Robert Dole

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent, notwithstanding adjournment of the Senate, that on Wednesday, July 5, committees have from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. to file any legislative or executive reported business

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the previously scheduled vote on Monday, July 10, be changed to begin at 5:15 p.m.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Relations be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Friday, June 30, 1995, at 10:30 a.m.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I might add, that list does not include many of the nominations we have acted on, too.

Mr. DOLE. Finally, Mr. President, we have now completed 6 months work in the U.S. Senate and the Congress. Mr. President, as we prepare to return to our States for the July 4 recess, I wanted to take just a minute to review the last 6 months, and to look ahead to the 6 that remain in this year. When Republicans asked Americans to put Congress under new management for the first time in 40 years, Mr. President, we promised that we were a different way of doing business. We promised we would not stand for the status quo. We promised we would bring change to Capitol Hill. We have kept those promises. We have kept our word. We have brought change to Capitol Hill. One change we brought was in our work load. In past sessions, Congress would convene in January, and then take it easy for a month or two. This Congress put an end to that. We hit the ground running. From January 5 through June 28, the Senate has been in session for 106 days, meeting for a total of 933 hours and 52 minutes--that is 21 more days and nearly 350 more hours than the Senate spent in session from January 5 through June 30, 1993--the first 6 months of the fist session of the 103d Congress. What has the Senate accomplished in that time? Well, one thing we have not done is pass more legislation than the previous Senate. And that is a good thing. Because the people did not send us here to pass more laws that mean more regulations and more Government. They sent us here to rein in the Federal bureaucracy, and to return power to States, to communities, and to the people. And that is exactly what we have done. we began by leading by example, passing the Congressional Accountability Act, which will subject Congress to the same laws we impose on everybody else. We put an end to the practice of sending Federal mandates to our States and local Governments, but not sending along the money to pay for them. We passed the Paperwork Reduction Act, which will help to reduce redtape. We passed the line-item veto legislation, which will result in the reduction of unnecessary Federal spending. We took the first step to reforming a civil litigation system that is out of balance, out of control, and out of common sense. In the wake of the terrible tragedy in Oklahoma city, we moved quickly to pass antiterrorism legislation. Legislation that we can be just as proud of 10 years from now, as we are today, and legislation that included historic habeas corpus reform. We passed a telecommunications bill that reduces Government interference in that fast growing industry. And, of course, we passed a historic budget resolution that sets America on a 7 year path to a balanced budget. This is just a partial list of legislation we have passed this session. All in all, not a bad start. And let me assure the American people it is just that. A start. Republicans know we have much to do before the end of this first session. This includes regulatory reform. Welfare reform. A tough anticrime bill. A congressional gift ban and lobby reform. And the appropriations bills, which will offer final proof that we are serious about balancing the budget. And speaking of that, we have not given up on passing the balanced budget amendment. Teddy Roosevelt once said that ``the best prize life has to offer is the chance to work hard at work worth doing.'' I guarantee to my colleagues that over the next 6 months we'll have an opportunity to win that best prize, because we will continue to work hard at work worth doing. The American people deserve no less. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a listing of some of the important legislation adopted by the Senate this session be printed in the Record following my remarks.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent there be a period for the transaction of morning business not to exceed 10 minutes each.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, Congressman Bill Zeliff has just held 2 days of outstanding hearings on the President's national drug control strategy. I think those hearings were very important, and the American people ought to know what Congressman Zeliff and his National Security Subcommittee discovered. You may remember that it was Bill Zeliff who invited Nancy Reagan and a number of other drug experts from around the country to testify in March of this year, and who held an all-day hearing in April with Dr. Lee Brown, the White House drug czar. Mrs. Reagan testified that we have to get back on track, and she was right. The fact is that drug use fell each year of the Reagan administration, and up until 1992, it continued to fall. For example, monthly cocaine use dropped from 2.9 million users in 1988 to 1.3 million in 1992. Overall drug use dropped from 22.3 million users in 1985 to 11.4 million users in 1992. Drug use has gone up with 17 and 18 year olds, 15 and 16 year olds, 13 and 14 year olds. Now we are spending less on drug interdiction programs in this administration. But, as Congressman Zeliff's hearings highlighted, drug use since 1993 has been steadily rising. A 1994 survey of 51,000 kids showed use of LSD, non-LSD hallucinogens, stimulants, and marijuana all up. Cocaine street prices continue to fall, while cocaine emergency room admissions are at historically high levels. In 1994, twice the number of 8th graders were experimenting with marijuana than in 1991, and daily use by seniors was up 50 percent between December 1993 and December 1994. During his hearings, Congressman Zeliff also turned up these disturbing facts: First, the head of DEA, Administrator Constantine, admitted that exploding drug use in this country and international drug cartels should be seen as our No. 1 national security threat. Administrator Constantine also admitted that rising casual drug use among U.S. kids is a timebomb waiting to explode. Second, the President's interdiction coordinator, Admiral Kramek, admitted that his office, which is supposed to coordinate the whole Nation's drug interdiction effort, has just six full-time employees-- and that the administration's interdiction effort has been cut for 3 straight years. Third, officials at the DEA, the President's interdiction coordinator, and the head of U.S. Customs all suggest that President Clinton's drug strategy is not fulfilling stated expectations. Fourth, the General Accounting Office has released a report confirming that the administration's anti-drug strategy in the source countries is badly managed, poorly coordinated among agencies, and holds low priority in key embassies, including the U.S. Embassy in Mexico--despite the fact that 70 percent of the cocaine coming into the United States comes over the border with Mexico. Mr. President, I want to commend Chairman Zeliff for convening these important hearings. The hearings are a wake-up call to all of us in Congress that we must regain the offensive and renew our commitment to the war on drugs.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, next Tuesday, in homes, neighborhoods, and communities across the country, Americans will celebrate Independence Day. And since the Senate will not be in session on America's birthday, I wanted to take a minute today to share some very meaningful words with my colleagues. The words are not mine. Rather, they were first written in 1955, as a public relations advertisement for what is now the Norfolk Southern Corp. The words have been updated slightly since that time, and they eloquently encompass what America is all about. I was born on July 4, 1776, and the Declaration of Independence is my birth certificate. The bloodlines of the world run in my veins, because I offered freedom to the oppressed. I am many things, and many people. I am the Nation . . . I am Nathan Hale and Paul Revere. I stood at Lexington and fired the shot heard around the world. I am Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry. I am John Paul Jones, the Green Mountain Boys and Davy Crockett. I am Lee and Grant and Abe Lincoln. I remember the Alamo, the Maine and Pearl Harbor. When freedom called I answered and stayed until it was over, over there. I left my heroic dead in Flanders Fields, on the rock of Corregidor, on the bleak slopes of Korea, and in the steaming jungles of Vietnam. I am the Brooklyn Bridge, the wheat fields of Kansas, and the granite hills of Vermont. I am the coalfields of the Virginias and Pennsylvania, the fertile lands of the west, the Golden Gate and the Grand Canyon. I am Independence Hall, the Monitor and the Merrimac. I am big. I sprawl from the Atlantic to the Pacific . . . my arms reach out to embrace Alaska and Hawaii. Three million square miles throbbing with industry. I am millions of farms. I am forest, field, mountain and desert. I am quiet villages--and cities that never sleep. You can look at me and see Ben Franklin walking down the streets of Philadelphia with his breadloaf under his arm. You can see Betsy Ross with her needle. You can see the lights of Christmas, and hear the strains of ``Auld Lang Syne'' as the calendar turns. I am Babe Ruth and the World Series. I am 110,000 schools and colleges, and 330,000 churches where my people worship God as they think best. I am a ballot dropped in a box, the roar of a crowd in a stadium, and the voice of a choir in a cathedral. I am an editorial in a newspaper and a letter to a congressman. I am Eli Whitney and Stephen Foster. I am Tom Edison, Albert Einstein, and Billy Graham. I am Horace Greeley, Will Rogers, and the Wright brothers. I am George Washington Carver, Jonas Salk, and Martin Luther King. I am Longfellow, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Walt Whitman and Thomas Paine. Yes, I am the Nation, and these are the things that I am. I was conceived in freedom and, God willing, in freedom I will spend the rest of my days. May I possess always the integrity, the courage, and the strength to keep myself unshackled, to remain a citadel of freedom, and a beacon of hope to the world. Mr. President, I know all Senators join with me in wishing America a happy 219th birthday.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I have a series of short statements that I would like to make. I know the hour is late.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, victory was declared on Wednesday in the trade negotiations with Japan. But I think a lot of Americans are wondering ``in favor of which side?'' A lot of Americans are wondering exactly what did the United States get after years of tough talk and threats? A closer look reveals that after 2\1/2\ years of negotiations, the final agreement is vague, unenforceable, non-binding--in short, it is virtually empty. Mr. President, Japanese car manufacturers apparently promised to increase production at their transplant operations in the United States. But for the most part, the promised increases may be no more than what was already planned. It is hard to see why the threat of a major trade war was necessary to persuade the Japanese to do what they already had announced. Mr. President, the U.S. negotiators claimed to have reached landmark agreements in the areas of auto parts and dealerships. But the Japanese immediately issued disclaimers, emphasizing that any commitments were not government commitments, carry no government backing, and are not enforceable. The U.S. negotiators announced an estimate of expected increases in sales of auto parts under the agreement. Incredibly, the Japanese negotiator then specifically disavowed the United States estimate. He said the United States estimate was shared ``neither by the minister himself nor by the government of Japan.'' Mr. President, it makes one wonder, who were we negotiating with? One report this morning states that some Japanese officials ``expressed amazement that the U.S. accepted the final deal.'' Is this the ``specific, measurable, concrete'' deal the President promised? If the estimated increases in parts purchases fail to occur, there are no consequences. If the number of dealerships does not increase, Japan faces no penalties. If the United States estimates in any of these categories do not materialize--well, the Japanese never acknowledged those United States estimates in the first place. And a joint United States-Japan statement adds the ultimate qualifier: Both sides agreed to recognize that ``changes in market conditions may affect the fulfillment of these plans.'' Mr. President, the bottom line is that this agreement does very little, if anything, to address the continuing problem of market access in Japan. After this agreement is in place, Japan will remain the most closed major industrial economy in the world. Japan will remain a sanctuary economy with the lowest level among all industrial nations of import penetration across numerous industry sectors. This agreement does nothing to address the continuing problem of Japanese cartel-like behavior in their home market. It does nothing to address the restrictive business practices that effectively block United States companies from penetrating the Japanese market. And it does nothing to encourage, not to mention require, the Japanese Government to take any action against those practices. Mr. President, we went to the brink of a trade war with one of our most important trading partners and would up with vague promises that cannot be enforced. I hope this is not a model for future efforts to get tough against closed foreign markets.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I rise today with great pleasure to honor a dedicated public servant on the occasion of his retirement. Mr. Robert W. McCormick, Director of the U.S. Senate Telecommunications Department, has more than 38 years' experience in the field of telecommunications. He served 26 years active duty in the U.S. Army, including 13 years with the White House Communications Agency under four Presidents. During his more than 12 years as Director of the Senate Telecommunications Department, serving under seven Sergeants at Arms, Bob McCormick has been responsible for the planning, research, testing, and delivery of telecommunications equipment and services for all Washington, DC, Senate offices, and the approximately 400 State offices. While Bob McCormick's accomplishments are too numerous to specifically mention all of them, I would like to highlight a few of his major achievements. He directed the installation of a state-of-the- art digital telephone switch and sets for Washington, DC, offices in 1986-87. Soon thereafter, he oversaw installation of the FaxXchange system; the Senate Voice Mail System; and the Cloakroom and Sergeant at Arms Group Alert systems that are integrated into the telephone system. In 1993, he was given responsibility for the U.S. Capitol Police Radio System and for the Senate's data communications network. Under his leadership, the Capitol Police radio system has been upgraded. Senate data communications are being transmitted by the faster, reliable, and less expensive frame relay service. During his directorship, he has negotiated approximately a 50-percent reduction in Senate long-distance per-minute rates--for both Washington, DC, and State offices. He has also achieved substantial savings in the cost of data communications by converting to the frame relay network. There is a saying that when goodness and skill work together, expect a masterpiece. Bob McCormick is a masterpiece. Not only has he been a model public servant, but also he is a devoted husband, father, and grandfather. He is an active member of church and community organizations in Queen Anne's County, MD, where he and his wife, Mary Ann, live on a farm. I ask my colleagues to join me in thanking Bob McCormick for his years of public service and wishing him well on his retirement.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. You cannot do that.

Mr. DOLE. I object.

Mr. DOLE. I object.

Mr. DOLE. Let me again state this, so there will not be any misunderstanding by the Senators from Illinois and Minnesota. The next time we bring up the rescissions bill it will be by a unanimous-consent agreement, without any amendments, and with very little debate. They can continue to frustrate this Senate on a Friday afternoon all year long. That is fine with me, because I have to be here anyway. I think they are doing a disservice to hundreds of thousands of people across America to make a political point. They have that right. Everybody makes political points on the Senate floor. And to say they are not making a political point, I think, would be a stretch. Where was all the debate when the conference report was passed? Where has been all the concern in the last few days? These Senators know, as well, that this has been undergoing intense scrutiny with the White House, the Democratic and Republican leadership, and they finally got together. The President says pass it. I read his statements a couple of times, the statement of the administration. Two Senators can frustrate anything. It is too late to file cloture; it is Friday afternoon, which they knew. But that is their right. I do not want to take any rights away from anybody. The day may come when they are trying to pass something on a Friday and somebody will jump up and say they cannot do this. That is the way it goes from time to time. So I am disappointed. I apologize that we could not pass this bill. I apologize to the many people who will be suffering in the interim because of the efforts by our colleagues. But I cannot change that. They have every right to do what they have done. They objected to the immediate consideration. Apparently, they did not really want to vote on the amendments in the first place. They had a chance to have a vote on all the amendments. We could have had a vote, but after 3 hours of wasted time, they did not want to vote and they objected. They have that right. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Regular order.

Mr. DOLE. I call for the regular order, Mr. President.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, a number of us, including the two leaders, have been trying to figure out some way to accommodate those who have concerns about this bill. But I do not think it is going to happen. So I am going to propound a unanimous-consent request, the two Senators can object to that, and then I will ask for the regular order and put us back on another bill. Let me just say, I am not going to bring up the rescissions bill again until there is an agreement we will pass it without any votes. We are trying to accommodate the President of the United States. We are trying to accommodate the House, which passed this bill late last night. More important, we are trying to accommodate people in Oklahoma City who suffered a tremendous tragedy, and a lot of this money would go to help in that area. We are trying to accommodate the people in California who suffered earthquakes. We are trying to accommodate people in 39 other States who have had disaster problems. Here we are on the floor talking about adding $5.5 billion, or x dollars, which can be done in later appropriations bills or supplementals. This debate does not make any sense to me, and I have been around here a long time. Obviously, two Senators on a Friday before a recess can frustrate anything, and they have discovered that, and I commend them for it, because now they know every time there is a recess, on a Friday, they can say ``Oh, I can't let this pass, I feel strongly about this.'' We all feel strongly about this, but ask somebody in Oklahoma City and ask somebody in California or ask the President of the United States if we should pass this bill, and he would say yes. We have dawdled around here for 3 hours. All these things have been debated. It is obvious that the Senator from Illinois and the Senator from Minnesota do not want anything to happen. They can object. But do not come around and say you want to bring the bill up after the recess. It is not going to happen. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that it be in order for me to offer an amendment to the pending bill for Senators Wellstone and Moseley-Braun, the text of which restores the LIHEAP funding, adds back $5.5 billion for insurance counseling, $35 billion for education, and restores $272 million for Job Training Partnership, and that there be 10 minutes for debate divided between Senators Wellstone and Moseley- Braun, at the conclusion of which time the Senate will proceed to vote; that the bill then be advanced to third reading, and passed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, all without intervening action.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I thought we had been debating the amendments the last 2 hours. I have listened to debate on the Low- Income Home Energy Assistance Program and counseling program and the job training program now for 2 hours. I do not know how much debate we need. I think everybody understands precisely what the issues are. I am prepared to offer the amendment myself. I will offer the amendment. I will offer it all in one amendment, move to table the amendment, and there will be a vote on the amendment, if that satisfies the Senator from Minnesota and the Senator from Illinois. We want to bring this to a conclusion. Again, let me repeat, I have a couple of options. I understand the President may be trying to reach you on the telephone. That is an option I had not thought of--because I can reach you right on the floor. This has become the President's bill. He is concerned about the people who suffered in Oklahoma City. He is concerned about the people who suffered in earthquakes in California--as he should be. I think there are 39 States affected by disasters that are going to be affected by this bill, and we are still going to save $9.2 billion. It is a $16 billion bill; we spend about $6.8--but we still save about $9.2 billion. I have one option, just to call for the regular order, which brings back the Comprehensive Regulatory Reform Act of 1995. The other option is just go out of here, adjourn, recess. I will not bring this bill up again until there is an agreement it will be brought up without any amendments and we will have a vote on it. But if the two Senators want to frustrate their own President, I do not know why I should complain. Maybe I ought to be happy about it. But I am concerned. This whole thing should have been settled about 30 days ago. We have been waiting 30 days, the White House has been negotiating with the House and the Senate--it has not been in secret. Everybody has known it. It has been brought up in our caucus. I am certain the Democrats discussed it in their caucus. It is no surprise when something comes to the floor and it is something Senators had not read. If people voted on only things they read around here it might be a lot better because we would not have so many votes. But I suggest we have reached a point where we are either going to pass this bill or we are going to pull it down. That is going to be up to the Senators from Illinois and Minnesota. They have every right to do what they are doing. I do not quarrel--I do quarrel with the course they are following, because I think it is going to mean we are probably not going to pass this bill. It is not going to go to the President. I do not want there to be any illusion we are going to jump on this bill as soon as we come back and give them all the time they want for debate. It is not going to happen. We are going to be on regulatory reform and we are going to stay on regulatory reform, and after that we will be on something else. And the longer we wait, the less money we save in this bill. Maybe that is the strategy of the two Senators. If you can wait until the end of the fiscal year, we do not save any money. But neither do you help the victims in Oklahoma City or the victims in California or the victims in some 37 or 38 other States who have been hit by disasters. Nor do you, as pointed out by the Senator from West Virginia and the Senator from Oregon, the two experts here on appropriations--in effect, you are going to be hurting the people in your own States, in Illinois, Minnesota, Kansas, Montana, Washington, New Hampshire, wherever, by frustrating and by delaying this bill. I do not know how many Senators are left in town. I think that is probably another strategy the two Senators have used. I hope there are 51. But if the two Senators will permit me to, I can offer an amendment, one amendment that would cover everything they have raised; have one vote. We would have low-income home energy assistance, the counseling program, and job training--have one vote on that. I would offer the amendment, then I would move to table my own amendment. But you would have a vote. You would have made your case. You would have fought for principle. And you may succeed. I am not certain. But my view is--I think the Democratic leader shares this view--we need to move very quickly. We have had 2\1/2\ hours. We have had a lot of debate. There has been a lot of debate. I think all these amendments have been debated. I do not know why we need additional debate. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE. You could yield the floor.

Mr. DOLE. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. DOLE. Please do.

Mr. DOLE. When does the Senator intend to offer the amendments?

Mr. DOLE. Does the Senator intend to offer an amendment or talk the rest of the afternoon?