiated 120 investigations based on reports of multiple sales of assault rifles and recommended the prosecution of more than 100 defendants in 25 separate cases. Furthermore, every Federal court has addressed this issue and has found that requiring dealers in these four border States to report multiple assault rifle sales is well within the ATF's authority. This requirement is critical to identifying straw purchasers who put guns in the hands of criminals. I urge my colleagues to support this commonsense amendment that will continue to give ATF the tools it needs to combat gun trafficking and to keep the public safe.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, it is with the greatest pride that I rise today to join the many family, friends, and colleagues who have gathered in celebration of Teresa C. Younger, former Executive Director of the Connecticut Permanent Commission on the Status of Women, who has left that post to begin her new position as President/CEO of the MS. Foundation for Women. Though certainly a loss for Connecticut, it is an extraordinary opportunity for this remarkable woman. Teresa is among the most genuine, committed and talented people that I have had the pleasure of working with. I first met her thirteen years ago when she served as, not only the first woman, but the first African American Executive Director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Connecticut. I was immediately struck by her wealth of knowledge and seemingly boundless energy. Since that time she has continued to build an impeccable reputation among all of those fortunate enough to work with her. Over the course of the last decade, I have worked closely with Teresa in her role as the Executive Director of Connecticut's Permanent Commission on the Status of Women, the largest women's non-partisan public policy legislative commission in the country. She has led the battle and given voice to women on policies critical to leveling the playing field. From pay equity, minimum wage, protections for sexual assault victims, and securing earned paid sick leave to access to quality, affordable health care, supports for working families including child care, education and job training programs, her leadership has helped to make Connecticut a leader in the nation on those issues that most impact women and their families. She is a bastion of knowledge and a wealth of energy--never backing away from the right fight. Teresa has not only been a partner but a friend. I cannot count the number of times I have reached out to her to coordinate efforts on a variety of issues and educational platforms--and she has delivered every time. Teresa is also the volunteer president of the board of the Girl Scouts of Connecticut, a member of the board of the Women's Campaign School at Yale University as well as the Hunt Alternative Fund's national Political Parity Leadership Team. In 2010, she was one of eight women selected from Connecticut to travel to Saudi Arabia as part of the Global Women's Leadership Institute and in 2009 she was chosen to participate in the National Council of State Legislatures Legislative Management Institute. Quite simply, she is everywhere, all the time--respected and trusted by all. Teresa's daily presence will be missed and though her professional career will take her from Connecticut, I have no doubt that she will continue to make a difference in our state and in our communities. Teresa C. Younger is an exceptional leader, advocate, friend, and mentor and I consider myself fortunate to call her my friend. I wish her and her husband, Ronald Preston, all the best as she begins this new endeavor. With her extraordinary passion, unique vision, and unparalleled commitment, I have no doubt she will enjoy great success.

Ms. DeLAURO

Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, today, friends, family and colleagues will gather to pay tribute to one of our community's most outstanding citizens. I am proud to stand today and join the Connecticut Anti- Defamation League as they honor Carlton L. Highsmith with the 2014 Greater New Haven Torch of Liberty Award. Our communities would not be the same without the efforts of individuals whose work benefits our families and neighborhoods. Each year, the Connecticut Anti-Defamation League presents the prestigious Torch of Liberty Award to an outstanding leader in the community, recognizing their unique commitment and dedication. Carlton is a remarkable reflection of the spirit of community service. With extraordinary compassion and generosity, he has touched the lives of many throughout the Greater New Haven community. A corporate executive turned successful business owner, Carlton is a reflection of the American entrepreneurial spirit upon which our nation was built. He founded Specialized Packaging Group in New Haven in 1983 and over the course of the next two decades led the company as it grew to employ 600 people with 11 locations across North America. Following its merger with Paperworks Industry Inc., Carlton stayed on as Vice Chairman of the Board until his retirement four years ago. He continues his involvement with the business and education communities as a member of the Board of Directors of First Niagra Bank, the Connecticut Center for Arts and Technology and the National Center for Arts and Technology. He also serves as the Vice Chair of Quinnipiac University's Board of Trustees, a member of the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston's New England Economic Advisory Council. Co-Chairman of the Career Advancement Committee of the Connecticut Employment and Training Commission and a member of the Board of Visitors of the University of Wisconsin-Madison, his alma mater. The difference Carlton has made in our community extends far beyond his professional contributions. Having served as Chair of I Have a Dream, Chairman of the Finance Board of the Dixwell Avenue Congregational Church, a Director of Achievement First, a Director of Amistad Academy Charter School, and a Trustee of Yale-New Haven Hospital, his generosity, compassion, and leadership has enriched the New Haven community--making it a better place to live, learn and grow. Through his invaluable professional contributions and his unparalleled service to our community, Carlton has left an indelible mark on our community. Together with his wife, Leta, their children Alexis and her husband Ken and Jennifer and her husband Larry, it is my honor and privilege to stand today to join the Connecticut Anti- Defamation League and the New Haven community in paying tribute to Carlton L. Highsmith for his invaluable contributions. Every community should be so fortunate as to have such a selfless, dedicated individual who so willingly commits his time and energy to enriching the community and improving the quality of life for all.