Mike DeWine

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from New Mexico. I will try to be brief. I rise today to support the bill my colleague from New Mexico, Senator Domenici, and Senator Byrd, have brought to the floor. This bill has great significance in my home State, but I think it also has great significance for this country. I rise today to express my strong support for this bill. Our steel industry today is in trouble. Why? I think as we engage in this debate we need to start at the beginning of the story. To my colleagues who have risen on the floor this afternoon opposed to this bill, I would point out one thing that I think their comments have failed to reflect; that is, we are here today because of illegal activity. We are here today because of illegal dumping of steel into the United States. That is an uncontroverted fact. That is what the truth is. That is what the finding has been. Steel has been dumped repeatedly, month after month after month, and it has been dumped illegally. That has been the findings. That is why we are here today. Last year, U.S. steel producers had to withstand an onslaught of illegally imported steel. In 1998, 41 million tons were dumped. That represented an 83-percent increase of imported steel for the previous 8 years. In other words, if you took the previous 8 years and looked at the amount of imported steel on the average for those 8 years, what you would find is that when we got to 1998, and compared 1998 to the previous 8 years, it went up 83 percent. That is a phenomenal increase in the importation of steel. It is no accident. This was clearly dumped. Many steel companies are, obviously, reporting financial losses, most attributable to the high levels of illegal steel imports. It has been estimated that 10,000 Americans--10,000 workers, 10,000 families--have already lost their jobs because of this illegal dumping. The Independent Steelworkers predict job losses as high as 165,000, if steel dumping is not stopped. I introduced a bill. Some of my colleagues in the Senate have introduced other bills--Senator Byrd, Senator Rockefeller, Senator Specter, Senator Santorum. It is legislation that we will be taking up shortly. I believe it is time for action. All eyes of this country and the world are today on the Senate. The question is, Will we respond to this crisis? Certainly a good first step would be the adoption of the bill before us, Senator Byrd's steel emergency loan guarantee program. This loan program is designed to help troubled steel producers that have been hurt by the record levels of illegally imported steel. For many companies, this program is the only hope they have to keep their mills alive and their workers working. Specifically, the program would provide qualified U.S. producers with access to a 2-year $1 billion revolving guarantee loan fund. In order to qualify, steel producers would be required to give substantive assurances that they would repay the loans. A strong and healthy steel industry is absolutely vital to our country. It is vital to our national defense. This bill has a lot to do with national defense. It is essential, if we are going to have the national defense we want--if we are going to have the security we want in this country--that we always have a vibrant, energetic, tough steel industry. This bill speaks to that issue. This bill also has to do with an even bigger issue; that is, whether or not in this country we are going to continue to make things and manufacture things and be producers. There are some people who have been quoted--some people even in this administration who have been quoted--saying things which would give you the impression they really do not care if we produce things anymore, that being a service-driven economy and an information-driven economy is enough. While service is good and information is good, and they produce jobs, we still have to produce. We still must be a manufacturing country, if we are going to retain our greatness. Fortunately, today, our steel industry is a highly efficient and globally competitive industry. It wasn't too many years ago that the critics of the steel industry, sometimes very correctly, would criticize the industry. They would say: You are fat, you are flabby, you are not tough enough, you are not lean enough, you have to invest, you have to modernize, and you have to do things differently. As a result of that, and as a result of some very tough times in the 1970s and 1980s, the steel industry in this country did that. They did it. They invested billions of dollars. They modernized. They made the tough and the hard decisions that they had to make to be efficient. Yes, the workers made sacrifices as well. The unions made sacrifices as well. Everyone knew they had to pull together. It was not always easy, but the result is that we have a steel industry today in this country that is better than any steel industry in the world. If you strip away the subsidies by other countries that are subsidizing their steel industries, you will find that we can compete with any company in the world--with any country in the world--in the production of steel. Yet, despite all of this great effort, despite this modernization, our steel producers face a number of unfair trade practices and market distortions that are having devastating impacts in Ohio and other steel-producing States. That is not just Mike DeWine speaking. Those are the findings that have been made. I have heard about this crisis firsthand from industry and labor leaders. In fact, I have looked into the eyes of steelworkers, whether it be in Steubenville, OH, or in Cleveland, OH, or in other places. All they want is a fair chance to compete and a fair chance to recover from the illegal dumping that has already taken place. One of the things I point out is that one of the reasons for this bill, despite our other bills that we hope to pass in this session, is they do not in any way stop the illegal dumping that has already taken place, and has taken place for well over a year. So this bill is needed to rectify some of the problems that have been created by this illegal dumping. Many steel companies are in serious trouble and are in desperate need of immediate assistance. The short-term loans that would be provided under this program will provide that very assistance without burdening taxpayers, because if steel plants close, if workers lose their jobs, taxpayers would be forced to pay for unemployment compensation, food stamps, Medicaid, housing assistance, Medicare, and on and on and on, all of which will certainly exceed the total cost of this program. Again, the steel companies are required to repay the loan within 6 years, provide collateral, and pay a fee to cover the cost of administering the program. I am a free trader. I believe free trade, though, does not exist without fair trade. Free trade does not mean free to subsidize. Free trade does not mean free to dump. Free trade does not mean free to distort the market. That is exactly what has been taking place month after month after month. Our trade laws are designed to enforce these basic principles. However, the current steel crisis underscores flaws and weaknesses in our current laws. I am, therefore, pleased the majority leader has indicated he has reserved time within the next several weeks to deal with many of these other problems, and to look at some of the remedies, proposed remedies that I and some of my colleagues have proposed. The House has already acted. I believe it is time for us to act. Today we have an opportunity to help an industry that throughout its long and illustrious history has been there for our country, has been there for our national defense. We should pass this bill and commit to adopting meaningful legislation to deal with the steel import crisis. I thank my colleague, Senator Domenici, for his leadership on this bill, Senator Byrd for his tireless efforts, Senator Rockefeller and the other members of the Senate steel caucus who have worked on this issue. This bill will help. This bill will save jobs. This is about our national security. I emphasize how important I think it is as our colleagues consider the merits of this bill that they remind themselves of one basic fact: We are in the Senate today to consider this bill because illegal dumping took place and it took place month after month after month after month. The steel companies, the steelworkers did nothing wrong; they did everything right. They modernized, they made the sacrifices. They want the opportunity to compete. Given that free opportunity, they will not only compete, they will win. I thank my colleague for yielding time to me.

Mr. DeWINE. I would like to speak for about 10 minutes.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, the Fernald site in Cincinnati, OH, has done a truly remarkable job of working with the Department of Energy in carrying out critically important environmental clean-up and restoration missions. More specifically, the clean-up at Fernald has garnered broad-based stakeholder support and is moving along ahead of schedule. More important, the Fernald site has pioneered the accelerated 10 year clean-up plan, which will save taxpayers several billion dollars. All of this has been accomplished while managing the site at or below the Department's appropriated budget for the project. I see the distinguished Chairman of the Energy and Water Subcommittee on the floor and wanted to be sure he is aware of the efforts underway at Fernald.

Mr. DeWINE. I thank my friend and distinguished colleague from New Mexico for his leadership on this important issue to the citizens of Cincinnati. bureau of reclamation dam safety research

Mr. DeWINE. I thank the Chairman of the Subcommittee. Does the Chairman agree that to further the proceedings, the Department of Energy should support the accelerated clean-up plan in place?

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise today to express my strong support for the bill before us today, and specifically the ``Emergency Steel Loan Guarantee Program'' provision authored by our distinguished colleague Senator Robert Byrd. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Senator Byrd for his hard work, determination, and persistence in bringing this important measure to the floor. Our steel industry is in trouble. Since last year, U.S. steel producers have had to withstand an onslaught of illegally imported steel. In 1998, 41 million tons were dumped--an 83 percent increase over the amounts imported for the previous eight years. Many steel companies are reporting financial losses, most attributed to the high levels of illegal steel imports. It is estimated that approximately 10,000 steelworkers have lost their jobs. The Independent Steel Workers predict job losses of as many as 165,000 if steel dumping is not stopped. I, along with many of my Senate colleagues like Senators Byrd, Rockefeller, and Specter, have introduced legislation to help our steel industry. It is time for action. All eyes are on the U.S. Senate to respond to the crisis. A good first step would be the adoption of Senator Byrd's Steel Emergency Loan Guarantee Program. This loan program is designed to help troubled steel producers who have been hurt by the record levels of illegally imported steel. For many companies, this program is the only hope they have to keep their mills alive. Specifically, the program would provide qualified U.S. producers with access to a two-year, $1 billion revolving guaranteed loan fund. In order to qualify, steel producers would be required to give substantive assurances that they will repay the loans. A board chaired by the Secretary of Commerce would oversee the program. The program will cost $140 million, all of which has been fully offset with other reductions in spending. A strong and healthy domestic steel industry is vital to our nation. Fortunately, our steel industry is a highly efficient and globally competitive industry. Yet, despite this modernization, our steel producers face a number of unfair trade practices and market distortions that are having a devastating impact in Ohio and other steel-producing states. I have heard firsthand from industry and labor leaders about the crisis. Many steel companies are in serious trouble and are in desperate need of immediate assistance. The short term loans that would be provided under Senator Byrd's program will provide that assistance without burdening taxpayers. If steel plants close, taxpayers will be forced to pay for unemployment compensation, food stamps, Medicaid, housing assistance, child care, community adjustment assistance, and worker retraining--all of which will exceed the total cost of this program. Again, the steel companies are required to repay the loan within six years, provide collateral, and pay a fee to cover the costs of administering the program. The Commerce Department has identified 10 companies that may qualify for the program. I am a free trader. And I believe free trade does not exist without fair trade. Free trade does not mean free to subsidize, free to dump, free to distort the market. Our trade laws are designed to enforce those principles. However, the current steel crisis underscores flaws and weaknesses in those laws. I am pleased that the Majority Leader has scheduled time next week to deal with the issue of steel dumping. The House has already acted. It is time for us to act. Today, we have an opportunity to help an industry that throughout its long and illustrious history has been there for our country. Let us pass this bill and commit to adopting meaningful legislation to deal with the steel import crisis. I thank Senator Byrd for his tireless efforts in standing up for Steel. I cannot think of a more dedicated champion on this issue. I know my colleagues in the Steel Caucus as well as the hard-working steel producers and steel workers across America are very proud of his efforts.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise today to make a few remarks about a serious threat to my home state of Ohio and to thank the honorable chairman and ranking member of the Energy and Water Appropriations Subcommittee and Senator Levin for helping me to address this threat. Mr. President, sometimes big problems come in small packages. Today, Lake Erie--and just about every other body of water in the Midwest--are threatened by a very small and unwanted intruder, the zebra mussel. This small but prodigious mussel is just one of the many invasive species that have entered this country and which threaten to degrade the natural resource capital of virtually every U.S. waterway and coastal area. Free of their natural predators and other limiting environmental factors, alien species like the zebra mussel often cause grave economic harm as they foul or otherwise damage public infrastructure. In the late 1980s, the zebra mussel was discovered in Lake St. Clair, having arrived from eastern Europe through the discharge of ballast water from European freighters. The species spread rapidly to 20 states and as far as the mouth of the Mississippi River. U.S. expenditures to control zebra mussels and clean water intake pipes, water filtration equipment, and electric generating plants and other damages are estimated at $3.1 billion over 10 years. In Ohio, the zebra mussel poses a particular threat to public water intake systems. Ohio has more than 1,900 facilities that collectively withdraw over 10 billion gallons of water per day. The costs to remove or prevent infestations of zebra mussels in large surface water intakes can exceed $350,000 annually. The mussels threaten native wildlife in Ohio by competing for the food of native fish by filtering algae and other plankton from the water. They have also been shown to accumulate contaminants which can be passed up the food chain. During the summer of 1995, they were implicated as the probable cause of a large bloom of toxic algae in the Western Basin of Lake Erie. The frequency of these large and destructive blooms has increased as the mussels spread through the lake. Since 1988, zebra mussels in Ohio have spread to 10 inland lakes and 6 streams. Mr. President, along with my esteemed colleague and co-chairman of the Great Lakes Task Force, Senator Levin, I urged funding for the effective implementation of a program to help mitigate the impact of zebra mussels in United States waters. Today, I want to thank Senator Domenici and Senator Reid for continuing to fund important research to control the damage caused by the zebra mussel. While other agencies work to limit the introduction of new species into U.S. waters, the Army Corps of Engineers has the responsibility under the National Invasive Species Act (NISA) of developing better means for managing those pest species already established. NISA expands existing authority for the Army Corps to research, develop and demonstrate environmentally sound techniques for removing zebra mussels and other aquatic nuisance species from public facilities, such as municipal water works. As the range of the zebra mussel expands, control is being undertaken by more and more raw water users. Without the benefit of this research, the control methods chosen may be less efficient, and less environmentally sound than necessary. With the help of Senators Domenici and Reid and Levin I am glad to say that this bill will provide $1.5 million to continue this important work. The National Invasive Species Act of 1996, which I cosponsored and which reauthorized and expanded the Nonindigenous Aquatic Nuisance Prevention and Control Act, received strong bipartisan and multi- regional support in both chambers, and the full support of the administration, the maritime industry and environmental community. Funding for NISA programs is essential if the benefits of the law are to be realized. Mr. President, again I want to thank Senator Domenici and Senator Reid for their attention to this matter.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, this amendment, which I offer along with Senator Voinovich, would fix an unintended oversight in veterans' educational benefits. This amendment is similar to legislation I introduced along with my distinguished Ohio colleague in the House of Representatives, Congressman Bob Ney, who is the leader of this effort. Currently, the law allows qualified veterans to receive their monthly educational assistance benefits when they are enrolled at educational institutions during periods between terms, if the period does not exceed 4 weeks. This allowance was established to enable enrolled veterans to continue to receive their benefits during the December/ January holidays. The problem with the current time period is that it only covers veterans enrolled at educational institutions that operate on the semester system. Obviously, many educational institutions, including several in Ohio, work on the quarter system, which can have a vacation period of eight weeks between the first and second quarters during the winter holiday season. As a result, many veterans unfairly lose their benefits during this period because of the institution's course structure. Mr. President, it is my understanding that some educational institutions that have a sizable veteran enrollment frequently create a one credit hour course on military history or a similar topic specifically geared towards veterans in order for them to remain enrolled and eligible for their educational benefits. It is my understanding that, the cost of extending the current eligibility period to eight weeks would have a minimal, if not negligible, cost. The Department of Veterans' Administration has recognized the need to correct this oversight and assisted in the drafting of this legislation and has given it their full support. I have no doubt that this very simple fix will be well-received by our veterans and the educational institutions that operate under the quarter system. I already know that Wright State University, Bowling Green State University, Ohio University and Methodist Theological School in Ohio have expressed their support for this legislation. I urge my colleagues to support this common sense fix and allow all veterans to receive the uninterrupted educational assistance they earned. amendment no. 511 (Purpose: To authorize the transfer of a naval vessel to Thailand) In title X, at the end of subtitle B, insert the following:

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, last year the Congress provided an $800 million down payment to restore viability to our counter drug eradication and interdiction strategy in the region. This funding was the first installment of the Western Hemisphere Drug Elimination Act, which was passed as part of last year's omnibus appropriations bill. Our goal is to reduce significantly the flow of cocaine and heroine flowing into the United States. This would be done by driving up drug trafficking costs, reducing drug availability, and ultimately keeping these horrendous drugs out of the reach of our children. We made great progress last year to secure the funds for an enhanced counter-drug strategy. Today, I am seeking additional resources for this important national security interest. Today, Senator Coverdell and I are offering an amendment that would authorize more funds for Defense counter-drug programs. This amendment is taken from a provision contained in S. 5, the Drug Free Century Act, which I introduced with seven of my Senate colleagues. Mr. President, since the late 1980's, the Department of Defense has been called upon to support counter narcotics activities in transit areas in the Caribbean, and these dedicated members of our armed services have done an extraordinary job. Unfortunately, we in the Congress, and those all over the United States, are keenly aware that the Armed Forces of the United States are being stretched too thin. With the ongoing hostilities against Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and the enormous air campaign against Slobodan Milosevic in Kosovo, material and manpower dedicated to the interdiction of drugs entering our country have been diverted to these ``higher priority'' duties, leaving the drug transit areas vulnerable and unguarded. In addition, this year we have seen the closure of Howard Air Force Base in Panama, which causes the United States to lose a premier airfield for conducting counter-drug aerial detection and monitoring missions. Without this aerial surveillance of the coca fields and production sites in Colombia, and the major transit areas for bringing cocaine into the United States, timely and actionable intelligence cannot be relayed to the Colombian government forces in time for seizure and eradication actions. Fortunately, the current bill already would authorize $42.8 million for the creation of forward operating locations to replace the capability lost with the closure of Howard Air Force Base. These sites will be critical to the continuing ability of the U.S. Armed Forces and law enforcement agencies to effectively detect and interdict illegal drug traffic. However, it will take time to get these sites identified and operational. Mr. President, that is why this amendment is timely and important. Our amendment would shore up deficient funding in the critical areas of intelligence gathering, monitoring, and tracking of suspect drug activity heading toward the United States. This amendment would provide authorization for an additional $59.2 million in counter-drug intelligence gathering and interdiction operations. We need to have a reliable and efficient means of monitoring, identifying, and tracking suspect traffickers before assigning interdiction aircraft or marine craft to intercept. The key to our success is accurate intelligence. Without accurate intelligence, we are wasting time and valuable resources. This amendment would enable such intelligence gathering technologies as a CONUS-based, over-the-horizon radar that could be used in detecting and tracking both air and maritime targets in the eastern Pacific and Mexico. This technology would greatly enhance the ability of law enforcement agencies of both the United States and Mexico to interdict and disrupt shipments of narcotics destined for the United States. This amendment also would authorize funds for enhanced intelligence capabilities such as signals intelligence, collections, and translation that would significantly improve the overall effectiveness of the counter drug effort. Mr. President, it is time to renew drug interdiction efforts, provide the necessary equipment to our drug-enforcement agencies, and make the issue a national priority once again. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment and help turn the tide of the drug crisis in our country. amendment no. 533 (Purpose: Expressing the Sense of the Senate regarding settlement of claims with respect to the deaths of members of the United States Air Force resulting from the accident off Namibia on September 13, 1997) At the appropriate place insert the following:

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, today I rise to introduce legislation that will increase our nation's investment in pediatric research. Despite the medical breakthroughs that have been made by health researchers in recent years, it is obvious that health care research is under funded. I have joined with many senators to express support for doubling the budget at HIH for biomedical research. I will continue to fight for this increased funding so that NIH can expand its research efforts. An increase in funding is especially needed to improve our knowledge about illnesses and conditions affecting children. Children under age 12 represent 30 percent of the population--and yet, NIH devotes less than 12 percent of its budget to their needs. There has been a growing consensus that children's health deserves more attention from the research community. The bill I am introducing today would help us begin to remedy the need for stronger investment in children's health research. I thank Senator Bond for joining with me in sponsoring this important legislation. This bill would authorize the Pediatric Research Initiative within the Office of the Director of National Institutes of Health (NIH) to encourage, coordinate, support, develop, and recognize pediatric research. The bill would authorize $50 million annually for the next three years. During the last three years, I worked with my colleagues to fund this important Initiative and as a result, it received $5 million in fiscal year (FY) 1997, $38.5 million in FY 1998, and at least $38.5 million in FY 1999. I look forward to working with my colleagues again to continue on the path toward reaching the necessary funding level. Under this bill, the Initiative would provide $45 million over the next three years to encourage new initiatives and promising areas of pediatric research. It would also promote greater coordination in children's health research. Today, there are some 20 Institutes and Centers and Offices within NIH that do something in the way of pediatrics. In my view, we need to bring some level of coordination and focus to these efforts. In developing this Initiative, I have made sure that it would give the Director of NIH as much discretion as possible. The money has to be spent on outside research, so that the dollars flow out to the private sector--but it can go toward basic research or clinical research. This bill does not create any new Office, Center, or Institute. I would simply authorize funding for more research and better research coordination for children--not infrastructure. In addition to authorizing the Initiative, the legislation would authorize new funding, through the National Institutes of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), for pediatric research training grants to provide a major increase in support for training additional pediatric research scientists. We need to strengthen our national investment in pediatric research training. The supply of pediatrician scientists needs to increase if we are to fulfill the new NIH policies that require the participation of children in NIH-funded clinical trials and the new Food and Drug Administration (FDA) policies that require the testing of drugs for use by children before they can receive FDA approval. The number of pediatricians training to become subspecialists--the potential supply of future pediatrician scientists--is declining. The number of medical school pediatric departments that receive significant NIH research training grant support is limited--fewer than half receive any NIH research training grants. Many pediatricians in training have little or no exposure to research. Together, the Pediatric Research Initiative and the pediatric research training grants are crucial investments in our country's future--and will produce great returns. If we focus on improving health care for our children, we'll set the stage for them becoming healthy adults. This important legislation has the support of the pediatric research community in children's hopsitals and university pediatric departments all over the country, including the National Association of Children's Hospitals, Association of Medical School Pediatric Department Chairmen, American Pediatric Society, and Society for Pediatric Research, as well as the Juvenile Diabetes Foundation International, March of Dimes, Association of Ohio Children's Hospitals, and many more I urge my colleagues to support this investment in our children and cosponsor this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the text of my legislation be printed in the Record.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, today I rise to introduce legislation that will increase our nation's investment in pediatric research. Despite the medical breakthroughs that have been made by health researchers in recent years, it is obvious that health care research is under funded. I have joined with many senators to express support for doubling the budget at HIH for biomedical research. I will continue to fight for this increased funding so that NIH can expand its research efforts. An increase in funding is especially needed to improve our knowledge about illnesses and conditions affecting children. Children under age 12 represent 30 percent of the population--and yet, NIH devotes less than 12 percent of its budget to their needs. There has been a growing consensus that children's health deserves more attention from the research community. The bill I am introducing today would help us begin to remedy the need for stronger investment in children's health research. I thank Senator Bond for joining with me in sponsoring this important legislation. This bill would authorize the Pediatric Research Initiative within the Office of the Director of National Institutes of Health (NIH) to encourage, coordinate, support, develop, and recognize pediatric research. The bill would authorize $50 million annually for the next three years. During the last three years, I worked with my colleagues to fund this important Initiative and as a result, it received $5 million in fiscal year (FY) 1997, $38.5 million in FY 1998, and at least $38.5 million in FY 1999. I look forward to working with my colleagues again to continue on the path toward reaching the necessary funding level. Under this bill, the Initiative would provide $45 million over the next three years to encourage new initiatives and promising areas of pediatric research. It would also promote greater coordination in children's health research. Today, there are some 20 Institutes and Centers and Offices within NIH that do something in the way of pediatrics. In my view, we need to bring some level of coordination and focus to these efforts. In developing this Initiative, I have made sure that it would give the Director of NIH as much discretion as possible. The money has to be spent on outside research, so that the dollars flow out to the private sector--but it can go toward basic research or clinical research. This bill does not create any new Office, Center, or Institute. I would simply authorize funding for more research and better research coordination for children--not infrastructure. In addition to authorizing the Initiative, the legislation would authorize new funding, through the National Institutes of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), for pediatric research training grants to provide a major increase in support for training additional pediatric research scientists. We need to strengthen our national investment in pediatric research training. The supply of pediatrician scientists needs to increase if we are to fulfill the new NIH policies that require the participation of children in NIH-funded clinical trials and the new Food and Drug Administration (FDA) policies that require the testing of drugs for use by children before they can receive FDA approval. The number of pediatricians training to become subspecialists--the potential supply of future pediatrician scientists--is declining. The number of medical school pediatric departments that receive significant NIH research training grant support is limited--fewer than half receive any NIH research training grants. Many pediatricians in training have little or no exposure to research. Together, the Pediatric Research Initiative and the pediatric research training grants are crucial investments in our country's future--and will produce great returns. If we focus on improving health care for our children, we'll set the stage for them becoming healthy adults. This important legislation has the support of the pediatric research community in children's hopsitals and university pediatric departments all over the country, including the National Association of Children's Hospitals, Association of Medical School Pediatric Department Chairmen, American Pediatric Society, and Society for Pediatric Research, as well as the Juvenile Diabetes Foundation International, March of Dimes, Association of Ohio Children's Hospitals, and many more I urge my colleagues to support this investment in our children and cosponsor this bill. I ask unanimous consent that the text of my legislation be printed in the Record.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise today to honor a great Ohioan and a good friend. On May 20, Oliver Ocasek will receive the YMCA of the USA's Volunteerism Award--in honor of his more than 50 years of service to youth organizations. It was a great privilege for me to serve with Oliver Ocasek in the State Senate, and I can tell you from personal experience he was an extremely valuable legislator throughout his 28 years in the Senate. He realized then, and realizes now, that one of the most important things we can do--as legislators, parents and citizens--is reach out to young people. That was a keystone of his Senate career, and indeed has been a central part of his whole life. In addition to his work in the Senate, he has also been a distinguished professional educator, serving as teacher, principal, superintendent, college professor, and member of the State Board of Education. Mr. President, I join all Ohioans in paying tribute to Oliver Ocasek on the occasion of this richly deserved award.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, all of us agree we need to do a better job of keeping track of guns that might fall into vulnerable young hands. That is why I support the amendment offered by the distinguished chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Hatch, which contains several measures that I have developed that would help to achieve these goals. Mr. President, the most effective method to assure that gun sellers and dealers are selling their products to law-abiding citizens is the background check. In 1993, Congress passed the Brady bill, which is designed, in part at least, to move us toward the National Instant Check System for gun sales. Due to this initiative, we have expanded and made more accessible the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, also known as NICS. Now, could this system be improved? The answer is, yes, it could be. For example, today, handgun checks are ``name only'' checks, which frequently come back inconclusive because a potential purchaser may have a similar name as a convicted offender, or that potential purchaser could be using a false name, or an alias. When this happens, a manual check has to be performed. Mr. President, one way we can improve the instant check system is through technology that is now available, which can check a purchaser's fingerprint against a single print database. The time has come for this idea; it is an idea worth exploring. Our amendment would direct the Attorney General of the United States to study the feasibility of creating a single print instant check system and database to enable a voluntary, rapid, and accurate search of potential gun purchasers. Currently, there are 40 million fingerprint cards in the master criminal fingerprint file from which convicted offender prints could be placed online for an instant search. With a single print database, firearm dealers could facilitate the completion of a gun sale. A single print system could reduce the potential for felons to obtain firearms through the use of false identification. It would close a major loophole. Mr. President, we can also improve the system by ensuring that our records are accurate and up to date. I have often said that type of information is absolutely critical and vital to good police work. Information can and does save lives. Mr. President, our background check system is only as good as the information that is in it. The unfortunate fact is that serious record backlogs exist in many States. Many of our State databases are simply incomplete, and many are very inaccurate. We have improved it over the years but we have a long way to go. Since the instant check system became effective last November, over 900 individuals who have been convicted for class one felonies-- murder, rape, serious assaults--were able to buy guns because the appropriate records were simply not available. Mr. President, States desperately need financial help to eliminate this dangerous records gap and to plug this loophole. Our amendment would provide $25 million to central repository directors to facilitate logging in, dispositions, including assistance to courts to automate their current records systems. Everybody will benefit from this more-thorough criminal history--law enforcement and the public, in general. We can improve our background check system by expanding it to include records of those who have not broken the law, but who are still prohibited under current law from possessing firearms. These people include involuntary commitments to mental health institutions and those subject to domestic restraining orders. Those are the people who, many times, are also falling through the cracks of our current system. This amendment would direct the Attorney General of the United States to develop procedures by which nonconviction and other data can be available for the instant check system, stopping people who are currently prohibited from possessing a firearm, but who the current system is not watching. This amendment would fully fund the National Instant Check System to pay for the operation costs of background checks. The FBI would be provided operations costs of performing instant checks, and also States serving as point of contact States will be reimbursed by up to $7 per background check. Finally, we need to better provide information not just on the lawbreakers, but on the guns they use to commit crimes. To accomplish this goal requires a strong investment in the national integrated ballistic identification network. This system combines the ballistic and forensic capabilities of the FBI and ATF to create one enhanced ballistic system for State and local law enforcement agencies. This amendment before us would provide funds, much-needed funds, to expedite this process. Mr. President, a greater investment of innovative thinking and resources is urgently needed to improve the National Instant Check System. This amendment would provide that investment. It would make the system more responsive, more accurate and, yes, more thorough. Most important, it would make our efforts to keep guns out of hands of children and criminals more effective. Mr. President, this amendment will save lives. I yield the floor.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise this afternoon in strong support of the amendment offered by the Senator from Kansas, Mr. Brownback, and the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Hatch. I want to discuss one of the provisions of this amendment. This provision is similar to legislation Senator Brownback and I introduced in the last Congress, and that bill was S. 539, the Television Improvement Act. We introduced that bill in the last Congress, along with the Senator from Connecticut, Mr. Lieberman, and my friend and ranking member of the Antitrust Subcommittee, Senator Kohl. This amendment will create an exemption from antitrust liability to allow the entertainment industry to develop and agree upon voluntary guidelines designed to alleviate the negative impact of numerous forms of entertainment--broadcast programming, movies, music lyrics, video games, and Internet content. In other words, this amendment will remove a legal obstacle that arguably could prevent decisionmakers in the entertainment industry from getting together to make responsible decisions about the products they produce. Specifically, this amendment will allow them to agree voluntarily to limit the amount of violence, sexual content, criminal behavior, and profanity that exists in their various mediums. It will also, equally important, give them an opportunity, if they chose to take it, to promote and provide entertainment that is educational, informational, or otherwise beneficial to children. In other words, it will allow them to come together to agree to limit the bad things, but it will also allow them to come together to try to improve the quality of product they are putting out and specifically when they are dealing with products for children. I emphasize that the purpose of this amendment is to allow the entertainment industry to voluntarily come together to address the American people's growing concern about the negative influence of television, movies, and other forms of entertainment on our children. Rather than mandate Government restrictions on programming content, this amendment is designed to give industry leaders the opportunity to improve on their own the quality of television programs, music, movies, videos, and Internet content. In the past, the television industry has had such a code of conduct. In fact, for most of its history, the television industry utilized the code in order to help it make programming decisions. But in recent years, many of the entertainment industry have expressed concern that such a code might expose them to legal liability and they, therefore, have abandoned it. As chairman of the Antitrust Subcommittee, I studied this matter in the last Congress, and I came to the conclusion that a code of conduct would be appropriate and legal under current antitrust laws. However, just to be sure and to remove any doubt, I am supporting this amendment exemption. This amendment exemption will remove any lingering doubts those in the industry might have. Quite candidly, quite bluntly, this will say to the entertainment industry: You have no excuse--no excuse--not to come together and try to improve programming for children. You have no excuse not to come together and try to limit the bad things that are on, to limit the things that the American people find so objectionable. Acting on this legislation gives the Senate the opportunity to urge entertainment providers to work together and to cooperate to ensure our children's best interests are, in fact, protected. This amendment encourages voluntary, responsible behavior. It will not give any Government agency or entity any new authority to regulate or control the content of television programs or the content of movies, music, video games, or the Internet. It merely gives those in the entertainment industry the freedom to regulate themselves and to do the right thing. I recognize that entertainment, like almost everything else in our economy, is driven by competitive pressures. Often in the heat of competition, those in the industry may believe they are offering a product that is of lower quality than they might like, but they may feel they have to do that. This amendment offers a way out of the situation. The amendment basically calls for a cease-fire among cable stations and the networks, the movie studios, the record companies, the video game industry, and the web sites. This is a cease-fire so they can try to work out an industry-by-industry response to the legitimate demands of millions of American parents for more family-oriented entertainment. When I look at this amendment, I look at it as I think many parents do. I am worried about what is happening in this country. There was a time, not too many years ago, when parents did not have to worry about what was on television during the so-called family hour. That is not true anymore. There really is not a family hour anymore. We have all seen the steady decline in the quality of television over the last few years. In addition, we all know music lyrics have become more graphic and more violent and, in recent years, video games and the Internet are providing more violent and sexually explicit material than we ever imagined possible. It is beyond dispute that these television shows, movies, records, and video games are having an effect. For a young person, for a teenager, popular music is really the sound track of their lives. Movies and television provide a lot of the context for their relationships. Video games and the Internet provide a great deal of their entertainment. As these movies become more violent, more sexually explicit, as these songs show more and more disrespect for life and for the rights of others, some of our children are starting to believe this behavior is acceptable and normal. Some are starting to believe this make-believe world of music and movies is the real world with sometimes very tragic consequences. I understand it is not the role or the responsibility of the entertainment industry to raise our kids or to protect them from the violence of the real world. That is our job as parents and as citizens. It is time that the entertainment industry did its fair share. That is what this amendment is calling for. I hope the entertainment industry takes the opportunity that is offered by this amendment and makes a commitment to provide the kind of entertainment of which we can all be proud. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Kansas for offering this very important and, I think, timely amendment. I yield the floor.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Pete Levitas, a fellow assigned to the Antitrust Subcommittee from the Justice Department, be granted the privilege of the floor during the Senate's consideration of S. 254, the Violent and Repeat Juvenile Offender Accountability and Rehabilitation Act.

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise this evening in strong support of the bill before us. This juvenile justice legislation is a product of bipartisan work and bipartisan compromise. I believe it is a very valuable and long overdue measure that will tackle a major national problem. Last week I spoke on the Senate floor on the need to find ways to reach out to young people and to hopefully save young lives. I said at that time that youth violence presents us with very difficult issues, really, for a public official to talk about because people, once you start talking about this issue, may think you, as the person who is talking, believe that you have ``the'' answer. So let me say again, right up front, I do not claim to have the answer. Evil is a mystery that exists deep in the human heart. But if we do not have all the answers for the problems we see--what we saw happening in Littleton, for example--that should not stop us from trying to do something. I believe the juvenile justice bill we have before us, as well as many of the amendments which will be offered, will in fact save lives. The fact, the brutal fact of human existence, that we cannot come up with the answer does not excuse us from our moral responsibilities--our moral responsibilities, as legislators, as parents, as citizens. In fact, it increases our responsibilities. If we do not have ``the'' answer, we have to work harder to find answers, things we can do to make a difference, child by child by child. This juvenile justice bill provides the Senate the opportunity to find some of these answers. Some of the things in the bill before us are certainly not glamorous, but I believe they will all be helpful. I believe they will save lives. In essence, the bill before us is designed to make sure our juvenile justice system and those who make decisions in that system have the tools they need to meet the challenge of a juvenile population that, tragically, is becoming more violent. I will focus briefly on some of the provisions I have been most involved in in putting together this bill and highlight how I believe they will make a real difference, addressing real problems facing juvenile justice systems across this country. First, Senator Sessions and I have worked long and hard, along with the chairman, to provide $75 million to help States upgrade their juvenile felony record systems. I believe this is an especially important provision. As a former county prosecuting attorney, I can tell you, the decisions made by judges in our juvenile courts on juvenile offenders are only as good as the information on which they are based. The same is certainly true for judges in our adult criminal system. The problem is, the information that is available is not as complete, many times, as it should be. In fact, many times the information about the offender, about what the offender has done in the past, is simply nonexistent. What am I talking about? We have had a tradition in this country that juvenile courts would all operate behind closed doors and the records of those courts would never be available. The reason, the rationale, was we wanted to protect young people; that young people could change and they should have a second chance, sometimes a third chance. All that makes sense and there is nothing wrong, even today, 1999, with that basic philosophy. That philosophy, though, does not work when we are dealing with a 17- year-old, who is still a juvenile, who has committed a violent crime-- let's say a rape--or a 16-year-old who has committed an aggravated robbery. It makes no sense to say that information about that individual will always be hidden. Let me give Members of the Senate, my colleagues, a specific example. Let's say a 15-year-old in Xenia, OH, commits a serious offense. Let's say it is a violent offense. That 15-year-old is dealt with by the court and later moves, at the age of 17, to Adams County, Ohio. That juvenile then commits another offense. Under our current system, there is really no effective central depository of that information. There is one, but there is very little information in it. So the arresting officials in Adams County might not know that individual, several years before, had committed a serious offense in Greene County. Let's take another example. Let's say the juvenile is 16 and commits an offense in Cincinnati, OH; several years later moves to Indiana and, as an adult, commits another violent offense in Indiana. The Indiana authorities may not necessarily know that juvenile--the person who was a juvenile, who is now 18, an adult--committed a violent crime several years before across the State line in bordering Ohio. What this bill does is commit $75 million to local law enforcement agencies, to States to help them develop their criminal record system for juveniles. We are not, by this provision, saying what a State should do. What we are saying, though, is that the State, by putting that information into a central computer system, will enable another State where that juvenile shows up, 2, 3, 5, or 10 years later, to be on notice as to what type individual this is, or at least they will know what crime, what serious crime, what violent crime this juvenile has committed. It simply makes sense. It has been my experience that when we read about what I call horror stories in the newspapers, where we see someone who has been picked up by the police, and he is let out on bond, or she is let out on bond, and that person commits another offense or has been charged with an offense and has been convicted and gets a light sentence, and they commit another offense, most of those horror stories come from the fact that the police or the judge or the probation officer or the parole officer did not have the available information, didn't know what they were dealing with, didn't know what the criminal record was of that individual. Our bill goes a long way to address this problem. It gives local law enforcement the tools, it gives the judge the tools, so he or she can make a rational decision about bond or a rational decision about sentencing. We need to make these records more accessible so law enforcement can keep closer track of kids who have been convicted of violent crimes. The tracking provision I wrote, along with Chairman Hatch and Senator Sessions, will help do this. If a State uses Federal funds to upgrade their juvenile records under this bill, all records of juvenile felonies will have to be accessible from the National Criminal Information Center. When it comes to making key decisions about juvenile offenders, judges, probation officers, police officers, need to make judgments based on the best possible information, and that is what this bill will give them. One of my key priorities as a Senator, and as someone who started his career as a county prosecuting attorney in Greene County, Ohio, one of my priorities is to make sure the Federal Government does more to help law enforcement. That is where the action is. Mr. President, 95 to 96 percent of all Federal prosecutions is done at the local level by counties and States. They are the ones who do it--the police, the sheriffs' deputies, the local prosecutors. Anything we can do to help them will make a difference. Helping set up a good system of records, good information on juvenile felons is one of the most important things we can possibly do to help them do their jobs more effectively, and this bill does it. Let me turn to a second provision. We need to provide incentives to local governments to coordinate the services they offer to the kids who are most at risk, kids who may have already gotten into a little trouble, but who we believe can still be saved. This is prevention, and it is very, very important. Here is the problem. Many times, juveniles who find themselves in juvenile court have multiple problems. Some of these problems may not come to the attention of the juvenile court judge, or if they do come to his or her attention, many times that judge does not have the resources, does not have the ability to treat that young person. For example, a child may have both a psychiatric disorder and a substance abuse problem. A child may have been sexually abused, a child may have been physically abused, or any combination of four or five things. Many times, juvenile courts do not have the resources to detect or appropriately address these types of multiple problems. As a result, for too long, many children have been falling between the cracks of the court system. Many times these children are identified as the ``juvenile court's child.'' Many times we refer to them as a ``children services' child,'' or a local protection services agency child or maybe the child is under the auspices of the mental health system and sometimes the substance abuse system. What we aim to do under this provision is allow the local community to come together with the juvenile judge and coordinate all of these services so that we can help these children. It is cost-effective and it is the right thing to do. My proposal, which is included in this bill, will promote all across this country an approach that has been very successful in Hamilton County, Ohio, near Cincinnati; an approach that gives our most problematic children the multiple services they need under the overall coordination of the court system. These kids should not fall victim to bureaucratic turf conflicts. All of these children are our children. The purpose of this initiative is to leverage limited Federal, State and local agencies and community-based adolescent services to help fill the large unmet need for adolescent mental health and substance abuse treatment in the juvenile justice system. One of the things I learned when I started as a county prosecutor was that there is, in fact, many times a turf battle. There is a turf battle that occurs between the criminal justice system, in this case the juvenile justice system, the judge, his probation officer or her probation officer, and the social services agency--children's service is what we call it in Ohio--that protects children, or maybe the local mental health agency or maybe the local substance abuse agency. We have made progress in breaking down these walls, but what our provision in this bill does is accelerates that process and that progress. If you talk to the judges, if you talk to the substance abuse counselors in most counties, they tell you there is a finite number of children who they have already identified who are the most problematic, who have the most problems, who need the most resources, who, if we do not deal with them now at the age of 13 or 14 or 15, are going to grow up and graduate into our adult system and are going to pose monumental problems for society for the rest of their lives. Bringing the resources of the community together in a coordinated fashion to address the needs of these children is the right thing to do. We will not save all of them. We know that. But many of them can, in fact, be saved, and they can be saved if we care and if we approach this issue from an intelligent point of view. The juvenile judge is key because the juvenile judge has the ability to get the attention of that young person. The juvenile judge has the ability to use the carrot and the stick in the sense of simply saying to the young person: Fine, if you don't want to go into drug treatment, I am going to commit you to the department of youth services for an indefinite period of time; I am going to put you, in essence, in prison. Or that judge can say to that young person: If you don't stay free of drugs for the next 2 years, and we are going to monitor you every 2 weeks and we are going to know whether you are on drugs or not on drugs --that type of approach where the juvenile court works with the substance abuse people, the experts in the field, or works with the mental health people. That coordination is absolutely essential when we deal with our most problematic children. The idea for this, as I indicated, came from Hamilton County, Ohio. They have tried this. It works. They have identified 200, 300, 400 of the most problematic children. They meet regularly to talk about these kids and what they can do to get services to them. There is only so much money available. There are only so many services that can be provided. What we do with this provision is encourage local communities to get together and use that money in the most efficient and most effective way. It is the right thing to do. It is the most cost- effective thing to do. In bringing this piece of legislation to the floor--and I congratulate Senator Hatch, Senator Leahy, Senator Sessions, Senator Biden, and all those who have worked on this bill--we are making an important contribution to meeting a major challenge facing our communities. I have mentioned just two key initiatives that will help our communities meet these challenges. Over the last several days, I have been working with several of my colleagues, including the Senator from Colorado, Mr. Allard; the Senator from Alabama, Mr. Sessions; the Senator from Idaho, Mr. Craig, and others on other initiatives that will help these children. These initiatives will be offered in the form of amendments over the next few days. These amendments will help, I believe, those people who are closest to troubled children--parents and teachers in particular. I look forward to working on this bill and passing it and seeing it signed into law. Will it solve all the problems with juveniles? Of course not. Will it prevent all the Littletons that may occur or other tragedies that we have seen? No, there is no guarantee of that, but we do know, just to take one statistic, that the Littletons are replicated every single day in this country, quietly, silently, but tragically, because on average 13 children die every day just because of contact with guns. Most of them are homicides, a few of them are suicides, and some are accidents. That does not include all the other children who die violent deaths. Our objective in this bill should be to try to reduce the number of children who die and who die needlessly. I believe we can do it. I believe we can make a difference. We should not judge this bill, nor every amendment that is offered, by the test of would it have prevented one of the tragedies that is foremost in our minds. Some of the amendments would have, I think, but we will never know. A more rational approach and more logical approach is simply this: Will the amendment that is being debated or the provision we are talking about or the bill itself save lives? I think the evidence is abundantly clear that this bill, as is written right now, will save lives. It will make a difference. I think we can improve it in the course of the next several days. Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate immediately proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination on the Executive Calendar, No. 53. I further ask unanimous consent that the nomination be confirmed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, that any statements relating to the nomination be printed at the appropriate place in the Record, the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action, and the Senate then return to legislative session.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, on behalf of the majority leader, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand in adjournment until 9:30 a.m. on Wednesday, May 12. I further ask consent that on Wednesday, immediately following the prayer, the routine requests through the morning hour be granted, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and that the Senate immediately resume consideration of the juvenile justice crime bill, S. 254. I further ask consent that at 9:30 a.m. there be 1 hour of debate on the Leahy amendment, equally divided in the usual form, prior to a motion to table, with no amendments to the amendment in order prior to the vote. I ask consent that following the vote, Senator Brownback be recognized to offer a code of conduct amendment.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. I yield the floor.

Mr. DeWINE. If there is no further business to come before the Senate, I now ask unanimous consent the Senate stand in adjournment under the previous order, following the remarks of Senator Grams.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. For the information of all Senators, the Senate will convene on Wednesday, May 12 at 9:30 a.m. and immediately resume consideration of the Leahy amendment, with a vote to take place at approximately 10:30 a.m. Following the disposition of the Leahy amendment, Senator Brownback will be recognized to offer an amendment. Senators can expect votes throughout Wednesday's session of the Senate, with the possibility of votes into the evening. I appreciate the cooperation of my colleagues.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about probably the most important thing we do as a society--educating our children. This week is National Teacher Appreciation Week, and it gives us a good opportunity to recognize the crucial role teachers play in our children's lives. After parents and families, America's teachers play the most important role in helping our children realize their potential. No teacher can replace the role of loving and attentive families, but once our children leave their homes and enter America's schools, it is the responsibility of federal, state and local elected officials to provide every possible opportunity for a child to realize his or her full potential. The way to do that, Mr. President, is to see that every child learns from a qualified educator in a safe school environment. As the Senate begins to consider education legislation, we should take time to listen to the lessons learned by America's best classroom teachers--teachers like Ohio's Teacher of the Year, Ellen Binkley Hill. Ohio is fortunate to have teachers like Ellen, and the thirty two other finalists for Ohio's Teacher of the Year. Ellen teaches second grade at New Vienna Elementary School in Clinton County, Ohio. Over the past year I have had the pleasure of talking with Ellen on two occasions--and I want to take a moment to read how Ellen describes the role of a teacher, because I think her words capture what it means to be a great educator. I quote: ``Teachers must be living examples of the transforming power of education. We must lead extraordinary lives filled with insight, rich with experiences, and tempered with compassion. It is every teacher's responsibility to serve each child, empowering all children to reach their potential, and then to reach higher.'' End of quote. Mr. President, as a father, I want my children to learn from teachers like Ellen Binkley Hill. As a Senator, I would like to see all of the nation's children being taught by teachers like Ellen Binkley Hill. A qualified, highly trained teacher is the most important education resource in any classroom. Across America today, in classrooms around the country, tomorrow's business leaders, tomorrow's inventors, tomorrow's doctors, tomorrow's Presidents, and even tomorrow's teachers are building their foundation of learning, their foundation of experiences that will shape their lives forever. They are being led through this process by our neighbors, friends and family members who make up America's 2.7 million-member teaching force. Mr. President, in the spirit of this important week, I am introducing four bills that I believe will help our teachers realize their highest potential in our classrooms, and ensure that our children have the best possible educator at the front of their classroom. The first bill is the Teacher Mentoring Act. America's teaching force is aging, a situation that offers both benefits and challenges. The average school teacher is 43 years old, an increase of 3 years over the average age in 1987. Nearly a quarter of our teachers are over 50 years old and nearing retirement. These seasoned veterans are the backbone of many schools across the country. Many are also leaders in their schools and their communities, taking on the added challenges of educating the most difficult students and mentoring their younger peers. As these experienced educators near the end of their careers, we must ensure that the practical hands-on knowledge they have accumulated is passed on to those teachers following in their footsteps. Mr. President, new teachers entering today's challenging classrooms need the close support of these veteran teachers, particularly during their first few years on the job. Unfortunately, more than 25 percent of new teachers leave the job in their first three years and I believe mentoring programs are one way we can help stabilize the ranks of our new teachers. The Teacher Mentoring Act, which is the companion to a bill written by my friend Congressman Rick Lazio [LA (as LAdder)-ZEE-OH] of New York, would establish a $10 million competitive grant program. This program would encourage states to implement training programs, or support existing programs that utilize our experienced classroom veterans as mentors to new teachers. Ohio is currently operating a mentoring program that assigns each new teacher to a mentor. These mentors provide classroom teaching advice, as well as an experienced shoulder to lean on when they first enter their new school. The second bill I am introducing today is the Alternative Certification and Licensure of Teachers Act. This bill would improve the supply of well-qualified elementary and secondary school teachers by encouraging and assisting States to develop and implement programs for alternative routes to teacher certification or licensure requirements. After all, the most important and effective education resource in any classroom is a highly trained and dedicated teacher. There are many talented professionals who have demonstrated a high level of subject area competence outside the education profession who wish to pursue careers in eduction, but have not fulfilled the requirements to be certified or licensed as teachers. Alternative certification can provide an opportunity for these people to become teachers--so they can share their knowledge and experiences with children in the classroom. The legislation would provide $15 million to the States for either new or pre-existing alternative certification programs or fund pre- existing programs. Last year's Higher Education Act endorsed alternative certification as a means to enlarge the pool of quality teachers--but I believe we need to go further. We need to continue to open alternative certification routes to attract teachers who would otherwise not enter the classroom. The third bill I am introducing today is the Teacher Quality Act. We have learned from various studies that the most effective teacher training programs have some things in common. Both teachers and teaching program evaluators agree that the most effective teacher training programs are intensive; are of reasonable length, and provide an avenue for teachers to update their skills. The Teacher Quality Act would help improve the quality of teachers in elementary and secondary schools--and provide teachers the opportunity to learn new technologies and increase subject matter knowledge. My bill would establish a competitive grant program that will give school districts the opportunity to establish teacher training facilities. The idea for this legislation is based on the model established by the Mayerson Academy in Cincinnati, Ohio. This Academy was established in 1992 as a partnership between the Cincinnati business community and its schools. Their mission: to provide the highest quality training and professional development opportunities to the men and women responsible for educating the children of Cincinnati. The program is a great success. This school year the Academy will provide 160,000 hours of training to teachers. The Mayerson Academy is separate from the school system in order to ensure independent evaluation of its results and a consistent base of support. This status also allows it to benefit from the perspectives and experience of the business leadership. Finally, I am introducing the Eisenhower National Clearinghouse Improvement Act. Collecting and effective disseminating the best teacher training practices is an important responsibility of the federal government. The Eisenhower National Clearinghouse, or ENC, is the nation's repository of K-12 instructional materials specifically related to math and science education. This information is made available in a user- friendly format for educators. The Ohio State University is currently home to the Clearinghouse. Since 1992, ENC has distributed over 3.67 million CD-ROM's and print publications. Products are distributed to schools, colleges of education, and various education groups and professional organizations across the country. ENC has received over 40 million hits on their web site since its creation in 1994. In addition, ENC has established over 100 Access Centers across the country to expand direct service to more teachers. While this program has proven its value, there is room for improvement. The bill I am introducing today would expand ENC's jurisdiction to include Language Arts and Social Studies, with a particular emphasis in all curriculum areas on effective use of educational technology. With thousands of teacher training programs available, it is becoming increasingly difficult for educators to find out which programs have been proven effective and which have not. My legislation would require ENC to gather a sampling of the best evaluations on the materials they collect and provide easy access to these evaluations. ENC will not be permitted to conduct evaluations directly, but would be required to create a ranking for materials and programs based on the reviews they collect and make these reviews easily accessible to teachers who utilize their service. All four of these bills would help improve the quality of education. I look forward to working with my colleagues on these and other important education measures. Before I close, let me mention one other key issue affecting the education of our kids--school violence. The threat of violence--and the reality of drug abuse--in our schools are all too real. We must ensure that America's families and teachers are empowered with the information, training and resources to help our children overcome these obstacles. This year, as a member of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee I will be working with the other members of the committee to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, which includes the Safe and Drug Free Schools Act. The recent tragic events in Colorado are a painful reminder that we need to do everything we can to improve our violence and drug abuse prevention efforts and these reauthorizations, as well as the upcoming debate on the juvenile justice reform legislation, provide us with excellent opportunities for this Congress to make a positive difference in the name of school safety. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the names of the finalists for Ohio's Teacher of the Year be printed in the Record.

Mr. DeWINE

Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, all Americans are struggling with the meaning of the brutal murders in Littleton, CO, and the question of what we should do about school violence generally. As we tackle these issues, we need to take advantage of the best thinking and writing about them. The Columbus Dispatch had a very good editorial on April 22, which points out in a very clear way what the specific challenges are--and most especially the need for adults to provide understanding and discipline to young people. The best way to stop violence is to promote the alternative--an effective culture of life and respect. I ask that this editorial be printed in the Record. The editorial follows: [From the Columbus Dispatch, Apr. 22, 1999] School Killings Adults Must See Themselves as Solution A gunman looked under a desk in the library and said ``Peek-a-boo,'' then fired.--. . . Anyone who cried or moaned was shot again. One girl begged for her life, but a gunshot ended her cries. . . . The shooter turned his attention to a black student, saying, ``I hate niggers.''--AP report out of Littleton, Colo. Black trench coats. Hitler's birthday. Gothic Web sites. Guns and homemade bombs. Hatred. Can any sense be made of the pieces emerging from the bloody halls of Columbine High School? Can the overwhelming why be answered? The issues seem so broad and numerous that a bewildered nation expresses its inability to comprehend it, one of the deadliest school massacres in U.S. history. Counselors propound; experts proclaim. The news media shifts focus from gun control to dress codes, violent movies to police in schools, materialism to racism. Before a coherent thought forms, the lens shifts again. Police who searched Harris' home said they found bomb- making material. Students said the group was fascinated with World War II and the Nazis and noted that Tuesday was Adolf Hitler's birthday. But the real question is not why. Deep down, though we may not articulate it very well, we really do know why. We may not know the exact circumstances that led juniors Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold to gun down their classmates, but we do know that the past three years have produced a series of school killings: Two dead in Pearl, Miss., three in West Paducah, Ky., five in Jonesboro, Ark., two in Springfield, Ore. And from this, we know that it will happen again. We know why. We have produced a generation of children given too much freedom, too little direction; too much money, too little love. The segment of society least capable of handling empowerment has been empowered within the rule of law but beyond common sense. A litigious population demands that schools maintain discipline and instill values but sues teachers and administrators who dare tread upon a student's rights, be it searching a locker or insisting on proper attire. Teenagers demand and are granted their own ``space,'' Bedrooms become inviolable domains where the wild frontier of the Net can be browsed at will and every type of perversion checked out. If the child's character is far enough cracked, bombs can be made or guns can be stashed. The so-called Trench Coat Mafia had boasted of its gun collection. Its members wore black everyday. They even wore black trench coats in class. When did parents and school officials descend to such levels of indifference? And ``nobody thought'' these kids were capable of killing in cold blood. ``They were laughing after they shot. It was like they were having the time of their life.'' The question is not why but, ``What do we do?'' Like recovering alcoholics, we first have to admit that we--all of us--have a problem. Not just our neighbors, not just Paducah and now Littleton, not just big cities or rural towns. The good folks who have to live in crime-ridden neighborhoods used to rally around the cry, ``Take back our streets!'' Now, it's time to take back our children. Even the most dysfunctional families have aunts, uncles and cousins who can help. Churches, mosques, synagogues, libraries and numerous civic- and social-service networks offer havens that too few people see as important enough to spend their time and money on. Much easier to give the kids some money and drop them and their cell phones off at the mall. ``Finally I started figuring out these guys shot to kill for no reason. . . . When he looked at me, the guy's eyes were just dead.'' We are killing our children by insisting that they don't have to be children if they don't want to. We talk values to them but fail, on the whole, to live those values. We lead by example, often unaware that our example is pathetically shallow and certainly poor competition for the pervasive voice of the youth culture where simply buying khakis holds the promise of sex. Littleton is an affluent suburb. This is an affluent nation. We have time and money to spend on our children. Individually, we must ask how our money and time is being spent. Collectively, we must decide to spend it more wisely and to share it with the larger neighborhood, the grand nation of the United States of America and its most valuable asset, the youngsters who will someday be the neighborhood. Most of all, we must teach our children that freedom and independence are earned and that the rites of passage amount to more than clipping on a pager. Neglect and indifference are forms of child abuse. Before we are shocked again by the next school shooting, we should devote more than a moment of thought to how much we overlook deviance and alienation; how so many of us are so little involved in providing direction. Parents and all adults must provide understanding and compassion, discipline and clarity in a world of neglect, obfuscation and self-absorption.