Robert Dole

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. I ask unanimous consent that it be in order for me to ask for the yeas and nays on passage of the bill at this time.

Mr. DOLE. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. DOLE. That vote will occur then tomorrow after the immigration bill.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of Senate Joint Resolution 51, and further that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. DOLE. I ask unanimous consent the joint resolution be considered read a third time and passed, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider laid upon the table, and any statements appear at the appropriate place in the Record. I ask my statement be included.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, May 3 is a very important day for the Polish people for it is on this day that they will celebrate the 205th anniversary of Poland's first constitution. Last week, along with a number of my Senate colleagues on both sides of the aisles, I introduced a resolution commemorating this historic occasion. I am pleased that the Senate is acting today to unanimously pass this resolution. The Polish Constitution was the first is Eastern Europe to secure individual and religious freedoms for all persons living under it. While it was short lived, its principles endured and it became the symbol around which a national consciousness was born. When the courageous people of Poland forced out their Communist oppressors, they returned to the basic freedoms and principles contained in this constitution. Mr. President, this resolution is a manifestation of this Congress' strong support for a free independent Poland. It is also a reflection of the deep and abiding friendship between Poland and the United States. I know that all of my colleagues join with me in congratulating Americans of Polish descent and Poles all around the globe on this important occasion.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, the Senate will resume consideration of S. 1664, the immigration bill, tomorrow morning, and Senators should be reminded there are still several amendments to be debated. Hopefully, some of those can be disposed of on voice votes. It is our expectation to complete action on the immigration bill by early tomorrow afternoon. Then we will determine what we will turn to. Hopefully, it can be something that might mean we might have debate on Friday but no votes on Friday, but I will make that announcement or Senator Lott can make that announcement sometime tomorrow afternoon. We would like to accommodate Members who are engaged in hearings tomorrow. So, for those who are offering amendments, if they will accommodate us, accommodate the managers, Senator Kennedy and Senator Simpson, maybe we can postpone votes until 12 noon tomorrow.

Mr. DOLE. That would be the Kentucky Derby?

Mr. DOLE. We will try to work it out.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, our current welfare system does not work because it is not based on the proven American formula for escaping poverty: A job. A strong family. A good education. Saving some money to buy a home. Instead, it undermines almost every value that leads to self-reliance and success. Poverty persists and 3 out of every 10 births are out of wedlock. Unbelievably, the out-of-wedlock birth rate is 80 percent in some communities. Within the past year, the U.S. Congress has twice passed Federal welfare reform. President Clinton has vetoed it both times. Face it, President Clinton has preserved the current system which is trapping another generation of Americans in despair and locking them out of the American dream. Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson refuses to allow this to happen. Last Thursday, he signed into law a program replacing in Wisconsin the failed national welfare system. It is called Wisconsin Works. The new program provides work opportunities and work programs. In order to help beneficiaries get a job, it makes available child care and health care to all low-income families who need it. As Governor Thompson stated: After almost a decade of welfare reform experiments, Wisconsin Works represents the end of welfare in Wisconsin. The current aid to families with dependent children [AFDC] program has become, for many families, a way of life. Because the program does not require work or provide incentives to become self-sufficient, it has trapped many families in dependency. Wisconsin Works aims to rebuild the connection between work and income and help families achieve self- sufficiency. Due to his experience, Governor Thompson knows what he is talking about. He has made welfare reform a top priority by introducing more than 10 reform initiatives and by working hard to fix the current Welfare-to-Work Program called JOBS. During his administration Wisconsin's AFDC caseload has been reduced by more than 27 percent. Wisconsin Works is the good news. Now let me give you the bad. The Governor and the Wisconsin Legislature cannot deliver to the people of Wisconsin this replacement for the failed system until President Clinton and his administration give them permission. By twice vetoing Federal welfare reform passed by our Congress, the President has denied Wisconsin and many other States the opportunity to put into place needed reforms. The status quo, which the President has preserved, requires Wisconsin to come to the Clinton administration on bended knee to ask Washington bureaucrats for permission to make adjustments to the current one-size- fits-all national welfare system. No doubt about it, while welfare recipients remain trapped in the current system, President Clinton will claim he has helped reform welfare by granting States permission to experiment through controlled demonstration programs known as ``waivers.'' The reality is these waivers are not the solution. We all know waivers have brought us in the right direction. However, the waiver process perpetuates a flawed system. Real change will only occur when States are released from the burden of excessive Federal rules and regulations. The waiver process is too costly, time consuming, and burdensome, often requiring months and months of negotiating between a State and the relevant Federal Cabinet agency Earlier this year, all 50 of the Nation's Governors rejected the waiver process in favor of comprehensive welfare reform. Their unanimously adopted policy would provide greater State flexibility to enhance States as ``laboratories of democracy'' while ensuring the necessary State accountability to promote work, family, and individual self-sufficiency among welfare beneficiaries. The national bipartisan Governor's welfare policy reflects the principles contained in both welfare reform bills passed by the Congress and vetoed by the President. I remain committed to working with our Nation's Governors to accomplish real Federal welfare reform. President Clinton has said that he is reluctant to return power to the States because it will lead to a ``race to the bottom.'' As Governor Thompson and the Wisconsin Legislature have proved, however, compassion and innovation can go hand in hand. I congratulate them for their achievement, and I invite President Clinton to join with this Congress in moving power out of Washington and returning it to where it belongs--our States, our communities, and our people.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, the World Trade Organization has just issued its first decision in a trade case brought under the new dispute settlement system. The case was brought against the United States by Venezuela and Brazil. The allegation was that a U.S. environmental regulation, issued under the Clean Air Act, discriminated against imported gasoline. On Monday, the United States lost the case. President Clinton must now decide whether to comply with the WTO decision. If he decides the United States should comply, he must announce a plan for doing so. I believe the American people deserve an explanation from President Clinton about this case. They deserve an explanation about what this case might mean in the future for other U.S. laws and regulations. Clearly there will be future WTO cases where the United States will be the losing party. We cannot expect to win every case. Perhaps Monday's case was properly decided. But it seems to me that our laws should continue to be a matter for Americans, not international judges, to determine. We should decide what our environmental laws will be. We should decide what kinds of regulations are necessary to protect our environment. We should decide that our children deserve cleaner air and purer water, not some bureaucrat in Geneva. We do not always agree, and that is part of our democratic process. But at least we work out for ourselves what laws and regulations are best for America. Mr. President, I believe President Clinton has simply failed to tell the American people what his strategy is for defending other American laws in the future from potential wrongful attack in the WTO. As far as I know, President Clinton has been silent on this question, one that is deeply troubling to many Americans. I have a strategy for defending American laws. I proposed a plan in January 1995 that would ensure that the United States could withdraw from the WTO if our laws, and our rights, were being trampled in Geneva. Many, many Americans shared my concern--that the WTO might begin to operate out of control, might begin to issue rulings that were outside its mandate, in short, that the WTO might abuse its authority. I was concerned that if this were to happen, the United States would not have any adequate mechanism to deal with it. My proposal creates such a mechanism. It allows us to get all the benefits of the WTO, but protects us against the potential harm should the WTO fail to honor our rights. Unfortunately, my proposal has not yet become law because of some opposition--not much. There is strong bipartisan support for this proposal, but one of my colleagues on the other side has had a hold on this bill several months, and we hope to move on it early this month or next month. President Clinton supports my proposal. In fact, he endorsed my proposal when I endorsed the GATT at the White House nearly 2 years ago. I certainly would appreciate the President's help in getting this measure passed. I think it would be helpful to the President and to the country. It would answer a lot of concerns American workers have who are frustrated about the loss of American jobs. So I hope we can have action on my proposal in the very near future with the President's support.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand in adjournment until the hour of 9 a.m. on Thursday, May 2; further, that immediately following the prayer, the Journal of proceedings be deemed approved to date, no resolutions come over under the rule, the call of the calendar be dispensed with, the morning hour be deemed to have expired; and there then be a period for morning business until the hour of 10 a.m., with Senators permitted to speak for up to 5 minutes each with the following Senators to speak for the designated times: Senator Burns, 5 minutes; Senator Grassley, 5 minutes; Senator Grams, 10 minutes; Senator Dorgan, 30 minutes; Senator Bingaman, 5 minutes. I further ask at the hour of 10 a.m. the Senate resume consideration of the immigration bill.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, the Air Force Sergeants Association [AFSA] marks the 35th anniversary of its founding today. I commend this association for all of its efforts on behalf of the entire military community but, in particular, the enlisted component. In 1961, AFSA was founded as a non-profit association to represent the interests of Air Force enlisted members, who, at that time, had no voice to speak for them. Over the years, AFSA's membership has grown to 160,000 with nearly 300 chapters around the world. Today, AFSA represents active and retire enlisted Air Force, Air Force Reserve, and Air National Guard members and their families. In my view, AFSA's reputation on Capitol Hill is better than ever, a broker of honest information--whether through testimony, visits, or correspondence--working hand-in-hand with elected officials. AFSA has worked hard over the years to keep Members of Congress focused on the quality of the lives of the active and retired enlisted men and women AFSA represents. AFSA was directly involved in championing improved pay and allowances for active duty members, dental and income insurance programs for reservists, the restoration of military cola equity, the end of source taxation, and the increase in the Social Security earnings limit. Last fall, AFSA generated massive grassroots support to clearly show where military personnel stood on the ``high-one'' retirement recalculation proposal. AFSA also provides awards, grants and scholarships through the Airmen Memorial Foundation, AMF, established in 1983. In addition, the AMF has a post-military employment program that aids Air Force members who are about to retire or separate. AFSA also believes in preserving the heritage and accomplishments of Air Force enlisted personnel. In 1986, AFSA founded the Airmen Memorial Museum in Suitland, MD, which is a comprehensive reference center for Air Force enlisted history. On the occasion of their 35th anniversary, I congratulate the Air Force Sergeants Association. I know that AFSA will continue to be an effective, strong, and dedicated voice for Air Force enlisted personnel, active, reserve, guard, retired members, and their families. I thank the association for its successful efforts and look forward to continuing to work with AFSA on matters of mutual concern.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, it had been our intention to start voting at 2:15, but at least one of our colleagues--maybe more--is involved in heavy, heavy traffic and trying to reach the Capitol in time for the votes. We have agreed to set aside those votes. What we are trying to do now, to accommodate our colleagues who cannot reach the Capitol now, is take up a couple of more amendments and have those votes along with the other votes that we have already agreed to. I think Senator Abraham on our side has an amendment, and we will ask him to come to the floor and present that amendment. Maybe Senator Simon on the other side will have an amendment.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Is this the second Graham amendment or the first Graham amendment?

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I would like to speak to the amendment that the Senator from Florida offered last night on behalf of himself and others. First, I listened to the distinguished manager of the bill, Senator Simpson. I think he correctly stated we would like to stack those votes and have the votes occur after the policy luncheons, because apparently there is a problem with planes getting in and out of New York. Cloture was filed last night on the bill. We would like to have that cloture vote later today. If not, then very early in the morning, 8 a.m. tomorrow morning. So we can either do it late tonight or early tomorrow morning. We could wait until midnight to have it 1 minute after midnight. I prefer not to do that. It is our hope we can complete action on this bill and move on to other legislation. We have made progress. I think we can probably make a little more. amendment no. 3760

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I have the utmost respect for Senator Simpson and his work on immigration. I do not often disagree with him, but on one issue I do. Section 197 of this bill repeals the Cuban Refugee Adjustment Act. The Cuban Refugee Adjustment Act of 1966 was enacted to facilitate the granting of legal permanent resident status to Cubans fleeing their homeland. The Cuban Adjustment Act, at its core, is about standing on the side of oppressed people--our neighbors--who are fleeing Castro's dictatorship. The United States has consistently stood with the Cuban people. That is why I rise in opposition to the proposed elimination of the Cuban Refugee Adjustment Act before a democratic transition takes place in Cuba. First of all, conditions in Cuba have not changed since the implementation of the act. In 1996, as in 1966, Castro brutally represses dissent and systematically abuses human rights. The United States has had a consistent and determined policy of three decades supporting the Cuban people's aspirations for freedom and democracy. A policy that this Congress reaffirmed when it passed the Dole-Helms- Burton ``Libertad'' Act of 1996. Mr. President, let me state clearly what this act does and does not do. It essentially allows Cuban refugees who reach United States shores to apply, at the discretion of the Attorney General, for permanent residence status without being forced to return to Cuba. It is not a mechanism to allow more Cubans to enter the United States. It is not an entitlement to permanent residency. It is merely a procedure for those already here and seeking legal status. To repeal this act would give the Castro regime a propaganda victory, but would not measurably affect the number of Cubans reaching America. The Clinton-Castro migration pact--negotiated in secret and without congressional consultation-- allows over 100,000 Cuban immigrants to enter the United States over the next 5 years. Repealing the Cuban Refugee Adjustment Act will not decrease this number. Repealing the act will only send the wrong signal to Castro's dictatorship. That is why I, along with Senators Graham, Mack, and Abraham, have offered an amendment that states that the Cuban Refugee Adjustment Act would only be repealed when conditions stipulated under the Libertad Act have been met, specifically, that a democratic government is in place in Cuba. A repeal of the act at this time is not in the national interest of the United States. Recent events have demonstrated once again that the Castro regime remains a threat to security in the Caribbean, America's front yard. Let us once again stand together in sending a strong message to Fidel Castro and to the Cuban people that we stand for democratic change in Cuba. It seems to me with this one provision in this bill--I know the distinguished Senator from Wyoming has worked very hard and has done an outstanding job. I respectfully disagree with him on this one aspect. I hope the amendment offered by my colleagues from Florida, Senator Mack and Senator Graham, myself, and others will be adopted.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, we understand the parliamentary situation. It is my hope we can work out some agreement and complete action on this bill. We have been on it a number of days. I think it is a very important piece of legislation. We would like it to pass. I think it has strong bipartisan support, as indicated by the cloture vote last evening. I think it should be limited to germane amendments. We made a proposal on minimum wage to the leader on the other side. It has been temporarily rejected. Perhaps it will be revisited. We understand the daily comments about this issue, but we are trying to complete action on the immigration bill. If it is determined that is not possible because of an effort to offer nongermane amendments, then we will move on to something else. Mr. KENNEDY addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, let me also indicate something that it is not a part of this bill. It is still our intention to work out some procedure where we can take up repeal of the 4.3-cent gas tax. That is a matter of about $4.8 billion per year. It is our intention to repeal it until the end of the year and work on a permanent repeal during the budget process. We believe, with the skyrocketing prices of gasoline, jet fuel, and other fuels, that the most certain way to give consumers relief is to repeal the gas tax. That was part of the 1993 $265 billion tax increase President Clinton proposed, which did not receive a single Republican vote in the House or Senate. A permanent repeal of the gas tax is about $30 billion. So what we hope to propose, and hopefully on a bipartisan basis, at the appropriate time, is to go ahead and repeal the gas tax for the remainder of this year and try to get this done before the Memorial Day recess and deal with permanent repeal during the budget process. Of course, we would have to find offsets and pay for the repeal. It seems to me that we should do that as quickly as we can before the summer driving season starts in earnest.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, let me indicate to the Senator from Massachusetts that we have discussed not only minimum wage, but maybe even coupling these two items, joining the two, repeal of the gas tax and maybe the minimum wage, some increase. We talked about a lot of different options and we have not reached a decision. I can assure the Senator that he will be one of the first to know once we have reached a resolution. Mr. BREAUX addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, there will be a period for morning business until the hour of 2:30. Senator Daschle will be in control of the first 90 minutes, Senator Coverdell, the last 90 minutes. At 2:30 we will resume consideration of S. 1664, the immigration bill. By a previous order, a cloture vote will occur at the hour of 5 p.m. today on the Simpson amendment to the immigration bill. If additional votes are ordered with respect to amendments to the immigration bill, it is possible those votes would be stacked to occur during Tuesday's session but they could occur this evening. I remind Senators we have until 4 o'clock to file second-degree amendments to the Simpson amendment. Mr. President, is leaders' time reserved?

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, first I would like to speak briefly on Japanese trade and the President's recent trip to Japan. Mr. President, we must now declare President Clinton's trade policy with Japan a spectacular failure, a fiasco. The capstone of this almost unbelievable 3-year fiasco occurred recently. The White House has an electronic home-page on the Internet, where Americans can go for the latest statement of administration policy on any issue. Recently, Americans reading the official White House electronic home-page on the Internet would have found documents describing the United States-Japan trade policy. But it was a description that no one would have recognized. The documents described in glowing detail how all disputes between the two countries had been resolved, how there was no longer any need for any of the agreements that had been reached between the United States and Japan, and how the United States should just drop its complaints against Japan. Mr. President, a closer look revealed that these documents on the White House home-page had been written by the Japanese Foreign Ministry. I understand the Japanese materials have now been deleted. I guess that just about sums up the Clinton record on trade. This is the point we have reached--the most powerful economic force in history, the United States of America--after 3\1/2\ years of stewardship by Bill Clinton and his advisers, and it is the Japanese who are writing the trade policy papers for the Clinton White House. Mr. President, this is a sad, and dangerous, state of affairs. Yet it is merely the logical conclusion of a trade policy that has emphasized appearance over reality, talk over substance, and politics over national interest. President Clinton returned a few days ago from a trip overseas that included a stop in Japan. Every American probably expected that this trip would shed at least a little additional light on the question of trade with Japan. After all, President Clinton and his advisers never tired of talking about their grand plan to deal with Japan. Last year, Clinton took this country to the brink of a trade war with Japan. Most people reasonably anticipated some progress, or at least discussion, of some of our massive trade problems with Japan. But that is not what happened. It now appears that Clinton did virtually nothing to raise any of these serious problems. This trip might have been the best opportunity in years for the American Chief Executive to raise--at the highest level--issues that mean real jobs in towns and communities across America. Issues that mean economic growth and a higher standard of living for Americans. Clinton's trip might have been the best opportunity in years to fix a serious and destabilizing problem--the massive trade deficit with Japan--and President Clinton squandered it. Most Americans probably would simply find this hard to believe. Most Americans are charitable, they want to believe the best about people, especially their President. They do not want to think that he would so profoundly misunderstand the opportunity that presented itself to help America and working people at home. Yet, this is the hallmark of the Clinton trade policy. Actual substantive achievement means nothing--only appearances matter. For example, how else was it possible for Clinton to declare victory in the auto dispute with Japan when all the evidence showed nothing less than a full retreat and surrender to the Japanese? In the auto dispute, President Clinton went to the brink of a trade war with Japan, but came away with almost nothing to show for it. When the so-called agreement was reached last July, high-level Japanese officials immediately and publicly disavowed the import targets that President Clinton hailed as his great achievement. It turns out those numbers were simply not part of the agreement. The agreement was just another political publicity stunt, designed to convey the appearance of toughness. Unfortunately, creating this appearance for Clinton and his advisers cost the United States much credibility with Japan, not to mention with other countries looking for instruction on how to deal with American demands on future trade issues. The consequence of this massive retreat by the Clinton administration was serious and damaging for American companies and American jobs. The Japanese quickly realized that they had been dealing with a paper tiger. Suddenly, on all other fronts, negotiations with Japan came to a halt. U.S overtures even to begin a dialog on other issues were rebuffed. United States trade negotiators were told by their Japanese counterparts to find some other agency to address their complaints. This mocking of U.S. officials by a major trading partner is unprecedented--and prior to the Clinton years would have been inconceivable. And so, Mr. President, it is easier to understand why serious trade disputes with Japan were ignored by Clinton during his summit with Mr. Hashimoto. Clinton brought back nothing on the dispute over Japanese discrimination against Kodak film. He brought back nothing on the dispute over access to Japan for American semiconductors, one of our most competitive industries. Clinton brought back nothing on the dispute over access to the Japanese market for American insurance companies, another industry where the United States has a strong competitive advantage. Mr. President, how can people put all of this in perspective? There is one simple way to express the damage to America of Clinton's botched trade policy. I believe the American people would be astonished to know that today, the United States trade deficit with Japan is higher than it was when Clinton took office. That is right, it is higher. The merchandise trade deficit with Japan is now a staggering $60 billion-- this is $10 billion higher than when Clinton became President. Furthermore, figures were released last week showing that the trade deficit with Japan continues to climb, growing over $100 million from January to February of this year. Candidate Clinton talked a lot about trade deficits. He knew that trade deficits siphon our wealth and our jobs, to other countries. The giant trade deficit with Japan constitutes a massive transfer of wealth out of American communities into the hands of the Japanese. Under President Clinton, our trade deficit with Japan has gone up. Clinton has presided over the highest trade deficits with Japan in history. In fact, another shocking achievement of the short Clinton era is that the U.S. trade deficit with the world also hit a record high. He has ignored, or sought to divert attention from, these harmful acts. He has done nothing to reverse it, change it or improve it. Oh, yes, he has done plenty of talking, but he has done nothing to save the jobs that continue to be in danger. I believe the American people deserve to know about President Clinton's failed trade policy. The American people need to know about his new policy of camouflaging the truth. I hope that he will abandon this new policy that only seeks to hide his failures. Too many important decisions lie ahead for President Clinton to continue to substitute appearances for reality.