Member of Congress

Lincoln Diaz-Balart

Role
Former Representative
State
FL
Party
Republican

Speeches

ANNOUNCEMENT BY COMMITTEE ON RULES REGARDING AMENDMENTS TO H.R. 3030, IMPROVING THE COMMUNITY SERVICES BLOCK GRANT ACT OF 20032004-01-28

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, the Committee on Rules may meet next week to grant a rule for the consideration of H.R. 3030, Improving the Community Services Block Grant Act of 2003, which may require that amendments be printed in the Congressional Record prior to their consideration on the floor. The Committee on Education and the Workforce ordered the bill reported on October 1, 2003, and filed its report with the House on October 10, 2003. Members should draft their amendments to the bill as reported by the Committee on Education and the Workforce. Members should use the Office of Legislative Counsel to ensure that their amendments are drafted in the most appropriate format. Members are also advised to check with the Office of the Parliamentarian to be certain their amendments comply with the rules of the House.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Once again reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much for his comments and concerns, and as I stated before, what we are asking at this point, precisely because we will be looking very much forward to amendments, is that if any Members have ideas for such, is to please be ready with them because there may be a requirement that amendments be printed in the Congressional Record prior to consideration on the floor.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, I would say to the gentleman that the Committee on Rules, as this announcement stated, may meet, I believe may very likely meet on this, and the Committee on Rules will obviously consider any request from any Members with regard to amendments. If the gentleman from Maryland or any other Members have amendments, we will be more than glad to listen to them and will give them all the merited courtesies.

View in Record
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF S. 610, NASA FLEXIBILITY ACT OF 20032004-01-28

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, reiterating my support for the underlying legislation as well as the rule, I ask my colleagues to support both. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution. The previous question was ordered.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 520 is an open rule that provides for the consideration of S. 610, the NASA Workforce Flexibility Act of 2003. The rule provides for 1 hour of debate, with 40 minutes equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on Science, and 20 minutes equally divided between the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on Government Reform. The rule also provides one motion to recommit, with or without instructions. Mr. Speaker, following the extraordinarily tragic Shuttle Columbia disaster, it was imperative that the United States take a deep look at its space program. The Columbia Accident Investigation Board and NASA continue to address needed safety concerns, but I think we must take steps to further innovation and scientific research, find new frontiers and unveil endless possibilities. I believe NASA has undergone a positive transformation in recent weeks. With the stunning successes of the Mars rovers and President Bush announcing new long-term goals for manned space exploration, our national desire to comprehend the nature of our solar system and our universe has been reinvigorated. The underlying legislation provides NASA additional tools to recruit, train and keep the most talented scientists and engineers. The legislation authorizes NASA to offer needed incentives to valued current and prospective employees, the same as most major corporations and research institutions would offer to compete. When the United States goes to space, Mr. Speaker, we need the brightest and the best in the industry to work to make our dreams of exploration a reality. As such, this legislation authorizes recruitment, relocation and retention bonuses as an incentive to NASA employees; term appointments to our most valued scientific minds; and the ability for Administrator O'Keefe to provide pay increases to those in critical positions and with superior qualifications. These are essential additions necessary for NASA to succeed in its newest missions. Furthermore, the underlying legislation, Mr. Speaker, authorizes $10 million to begin a Science and Technology Scholarship Program. This funding is an important step for promoting the sciences in our high schools and colleges, while allowing less advantaged students a potential for higher studies. Our superiority in science and the technologies, without any doubt, has declined since President Kennedy began our Nation on a path to the moon in 1961. It is our responsibility to ensure that when those highly trained NASA scientists retire, some of whom have participated in the entire history of our space program, that they know their replacements will be the best and the brightest from any background that this country has to offer. I would like to quote Christa McAuliffe, a teacher, astronaut and American hero tragically lost in the explosion of the Challenger Space Shuttle. She said, ``Space is for everybody. It's not just for a few people in science or math, or for a select group of astronauts. That's our new frontier out there, and it is everybody's business to know about space.'' I believe that the underlying legislation, Mr. Speaker, will help NASA to continue our passionate exploration of the unknown. And we bring this legislation forward, Mr. Speaker, under an open rule. Any Member can bring forth to this House for the consideration of all of its membership any idea that Members may have. It is an open and a fair rule. I would like to thank the gentleman from New York (Chairman Boehlert) and Senator Voinovich for their support on this issue. I urge Members to support both the rule and the underlying legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

View in Record
FREEDOM FOR RICARDO SEVERINO GONZALEZ ALFONSO2004-01-28

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Ricardo Severino Gonzalez Alfonso, a political prisoner in totalitarian Cuba. Mr. Gonzalez is the president of the Manuel Marquez Sterling Journalists Society and an independent reporter in totalitarian Cuba. Mr. Gonzalez works and writes to inform the world about the gross human rights abuses that occur every day under the repressive regime of the Cuban dictator. Unfortunately, writing and reporting the truth is not allowed under Castro's tyrannical dictatorship. All attempts to portray the absolute lack of freedom in totalitarian Cuba are viciously condemned and their authors are imprisoned or exiled. Mr. Gonzalez has been harassed by Castro's thugs since 1997, and on March 18, 2003, he was arrested for his insistence on publishing the truth about Castro's totalitarian Cuba. The sham trial verdict that sentenced Mr. Gonzalez to 20 years in the Cuban gulag read: ``. . . he managed to get his articles, which were subversive and misleading in nature with regard to the Cuban system, published in various newspapers and magazines such as Reporters Without Borders.'' Mr. Speaker, Mr. Gonzalez was 53 years old when he was condemned to 20 years in Castro's gulag. The conditions in the Cuban totalitarian gulag are so atrocious as to almost guarantee that Mr. Gonzalez will not walk out if he were to have to serve the entirety of his sham sentence. Let me be very clear, Mr. Gonzalez has been sentenced to die in the gulag by the Cuban tyrant for writing the truth about Castro's brutal, repressive regime. It is imperative that Cuba be free as soon as possible, so that Mr. Gonzalez and all the political prisoners can also live in the freedom and dignity that they deserve. My colleagues, we must cry out for the release of all those who languish in dungeons because they believe in human rights and freedom. We must demand the immediate release of Ricardo Gonzalez Alfonso and every political prisoner.

View in Record
FREEDOM FOR EDUARDO DIAZ FLEITAS!2004-01-20

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Eduardo Diaz Fleitas, a prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba. Eduardo Diaz Fleitas is a farmer by trade who became a dissident by necessity. The incessant brutal repression of human rights by the tyrant Fidel Castro forced Mr. Diaz to choose between a life without rights or fighting for a life with freedom. Mr. Diaz bravely chose to dedicate his life to the fight for freedom. He joined his fellow Cuban dissidents and eventually Mr. Diaz rose to become vice president of the 5 August Movement, an organization commemorating the popular uprising against the dictatorship by the people of Havana on August 5, 1994. With predictable cruelty, the tyrant, Fidel Castro, unleashed his machinery of repression on Mr. Diaz. According to Amnesty International, Mr. Diaz was subjected to regular harassment, including periods of detention that culminated in one year's restricted freedom and house surveillance for public disorder on February 25, 2000. Undeterred by threats of continued harassment, Mr. Diaz resumed his role as a staunch advocate for freedom for every Cuban citizen. In the tyrant Castro's horrific March 2003, crackdown on dissidents, Mr. Diaz was arrested once again. According to the sham trial verdict that sentenced Mr. Diaz to 21 years in Castro's gulag, Mr. Diaz was convicted because: It is known by everyone in the area that he directs an opposition group of so-called `human rights,' carrying out activities and meetings, using our national flag and showing posters asking for freedom for political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, in a frank challenge to the judicial, political, and social system. Mr. Diaz was sentenced to 21 years in the hell hole of Castro's gulag because he challenged the bankrupt, backward, repressive system that robs its citizens of every freedom. Mr. Speaker, today this Congress participates in one of the great traditions of our Republic. This evening, President Bush will deliver the State of the Union speech to a joint session of Congress here in this very chamber. As we gather here to participate in our constitutional responsibility let us also rise as one to display our solidarity with those brave souls who struggle for the same freedoms 90 miles from our shore. Let us demand the immediate release of Eduardo Diaz Fleitas and all prisoners of conscience in totalitarian Cuba.

View in Record
FREEDOM FOR MANUEL VAZQUEZ PORTAL2003-11-22

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak about Manuel Vazquez Portal, a prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba. Mr. Vazquez is a 52-year-old writer, poet and founder of the independent news agency Grupo de Trabajo Decoro. Originally, Mr. Vazquez was a high school teacher and a journalist for several state- owned media outlets. However, after years of observing the constant lies and incessant distortion mandated by Castro's totalitarian regime, Mr. Vazquez began working for an independent news agency in 1995. As an independent journalist, Mr. Vazquez relentlessly chronicled the atrocities committed by Castro's machinery of repression, even going so far as to have his articles published under the pseudonym Pablo Cedeno. Eventually, Mr. Vazquez founded the independent news agency Grupo de Trabajo Decoro in 1999. In fact, because of his ability to find and write the truth as a journalist working under Castro's stifling repression, Mr. Vazquez will receive the 2003 International Press Freedom Award from the Committee to Protect Journalists on this coming Tuesday, November 25, 2003. Mr. Speaker, when Mr. Vazquez's fellow recipients of the International Press Freedom Award accept this high honor, Mr. Vazquez will be languishing in the Cuban totalitarian gulag next to a toilet he describes as a ``hole regurgitating its stench 24 hours a day.'' Mr. Vazquez was arrested in the reprehensible March crackdown on those many patriots who actively opposed Castro's tyranny. Subsequently, in a sham trial held in April, Mr. Vazquez was sentenced to 18 years in the Cuban gulag. I remind my colleagues that, under Castro's totalitarian regime, any freedom of the press, any effort to display the atrocities of the regime under the spotlight of truth, is met with swift and violent repression. Mr. Vazquez described the punishing conditions of the Cuban gulag in a diary smuggled out of prison by his wife. He said ``the cell is a space of 1.5 meters wide and 3 meters long.'' Inside his cell, he describes an interior comprised of insects, an unstable cot, a filthy mattress and a disgusting toilet. Mr. Speaker, a man who is about to receive the International Press Freedom Award is suffering at this very moment in those abominable conditions. Mr. Vazquez had the courage to depict the reality of Cuba under Castro's totalitarian dictatorship, and now he is locked in the gulag for the next 18 years. My Colleagues, we can not stand by in silence while those who pursue truth languish in the gulags of repressive dictators. We must stand together and loudly demand freedom for Manuel Vazquez Portal.

View in Record
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 1, MEDICARE PRESCRIPTION DRUG, IMPROVEMENT, AND MODERNIZATION ACT OF 20032003-11-21

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Ohio for yielding me this time. This legislation is very important legislation. It will help seniors, all seniors throughout the land; but especially low-income seniors will benefit, will benefit the most from this law. America's neediest seniors, individuals with up to $12,900 a year of income, $17,000 per couple, will immediately receive a cash credit of $600 to purchase their medications. And, again, in the year 2006, seniors with incomes of up to $10,300, or $13,250 per couple, will pay only $1 for generic prescriptions and $3 for brand-name medicines. Mr. Speaker, 13,235 reside in the district that I am honored to represent. I would urge all of my colleagues here this evening to check. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Shaw) has the information and he was so kind to provide it to me, district-by-district, how many low-income seniors will get extraordinary relief by this legislation. Those with incomes of up to $13,900 a year, $17,900 per couple will pay only $2 for generic medications and $5 for brand name medications. Mr. Speaker, 20,715 reside in the district that I am honored to represent. Seniors with incomes up to $15,500 a year, $20,000 per year per couple, will pay only a minimum monthly premium and initial deductible of $50 and then only 15 percent of their prescription drug costs up to $3,600 after which they will pay only $2 for generic drugs, $5 for brand names. Now, all other seniors receive extraordinary help by this legislation, Mr. Speaker, but low-income seniors more than anyone else. So I urge everyone in this hall, I think we all have an obligation to check the facts with regard to what we are voting on this evening: Concrete important specific help for seniors throughout the country on an issue that, I think, is the most important domestic issue facing this country. And I am proud to have supported this legislation in the Committee on Rules and to urge all of my colleagues to make it law, send it to the President tonight.

View in Record
CASTRO SEEKS TO KILL PEACEFUL CUBAN DISSIDENT DR. OSCAR ELIAS BISCET2003-11-20

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I try to come to this floor every week to highlight the existence of the individual cases of political prisoners on an island only 90 miles away from the United States, thousands of political prisoners, thousands upon thousands. Tonight, I speak of perhaps the most, or certainly one of the most respected of the political prisoners in the enslaved island of Cuba, Dr. Oscar Elias Bisect. Dr. Biscet, prisoner of conscience, declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International, is an extraordinary man. He maintains a philosophy of nonviolence, and yet his nonviolence has been responded to continuously by the violence of what is without any doubt a gangster regime run by the gangster in chief, the totalitarian tyrant of Cuba. Now, Dr. Biscet was sentenced to 3 years in the Cuban gulag. He was sentenced in 1998 to 3 years in a Cuban gulag. When he was released last October, October of 2002, he was out of prison only a few weeks when he was rounded up again and sentenced this time for ``association with enemies of the State,'' and he was sentenced, along with over 75 other peaceful dissidents and independent journalists, to 25 years in the Cuban gulag. A few weeks ago, they told Dr. Biscet that he was going to be placed with a serial killer, someone who was a common criminal and who had murdered many, many people. He objected to that. As a consequence of his objection, Dr. Biscet has been placed in what is called the tomb. He is underground in solitary confinement, in a punishment cell. And so that he fully understood the dimension of his punishment, a serial killer was placed along with him in the tomb. So Dr. Biscet is at this moment in a tomb in the Cuban gulag because he believes in freedom and democracy, and he has espoused support for Mahatma Gandhi and for Martin Luther King and the peaceful methods to achieve the change that those great leaders represent. The question I ask this evening, the one question which begs to be asked of our colleagues, is how can they come here time and time again to this floor and in the other House to ask for measures that would provide additional revenue to that dictatorship; some of them after having received one of the 8-hour or 10-hour banquets that the Cuban dictator likes to offer to his friends, they have come here and been zealous advocates for someone who they consider so charming, so admirable, so intelligent? In fact, one of our colleagues was so impressed with the Cuban tyrant when Castro told him that his shoes were dirty, that he should shine his shoes, that he melted in admiration before the charming tyrant, who has such interesting comments, this tyrant who maintains thousands of men and women in the gulag because of their support of men and women believing in freedom and democracy. Another question is begged, Mr. Speaker: Where is the free press that we enjoy in this country and in the international community and in the community of democracies? Where are the reporters, the members of the media who are talking about what is happening to Dr. Biscet? Is there not an elemental, an elemental duty and responsibility to talk about these facts by the free press? There is. They know it, and they are failing in that elemental duty.

View in Record
HONORING THE REMARKABLE CAREER OF MR. RAMON PUIG2003-11-19

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the remarkable accomplishments of Mr. Ramon Puig. He truly is the embodiment of the American dream. Mr. Puig was born in the central mountain town of Zaza del Medio, in the Cuban province of Las Villas in 1920. At a young age, he learned to be a tailor and at 23, he opened shop in his hometown and began making and selling tropical dress shirts called guayaberas. As his popularity grew, he traveled throughout the island, taking skillful measurements and delivering his custom-made guayaberas. Eventually, he became a regular supplier of guayaberas to Cubans throughout the entire country. When Cuba fell to totalitarianism in 1959, Mr. Puig left his shop as he was forced to work in the dictatorship's sugarcane fields. He arrived in Miami on one of the Freedom Flights of October 18, 1968. There, he worked for eight months as a hotel dishwasher for 95 cents an hour. He put his life back together and in 1971, opened his first guayabera shop in Miami. His superb work, skillful craftsmanship and attention to detail have earned him the nickname, el Rey de las Guayaberas, the Guayabera King. His stylish shirts have earned him national attention, including a recent article in GQ magazine. Every day, he drives to his store and personally takes his customers' measurements, cuts the patterns, and supervises the seamstresses who stitch his custom-made guayaberas. His shirts are superbly made with embroidery and fine details that make each shirt unique. He carefully keeps track of everyone who buys his tailor-made guayaberas with record books filled with names, occupations, measurements and cuttings from the fabric he used to make their particular guayabera. Mr. Puig's list of clients includes stars George Hamilton, Robert Duvall, Emilio and Gloria Estefan, mayors, governors, senators and every U.S. president since Ronald Reagan. Their autographed photos adorn his office. In 1995, he moved his shop, La Casa de las Guayaberas, to 5840 SW Eighth Street in Miami. The store carries about 8,000 guayaberas and has hundreds more in storage. But the love of his life is Juana Maria, the wonderful woman he married 60 years ago. She is his partner in business as well as life. Mr. Speaker, I congratulate my friend, Mr. Ramon Puig, for his long and remarkable career. I commend him for his hard work and wish him continued success and happiness. I am honored to call this great man, my friend.

View in Record
HONORING CARL AND MIKE LOWELL2003-11-19

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor two of South Florida's outstanding citizens, Carl Lowell and his son, Mike Lowell. Carl Lowell pitched for St. Joseph's University in 1968 and '69 before leaving after his junior year to go to dental school in Puerto Rico. He was named Most Valuable Player of the 1968 team and was an honorable mention on the All-Middle-Atlantic Conference team after going 6-3 with a 2.39 earned run average while striking out 65 batters in 78 2/3 innings. On March 29, 1969, he pitched a no-hitter against Franklin & Marshall, one of just five no-hitters in school history. His career 3.31 ERA is the fourth-lowest in the school's record books. Carl, pitching for the Puerto Rican national team, beat Cuba in international competition. Carl is of Cuban and German descent and is a strong believer in freedom and democracy. When Cuban dictator Fidel Castro wanted to meet the team and have his photo taken with the players, Carl stayed on the bus instead. Today, Carl is a prominent and respected dentist in South Florida. His son, Mike, is the third baseman for the 2003 World Series Champion Florida Marlins and is one of baseball's best hitters. This year he hit 32 homers with 105 runs-batted-in despite missing the last month of the season with a broken hand. He's a 2002 and 2003 All Star and recently won the 2003 National League Silver Slugger Award which is given to the top offensive players at each position, as voted on by major league baseball managers and coaches. Mike grew up in Miami where he was a high school baseball star and became the heart of the best Coral Gables High team in decades. He made All Dade First Team and was an All State/All Star in 1992. Mike was offered a full scholarship by Florida International University (FIU) where he excelled and was an Academic All-American. In 1995, he was drafted by the New York Yankees and quickly moved up the minor league system. His parents had always stressed the importance of a good education, and after being drafted, with some special help from his mother, Beatriz, Mike returned to FlU. Mike had three grade- by-final-exam courses, and Beatriz went to class and took notes for him while he was in the instructional league. He graduated Magna Cum Laude in 1996 with a degree in Finance. In 1999, he was traded back home to play for the Florida Marlins. However, less than three weeks later, Mike's plans were put on hold by a startling discovery. While undergoing a regular physical examination, Mike was diagnosed with testicular cancer. The surgery and three weeks of radiation were successful, and today he is cancer-free. On July 20, 2002, Carl had prostate cancer surgery. Mike spent the whole day at the hospital with him, then hit a game-winning home run against the Expos that night. After the game, he said he had dedicated the home run to his father. Mike created the Mike Lowell Foundation which hosts the Mike Lowell Foundation Charity Golf Classic. All the proceeds from the event are donated to a wonderful charity in South Florida which provides free medical care to low income cancer patients, ``La Liga Contra el Cancer'' (The League Against Cancer) and local sports programs. A patriot like his father, on April 25, 2000, Mike sat out the game to protest the shameful raid on the home of Elian Gonzalez, further earning the respect and admiration of freedom loving people everywhere. Mr. Speaker, South Florida is truly fortunate to have these distinguished individuals living in our community. They are fine examples of love, perseverance, patriotism and civic leadership.

View in Record
FREEDOM FOR NORMANDO HERNANDEZ GONZALEZ2003-11-17

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to inform this Congress about Normando Hernandez Gonzalez, a prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba. Mr. Hernandez, age 32, and the director of the College of Independent Journalists, has been a chronicler of truth amid the lies and deceit of Castor's villainous regime. As a journalist who exposed the ruthless repression and failed policies of Cuba's totalitarian dictator, Mr. Hernandez has been continuously harassed by Castro's political police. He was detained and released miles from his home on at least two occasions and his telephone has been cut off since June 15, 2002. Men and women who seek truth and freedom are the enemies of Castro's totalitarian dictatorship. On March 24, 2003, Mr. Hernandez was sentenced to 25 years in the Cuban totalitarian gulag. According to the sham indictment ``He prepared reports . . . in which he attacked the health system (and) the education provided in this country, questioned the justice system, tourism, culture, agriculture. . . .'' Mr. Hernandez, for the ``crime'' of reporting truth instead of government mandated lies, is languishing in Castro's gulag. According to a statement by his wife, Yarai Reyes, on September 3, 2003, the food in the gulag was often rotten, Mr. Hernandez had no electricity in his cell and was being refused all medical care. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, in his address at the 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, President George W. Bush said ``Communism, and militarism and rule by the capricious and corrupt are the relics of a passing era. And we will stand with these oppressed peoples until the day of their freedom finally arrives.'' President Bush went on to state, ``The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is the calling of our country.'' My Colleagues, I applaud President Bush's stirring remarks and I ask that we answer his call to advance freedom by demanding liberty for every prisoner of conscience. Today I ask the entire Congress to cry with one, united, voice for the immediate release of Normando Hernandez Gonzalez.

View in Record
COMMENDING PRESIDENT BUSH'S REMARKS AT THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY2003-11-07

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commend President George W. Bush for his extremely important and inspirational remarks at the 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy on November 6, 2003. The National Endowment for Democracy was formed 20 years ago to answer President Ronald Reagan's ground breaking speech before the British Parliament in London on June 8, 1982. President Reagan said: The objective I propose is quite simple to state: to foster the infrastructure of democracy-the system of a free press, unions, political parties, universities- which allows a people to choose their own way, to develop their own culture, to reconcile their own differences through peaceful means. Since its inception at the height of the Cold War, the National Endowment for Democracy has been a bipartisan, non-profit organization with the singular aim of promoting democracy and freedom throughout the world. The National Endowment for Democracy has lived up to its mission of ``supporting freedom throughout the world.'' Yesterday, President George W. Bush renewed America's commitment to the cause of freedom with these stirring words: The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is the calling of our country. From the Fourteen Points to the Four Freedoms, to the Speech at Westminster, America has put our power at the service of principle. We believe that liberty is the design of nature; we believe that liberty is the direction of history. We believe that human fulfillment and excellence come in the responsible exercise of liberty. And we believe that freedom--the freedom we prize--is not for us alone, it is the right and the capacity of all mankind. Mr. Speaker, I applaud President Bush for his vision, steadfast commitment and leadership in the advancement of freedom throughout the world. It is now my distinct priviledge to ask unanimous consent that the full text of President Bush's remarks at the 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy be included in the Congressional Record at this time. Remarks by President George W. Bush at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy The President. Thank you all very much. Please be seated. Thanks for the warm welcome, and thanks for inviting me to join you in this 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy. The staff and directors of this organization have seen a lot of history over the last two decades, you've been a part of that history. By speaking for and standing for freedom, you've lifted the hopes of people around the world, and you've brought great credit to America. I appreciate Vin for the short introduction. I'm a man who likes short introductions. And he didn't let me down. But more importantly, I appreciate the invitation. I appreciate the members of Congress who are here, senators from both political parties, members of the House of Representatives from both political parties. I appreciate the ambassadors who are here. I appreciate the guests who have come. I appreciate the bipartisan spirit, the nonpartisan spirit of the National Endowment for Democracy. I'm glad that Republicans and Democrats and independents are working together to advance human liberty. The roots of our democracy can be traced to England, and to its Parliament--and so can the roots of this organization. In June of 1982, President Ronald Reagan spoke at Westminster Palace and declared, the turning point had arrived in history. He argued that Soviet communism had failed, precisely because it did not respect its own people--their creativity, their genius and their rights. President Reagan said that the day of Soviet tyranny was passing, that freedom had a momentum which would not be halted. He gave this organization its mandate: to add to the momentum of freedom across the world. Your mandate was important 20 years ago; it is equally important today. (Applause.) A number of critics were dismissive of that speech by the President. According to one editorial of the time, ``It seems hard to be a sophisticated European and also an admirer of Ronald Reagan.'' (Laughter.) Some observers on both sides of the Atlantic pronounced the speech simplistic and naive, and even dangerous. In fact, Ronald Reagan's words were courageous and optimistic and entirely correct. (Applause.) The great democratic movement President Reagan described was already well underway. In the early 1970s, there were about 40 democracies in the world. By the middle of that decade, Portugal and Spain and Greece held free elections. Soon there were new democracies in Latin America, and free institutions were spreading in Korea, in Taiwan, and in East Asia. This very week in 1989, there were protests in East Berlin and in Leipzig. By the end of that year, every communist dictatorship in Central America had collapsed. Within another year, the South African government released Nelson Mandela. Four years later, he was elected president of his country--ascending, like Walesa and Havel, from prisoner of state to head of state. As the 20th century ended, there were around 120 democracies in the world--and I can assure you more are on the way. (Applause.) Ronald Reagan would be pleased, and he would not be surprised. We've witnessed, in little over a generation, the swiftest advance of freedom in the 2,500 year story of democracy. Historians in the future will offer their own explanations for why this happened. Yet we already know some of the reasons they will cite. It is no accident that the rise of so many democracies took place in a time when the world's most influential nation was itself a democracy. The United States made military and moral commitments in Europe and Asia, which protected free nations from aggression, and created the conditions in which new democracies could flourish. As we provided security for whole nations, we also provided inspiration for oppressed peoples. In prison camps, in banned union meetings, in clandestine churches, men and women knew that the whole world was not sharing their own nightmare. They knew of at least one place--a bright and hopeful land--where freedom was valued and secure. And they prayed that America would not forget them, or forget the mission to promote liberty around the world. Historians will note that in many nations, the advance of markets and free enterprise helped to create a middle class that was confident enough to demand their own rights. They will point to the role of technology in frustrating censorship and central control--and marvel at the power of instant communications to spread the truth, the news, and courage across borders. Historians in the future will reflect on an extraordinary, undeniable fact: Over time, free nations grow stronger and dictatorships grow weaker. In the middle of the 20th century, some imagined that the central planning and social regimentation were a shortcut to national strength. In fact, the prosperity, and social vitality and technological progress of a people are directly determined by extent of their liberty. Freedom honors and unleashes human creativity--and creativity determines the strength and wealth of nations. Liberty is both the plan of Heaven for humanity, and the best hope for progress here on Earth. The progress of liberty is a powerful trend. Yet, we also know that liberty, if not defended, can be lost. The success of freedom is not determined by some dialectic of history. By definition, the success of freedom rests upon the choices and the courage of free peoples, and upon their willingness to sacrifice. In the trenches of World War I, through a two- front war in the 1940s, the difficult battles of Korea and Vietnam, and in missions of rescue and liberation on nearly every continent, Americans have amply displayed our willingness to sacrifice for liberty. The sacrifices of Americans have not always been recognized or appreciated, yet they have been worthwhile. Because we and our allies were steadfast, Germany and Japan are democratic nations that no longer threaten the world. A global nuclear standoff with the Soviet Union ended peacefully-- as did the Soviet Union. The nations of Europe are moving towards unity, not dividing into armed camps and descending into genocide. Every nation has learned, or should have learned, an important lesson: Freedom is worth fighting for, dying for, and standing for--and the advance of freedom leads to peace. (Applause.) And now we must apply that lesson in our own time. We've reached another great turning point--and the resolve we show will shape the next stage of the world democratic movement. Our commitment to democracy is tested in countries like Cuba and Burma and North Korea and Zimbabwe--outposts of oppression in our world. The people in these nations live in captivity, and fear and silence. Yet, these regimes cannot hold back freedom forever--and, one day, from prison camps and prison cells, and from exile, the leaders of new democracies will arrive. (Applause.) Communism, and militarism and rule by the capricious and corrupt are the relics of a passing era. And we will stand with these oppressed peoples until the day of their freedom finally arrives. (Applause.) Our commitment to democracy is tested in China. That nation now has a sliver, a fragment of liberty. Yet, China's people will eventually want their liberty pure and whole. China has discovered that economic freedom leads to national wealth. China's leaders will also discover that freedom is indivisible--that social and religious freedom is also essential to national greatness and national dignity. Eventually, men and women who are allowed to control their own wealth will insist on controlling their own lives and their own country. Our commitment to democracy is also tested in the Middle East, which is my focus today, and must be a focus of American policy for decades to come. In many nations of the Middle East--countries of great strategic importance-- democracy has not yet taken root. And the questions arise: Are the peoples of the Middle East somehow beyond the reach of liberty? Are millions of men and women and children condemned by history or culture to live in despotism? Are they alone never to know freedom, and never even to have a choice in the matter? I, for one, do not believe it. I believe every person has the ability and the right to be free. (Applause.) Some skeptics of democracy assert that the traditions of Islam are inhospitable to the representative government. This ``cultural condescension,'' as Ronald Reagan termed it, has a long history. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, a so- called Japan expert asserted that democracy in that former empire would ``never work.'' Another observer declared the prospects for democracy in post-Hitler Germany are, and I quote, ``most uncertain at best''--he made that claim in 1957. Seventy-four years ago, The Sunday London Times declared nine-tenths of the population of India to be ``illiterates not caring a fig for politics.'' Yet when Indian democracy was imperiled in the 1970s, the Indian people showed their commitment to liberty in a national referendum that saved their form of government. Time after time, observers have questioned whether this country, or that people, or this group, are ``ready'' for democracy--as if freedom were a prize you win for meeting our own Western standards of progress. In fact, the daily work of democracy itself is the path of progress. It teaches cooperation, the free exchange of ideas, and the peaceful resolution of differences. As men and women are showing, from Bangladesh to Botswana, to Mongolia, it is the practice of democracy that makes a nation ready for democracy, and every nation can start on this path. It should be clear to all that Islam--the faith of one- fifth of humanity--is consistent with democratic rule. Democratic progress is found in many predominantly Muslim countries--in Turkey and Indonesia, and Senegal and Albania, Niger and Sierra Leone. Muslim men and women are good citizens of India and South Africa, of the nations of Western Europe, and of the United States of America. More than half of all the Muslims in the world live in freedom under democratically constituted governments. They succeed in democratic societies, not in spite of their faith, but because of it. A religion that demands individual moral accountability, and encourages the encounter of the individual with God, is fully compatible with the rights and responsibilities of self-government. Yet there's a great challenge today in the Middle East. In the words of a recent report by Arab scholars, the global wave of democracy has--and I quote--``barely reached the Arab states.'' They continue: ``This freedom deficit undermines human development and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political development.'' The freedom deficit they describe has terrible consequences, of the people of the Middle East and for the world. In many Middle Eastern countries, poverty is deep and it is spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling. Whole societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead. These are not the failures of a culture or a religion. These are the failures of political and economic doctrines. As the colonial era passed away, the Middle East saw the establishment of many military dictatorships. Some rulers adopted the dogmas of socialism, seized total control of political parties and the media and universities. They allied themselves with the Soviet bloc and with international terrorism. Dictators in Iraq and Syria promised the restoration of national honor, a return to ancient glories. They've left instead a legacy of torture, oppression, misery, and ruin. Other men, and groups of men, have gained influence in the Middle East and beyond through an ideology of theocratic terror. Behind their language of religion is the ambition for absolute political power. Ruling cabals like the Taliban show their version of religious piety in public whippings of women, ruthless suppression of any difference or dissent, and support for terrorists who arm and train to murder the innocent. The Taliban promised religious purity and national pride. Instead, by systematically destroying a proud and working society, they left behind suffering and starvation. Many Middle Eastern governments now understand that military dictatorship and theocratic rule are a straight, smooth highway to nowhere. But some governments still cling to the old habits of central control. There are governments that still fear and repress independent thought and creativity, and private enterprise--the human qualities that make for a-- strong and successful societies. Even when these nations have vast natural resources, they do not respect or develop their greatest resources--the talent and energy of men and women working and living in freedom. Instead of dwelling on past wrongs and blaming others, governments in the Middle East need to confront real problems, and serve the true interests of their nations. The good and capable people of the Middle East all deserve responsible leadership. For too long, many people in that region have been victims and subjects--they deserve to be active citizens. Governments across the Middle East and North Africa are beginning to see the need for change. Morocco has a diverse new parliament; King Mohammed has urged it to extend the rights to women. Here is how His Majesty explained his reforms to parliament: ``How can society achieve progress while women, who represent half the nation, see their rights violated and suffer as a result of injustice, violence, and marginalization, notwithstanding the dignity and justice granted to them by our glorious religion?'' The King of Morocco is correct: The future of Muslim nations will be better for all with the full participation of women. (Applause.) In Bahrain last year, citizens elected their own parliament for the first time in nearly three decades. Oman has extended the vote to all adult citizens; Qatar has a new constitution; Yemen has a multiparty political system; Kuwait has a directly elected national assembly; and Jordan held historic elections this summer. Recent surveys in Arab nations reveal broad support for political pluralism, the rule of law, and free speech. These are the stirrings of Middle Eastern democracy, and they carry the promise of greater change to come. As changes come to the Middle Eastern region, those with power should ask themselves: Will they be remembered for resisting reform, or for leading it? In Iran, the demand for democracy is strong and broad, as we saw last month when thousands gathered to welcome home Shirin Ebadi, the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. The regime in Teheran must heed the democratic demands of the Iranian people, or lose its last claim to legitimacy. (Applause.) For the Palestinian people, the only path to independence and dignity and progress is the path of democracy. (Applause.) And the Palestinian leaders who block and undermine democratic reform, and feed hatred and encourage violence are not leaders at all. They're the main obstacles to peace, and to the success of the Palestinian people. The Saudi government is taking first steps toward reform, including a plan for gradual introduction of elections. By giving the Saudi people a greater role in their own society, the Saudi government can demonstrate true leadership in the region. The great and proud nation of Egypt has shown the way toward peace in the Middle East, and now should show the way toward democracy in the Middle East. (Applause.) Champions of democracy in the region understand that democracy is not perfect, it is not the path to utopia, but it's the only path to national success and dignity. As we watch and encourage reforms in the region, we are mindful that modernization is not the same as Westernization. Representative governments in the Middle East will reflect their own cultures. They will not, and should not, look like us. Democratic nations may be constitutional monarchies, federal republics, or parliamentary systems. And working democracies always need time to develop--as did our own. We've taken a 200 year journey toward inclusion and justice-- and this makes us patient and understanding as other nations are at different stages of this journey. There are, however, essential principles common to every successful society, in every culture. Successful societies limit the power of the state and the power of the military-- so that governments respond to the will of the people, and not the will of an elite. Successful societies protect freedom with the consistent and impartial rule of law, instead of selecting applying--selectively applying the law to punish political opponents. Successful societies allow room for healthy civic institutions--for political parties and labor unions and independent newspapers and broadcast media. Successful societies guarantee religious liberty--the right to serve and honor God without fear of persecution. Successful societies privatize their economies, and secure the rights of property. They prohibit and punish official corruption, and invest in the health and education of their people. They recognize the rights of women. And instead of directing hatred and resentment against others, successful societies appeal to the hopes of their own people. (Applause.) These vital principles are being applies in the nations of Afghanistan and Iraq. With the steady leadership of President Karzai, the people of Afghanistan are building a modern and peaceful government. Next month, 500 delegates will convene a national assembly in Kabul to approve a new Afghan constitution. The proposed draft would establish a bicameral parliament, set national elections next year, and recognize Afghanistan's Muslim identity, while protecting the rights of all citizens. Afghanistan faces continuing economic and security challenges--it will face those challenges as a free and stable democracy. (Applause.) In Iraq, the Coalition Provisional Authority and the Iraqi Governing Council are also working together to build a democracy--and after three decades of tyranny, this work is not easy. The former dictator ruled by terror and treachery, and left deeply ingrained habits of fear and distrust. Remnants of his regime, joined by foreign terrorists, continue their battle against order and against civilization. Our coalition is responding to recent attacks with precision raids, guided by intelligence provided by the Iraqis, themselves. And we're working closely with Iraqi citizens as they prepare a constitution, as they move toward free elections and take increasing responsibility for their own affairs. As in the defense of Greece in 1947, and later in the Berlin Airlift, the strength and will of free peoples are now being tested before a watching world. And we will meet this test. (Applause.) Securing democracy in Iraq is the work of many hands. American and coalition forces are sacrificing for the peace of Iraq and for the security of free nations. Aid workers from many countries are facing danger to help the Iraqi people. The National Endowment for Democracy is promoting women's rights, and training Iraqi journalists, and teaching the skills of political participation. Iraqis, themselves-- police and borders guards and local officials--are joining in the work and they are sharing in the sacrifice. This is a massive and difficult undertaking--it is worth our effort, it is worth our sacrifice, because we know the stakes. The failure of Iraqi democracy would embolden terrorists around the world, increase dangers to the American people, and extinguish the hopes of millions in the region. Iraqi democracy will succeed--and that success will send forth the news, from Damascus to Teheran--that freedom can be the future of every nation. (Applause.) The establishment of a free Iraq at the heart of the Middle East will be a watershed event in the global democratic revolution. (Applause.) Sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us safe--because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased at the expense of liberty. As long as the Middle East remains a place where freedom does not flourish, it will remain a place of stagnation, resentment, and violence ready for export. And with the spread of weapons that can bring catastrophic harm to our country and to our friends, it would be reckless to accept the status quo. (Applause.) Therefore, the United States has adopted a new policy, a forward strategy of freedom in the Middle East. This strategy requires the same persistence and energy and idealism we have shown before. And it will yield the same results. As in Europe, as in Asia, as in every region of the world, the advance of freedom leads to peace. (Applause.) The advance of freedom is the calling of our time; it is the calling of our country. From the Fourteen Points to the Four Freedoms, to the Speech at Westminster, America has put our power at the service of principle. We believe that liberty is the design of nature; we believe that liberty is the direction of history. We believe that human fulfillment and excellence come in the responsible exercise of liberty. And we believe that freedom--the freedom we prize--is not for us alone, it is the right and the capacity of all mankind. (Applause.) Working for the spread of freedom can be hard. Yet, America has accomplished hard tasks before. Our nation is strong; we're strong of heart. And we're not alone. Freedom is finding allies in every country; freedom finds allies in every culture. And as we meet the terror and violence of the world, we can be certain the author of freedom is not indifferent to the fate of freedom. With all the tests and all the challenges of our age, this is, above all, the age of liberty. Each of you at this Endowment is fully engaged in the great cause of liberty. And I thank you. May God bless your work. And may God continue to bless America. (Applause.)

View in Record
FREEDOM FOR HECTOR FERNANDO MASEDA GUTIERREZ2003-11-04

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Hector Fernando Maseda Gutierrez, a prisoner of conscience in totalitarian Cuba. Mr. Maseda, age 60, is an engineer and physicist by profession. He studied the logic and reason behind how machines work, how nature operates. He also realized that Castro's repressive regime constitutes a nightmare for the Cuban people. Mr. Maseda joined pro-democracy groups that work to obtain basic human rights for the people of Cuba. He eventually became a member of the Liberal Democratic Cuban Party and the director of the Liberal Studies Center. As Mr. Maseda became more active within the movement, he began to chronicle the savage practices of the regime for independent newspapers and websites. Unfortunately, not all of these articles reached the outside world, among the articles confiscated by the political police were: ``The forced workers of Cuba'' and ``Havana: the capital of sexual tourism.'' On March 18, 2003, Mr. Maseda was arrested and his typewriter, a fax machine, books, and his journalistic writings were confiscated. In a sham trial, he was subsequently sentenced to 20 years in the Cuban gulag for writing articles ``which twist the society and reality of Cuba'' and for ``maintaining relations with Florida International University.'' Mr. Maseda currently languishes in the Cuban totalitarian gulag. He has been muted and gagged for writing about the systematic abuses of human rights that occur under Castro's totalitarian rule. Mr. Speaker, the reality of Castro's repressive regime continues to be that men and women who write the truth are locked in the Cuban gulag while their oppressor remains in power. My colleagues, we must fight for freedom whenever and wherever human beings are shackled by totalitarian dictators. We must demand the immediate release of Hector Fernando Maseda Gutierrez.

View in Record
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2115, VISION 100--CENTURY OF AVIATION REAUTHORIZATION ACT2003-10-30

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. (Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume. Just to reiterate, we reiterate some facts that I attempted to bring out before. First of all, with regard to the towers privatized, airports privatized, during the Clinton administration, about 100 of them were former FAA staffed towers. I reiterate again, that in the legislation brought forth today, there is mandated no privatization of towers. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mica), the distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Aviation.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I sympathize with my good friends on the other side of the aisle. When I arrived in this Congress along with the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Mica) 11 years ago, I was in the minority, and I remember what it was not to have the votes, the majority of the votes to get one's ideas passed and to come into law. So I sympathize when now our colleagues on the other side of the aisle do not have the majority of the votes, how they must feel, but I think it is important that some facts now be put on the record, Mr. Speaker. This legislation before us mandates no privatization of towers. During the years of the Clinton Presidency, approximately 150 such towers were privatized. I do not recall my friends protesting, but this legislation, which obviously they are complaining about today, mandates no such privatization of towers, like we had 150 during the Clinton years. Despite the fact that we on this side of the aisle have the majority of the votes, it is important to point out that in the writing of the bill and the original conference report, our friends on the other side of the aisle were intimately involved. Many provisions, in fact, were included in the bill at the request of our friends on the other side of the aisle. For example, a special rule to maintain the minimum AIP entitlement at small airports that have lost passengers, I am told the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) came forth with that idea. A sense of Congress on 5th freedom and 7th freedom flights, I believe the distinguished gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski) brought forth that idea. An increase in the MPO participation in the airport planning process, I believe the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) had that idea. Requirement to provide additional information to families affected by aircraft accidents, I believe the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner) had that idea. Restriction on flights at Teterboro airport, I believe the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman) had that idea. Flight attendant certification, deadline for issuance of Stage 4 noise reduction rule, curriculum standards for maintenance technicians, provision on foreign repair station security, all of these ideas came from our friends on the other side of the aisle. So it is important for the facts to be known. There is frustration in being in the minority. I remember my first term here, but let us not negate the facts that in the fairness of the majority, many ideas of the minority were included. So I think that is required. I think that is required by democracy, respect for the minority, and we see in this legislation the fruits of much respect for the minority, but in addition to ideas that were brought forth by the minority, there are many ideas brought forth, I would say many more, by the majority that are very important to the safety of aviation in this country, Mr. Speaker, and that is why we must pass this legislation today. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

View in Record
WAIVING POINTS OF ORDER AGAINST CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 3289, EMERGENCY SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS ACT FOR DEFENSE AND FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN, 20042003-10-30

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, there are moments in history where we know the decisions we are making will affect the world in the future. Today we stand at such a moment, charged with the enormous task of helping to rebuild Iraq. Our own history offers us guidance about how to best rebuild a wartime adversary. After World War I, Germany was soundly defeated and the parties gathered in Versailles to negotiate the terms of surrender. The talks came to a question of who was responsible for the aftermath. Was Germany responsible? Should a country with a new government be burdened by the debts of a defeated regime? Should they be responsible for reconstruction or for reparations? We all realize how the reparations inflicted upon Germany at that time created an atmosphere of despair. We are also aware of how that atmosphere was exploited by the evil monster Adolf Hitler. Mr. Speaker, we know how that story ended in Germany, and it could end up that way in Iraq. But after World War II, an alliance, once again scarred by battle, sat across from debt-heavy and defeated nations, and the alliance did not make the same mistake of 1918. The United States eventually formulated a systematic recovery program that became known as the Marshall Plan. The Marshall Plan was not entirely made up of U.S. aid. It also called upon the European nations to eventually contribute to their own recovery. Yet the first installment of $4 billion in aid required great political will. At that time, $4 billion represented 13 percent of the entire budget. That act of congressional courage helped to make Western Europe into a subcontinent of strong economies, strong democracies and, thus, strong allies. It is my belief that this assistance may allow a free and democratic Iraq to become a beacon of hope in the Middle East. It will show the people of that region that democracy is possible, that the United States does not impose its will, only the ability for people to decide their own destiny. That is why I applaud President Bush for setting the course of reconstruction in Iraq. Encouraging progress is already happening. Schools are opening. Electricity is turning on. New currency is being distributed. As the Iraqi people see continued progress in rebuilding, we help keep Americans safe at home. In a section of the world that has already imperiled too many lives, in a country whose previous savage regime caused too much suffering and too many deaths, we in Congress should be inspired by the lessons of our history to support an emerging Iraqi democracy with our wisdom, our experience, and our resources. The vote we are about to cast will have enormous repercussions. If this assistance has the same effect that the Marshall Plan funding had in Western Europe, it will help toward the creation of a stable, democratic Iraqi government and a lifelong ally of the United States. It is with that hope, Mr. Speaker, that I will support this supplemental appropriation.

View in Record
House of Representatives2003-10-30

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this legislation reauthorizes the FAA. It is extremely important to the safety of the flying public in this country. In addition, it reauthorizes $3.4 billion for the FAA and increases it by $100 million each year. Mr. Speaker, many of the ideas of our friends on the other side of the aisle, and I have a whole page of them here in summary, were included in this legislation. And with regard to what we have heard time and time again about phantoms of privatization, and though 150 occurred during President Clinton's administration, this legislation mandates none. Mr. Speaker, this is an important piece of legislation. We must pass it today, and so I urge my colleagues to pass the rule and the underlying legislation.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Alluding to the facts, Mr. Speaker, I think is important sometimes. Under the Presidency of William Jefferson Clinton, approximately 150 control towers were privatized. This legislation mandates no privatizations. And under the Presidency of George W. Bush, by the way, there have been zero towers privatized. I do not recall the protests during the 150 privatizations during the years of Bill Clinton. What I do know is that this legislation mandates no privatizations. The facts sometimes, Mr. Speaker, are important. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I would inquire at this time how many speakers the other side has remaining.

View in Record