Robert Dole

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand in adjournment until the hour of 9:30 a.m. on Monday, May 15, 1995; that following the prayer, the Journal of proceedings be deemed approved to date, no resolutions come over under the rule, the call of the calendar be waived, the morning hour be deemed to have expired, and the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous-consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, let me state to my colleagues who are wondering about votes today, we believe we may have a unanimous-consent agreement. If it is approved, there will be no additional votes today. We should have word on that, hopefully, in the next few minutes. I know many of my colleagues have other things to do so we will try to keep everybody apprised. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I want to congratulate the President for his successful summit in Kiev. Under President Kuchma, Ukraine has become a model for the States of the former Soviet Union. Agreement to disband nuclear weapons; free market economic reforms; free and fair elections; open investment climate. President Clinton's visit was a timely show of support to the deserving people of Ukraine. I expect the Congress to show our support for Ukraine's political success. There has been a lot said in the media about reaction to the Moscow summit. I have expressed my disappointment at the results of the Moscow summit. As I said yesterday, this is not partisan politics--it is a judgment based on the facts. I note that today's New York Times carries a headline, ``Iran relieved on Yeltsin deal.'' If Iran is relieved at the results of the summit, all of us have cause for concern. Secretary Christopher, in particular, has led the administration's efforts to prevent nuclear technology from reaching Iran. I hope to work with him over the coming months in support of that important goal. The reality is, however, that there was great controversy over President Clinton's decision to attend V-E Day ceremonies in Moscow and not in other capitals. The President made his decision, and the President decided to add to the V-E Day ceremonies with a substantive summit. Now, in the aftermath of the summit, Judgments are being made about what was achieved. I happen to share the view of Henry Kissinger, that a tremendous opportunity was missed on this overseas trip. I also agree with Dr. Kissinger that ``NATO expansion requires a decision, not a study.'' As he points out, the current drift in United States policy could leave us with the worst of all worlds--the disintegration of Western unity with a still-anxious Russia. In the past few days, other distinguished writers have expressed their views on what was achieved at the Moscow summit, particularly by Bill Safire and Charles Krauthammer. These articles deserve careful reading by my colleagues as we continue our assessment of the Moscow summit. I ask unanimous consent the articles by Safire, Krauthammer, and the article by former Secretary Kissinger be printed in the Record following my remarks.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of House Concurrent Resolution 64, just received from the House.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table and that any statements relating to the resolution be placed at the appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I wanted to indicate to my colleagues that we are going to continue voting throughout the day. We are going to try to finish this bill. We will have votes on Monday, and we will have votes next Friday. And we will file cloture again this afternoon on this bill. I hope it can be finished today, but we have to complete our work around here, and we are not moving very quickly. So there will be votes throughout the day. Mr. CHAFEE addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, for the information of all Senators, at 9:30 a.m. on Monday morning, it will be the intention of the majority leader to turn to the consideration of calendar No. 101, S. 395, relative to Alaska power. For the information of all Senators, an agreement was reached with respect to final consideration of S. 534, the Solid Waste Disposal Act, which will precipitate a rollcall vote as early as 10:30 a.m. on Tuesday, May 15. Additional votes are expected prior to our scheduled 12:30 recess on Tuesday. I think it is fair to say rollcall votes can be expected on Monday also. So I alert all Senators that on Monday we expect to have votes. We would like to finish S. 395 on that day. And the vote could be on that date, on Monday, with respect to the motion to proceed to the bill or amendments relative to the Alaska Power Administration bill.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that after I conclude my remarks, the Senate stand in adjournment under the previous order.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. I do not have any problem with that.

Mr. DOLE. Announcement. I would like to get back on the bill.

Mr. DOLE. If the Senator will yield.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, in January 1961, Dwight Eisenhower gave his last speech as President to the American people. And in those remarks, Ike offered some advice which should be remembered by all of us in the Senate--and all Americans--as the Federal budget moves to the top of our agenda in the coming weeks. Eisenhower said, and I quote: As we peer into society's future, we must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, and not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow. It has now been over 34 years ago since President Eisenhower spoke those words. And as everyone here knows, they are words that have been tragically ignored. When Ike left the White House, our national debt stood at approximately $248 million--$248 million. Today, it is $4.8 trillion. And it continues to grow by $355,000 each and every minute-- that is $482 million a day--far more than our entire debt in 1961. There can be no getting around the fact, Mr. President, that America is at a crossroads, and we face a choice. Down one road is the status quo. It is a road that means living for today, plundering the resources of tomorrow. It is a road that means we continue to mortgage the assets of our children and grandchildren. It is a road that sentences our country to the future that Eisenhower foresaw--a future as an insolvent phantom. This is a very easy road to take, because it involves no tough decisions, and no leadership of any kind. And it is the road recommended by President Clinton, and by many of my friends on the other side of the aisle. Down the other road is change. A road that means reversing the spending patterns of the last three decades. A road that means reducing the rate of growth of Government spending. A road that allows Congress to rein in the Federal Government, and to return power to the States and more importantly to the people. It is a road that will be very bumpy, because it will require some tough, tough, tough decisions. It is a road that requires leadership--leadership that House and Senate Republican majorities are willing to provide. It is a road that we must take, because it is a road that will result in a stronger America for our children and our grandchildren. And thanks to the courage and hard work of Chairman Domenici, and his fellow Republicans on the Senate Budget Committee, we now have a map which will help guide us down this road. In developing a historic budget that slows the growth in Federal spending from 5 to 3 percent a year, and that achieves a balanced budget within 7 years, Senator Domenici and the Budget Committee deserve the gratitude of all Americans. The Domenici budget reflects our commitment to the American people to rein in the Federal bureaucracy. It eliminates more than 140 Federal departments, agencies, and programs--including the Department of Commerce. In doing so, it moves power out of Washington, and back to the people, where it belongs. The Domenici budget reflects our commitment to keep Americans safe. It maintains funding for the FBI, the DEA, the INS, and for crime- control initiatives that aid police on the front lines in the war against crime. The Domenici budget reflects our commitment to protect Social Security, and to preserve, improve, and protect Medicare. And it reflects our commitment to maintain a safety net for those in true need, by funding WIC, School Lunch and Breakfast Programs, Head Start, child care, and efforts to track down deadbeat dads. Senator Domenici should also be congratulated for keeping the majority members together in defeating Democrat amendments to raise taxes, cut defense, or spend more money. Is the Budget Committee proposal perfect? Of course not. Every Senator--including this one--could find some program they thought needed more money, or others that needed less. But it is a historic document that truly sets America in the right direction. And I might add that, according to this morning's newspapers, the world agrees with that statement. These press reports suggest that because of speculation we actually might do more than we have in the past to cut the deficit, the dollar staged its biggest 1-day rally in nearly 4 years. Apparently, this news slipped by the Clinton administration. Despite the Vice President's promise a few months ago that--and I quote: ``We think the task of balancing the budget is one that we have to actually take responsibility for ourselves,'' notwithstanding that quote, the White House has chosen to abdicate a leadership role in reducing our deficit. The budget they proposed earlier this year, is one that would give us deficits Mr. President, the new Republican Congress promised to make the tough decisions. We promised to fight the status quo. We promised to stand for real change. We promised to balance the budget. And as this budget proves, we are keeping our promises. And make no mistake about it, at the same time we are balancing the budget, we will also keep our promise to provide real tax relief to America's families. Let me close, Mr. President, by warning the American people that in the coming weeks, President Clinton and his administration will be trotting out the same old scare tactics they tried before last November's election. We will hear them say that Republicans are heartless. We will hear them say that Republicans want to help the rich, and harm those in need. We will hear them say that we are targeting children and seniors. We will see them throw a lot of rocks at Republicans. But I am afraid what we will not see from them is leadership. While they engage in class warfare, the Republican Congress will continue to declare war against the deficit. And with the support of the American people, it is a war that we will win.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, President Clinton is now in Ukraine. I support his decision to visit Kiev. Economic and political reform in Ukraine are proceeding very well. There is strong bipartisan support for United States assistance to Ukraine. It is in the American national interest to strengthen our relations with Ukraine. I hope the President has a successful and productive summit with President Kuchman. The report cards are now being filed on the Moscow Summit. As I said yesterday, I was disappointed at the lack of progress on the two key summit issues: Nuclear sales to Iran and the conflict in Chechnya. It seems pretty clear the American agenda at this summit did not fare well. My staff spoke to State Department and National Security Council officials yesterday afternoon. The White House provided my office with copies of all the joint statements from the Moscow Summit. To conclude that the summit made little progress in advancing American interests is not politics, and it is not partisan. It is simply a review of the facts. On Iran, Russia did not agree to cancel its sale of nuclear reactors to Iran. If President Yeltsin cannot make the decision to stop the sale, I do not have great confidence that it will be made later at a lower level. With respect to the much-publicized concession on not selling advanced gas centrifuge technology, it seems clear this was floated as a bargaining chip. As recently as last Friday, I note the Washington Post headline: ``Russia denies plan to sell gas centrifuge to Iran.'' It seems this was a plan designed to be a concession from the start. Just last week, when asked if a halt in the gas centrifuge sale would be enough, Secretary of State Christopher said, ``not at all. We would not be satisfied with that''. I agree with the Secretary's assessment. We should not be satisfied. The bottom line is Russia still intends to proceed with a sale of nuclear technology to the outlaw regime in Tehran. This flies in the face of the summit's joint statement on proliferation which pledges ``To work together closely to promote broad non-proliferation goals.'' On Chechnya, President Yeltsin rejected any effort to address the legitimate concerns of the international community over human rights violations. In President Yeltsin's statement about Chechnya, there is an unfortunate ring of former soviet leaders rejecting western concerns over human rights as meddling. And whatever the political leaders were saying in Moscow, the Russian army kept attacking. Literally within minutes of yesterday's press conference, Russian helicopters attacked Chechen civilian targets. The situation in Chechnya also raises the issue of the flank limits in the Conventional Forces in Europe [CFE] Treaty. In the fall, if Russian forces are still in Chechnya, the Russian Government will be in violation of these flank limits. The Moscow summit did not result in any assurances of Russian compliance with the CFE limits. On missile defenses, the administration continued down the same path of seeking Russian permission on the deployment of theater missile defenses--despite the fact that Russian insistence on providing nuclear technology to Iran increases the proliferation threat. The fact is that theater missile defenses are not prohibited by the cold-war era ABM Treaty. Moreover, the United States must not allow Russia to have a veto over matters of national security. The summit also failed in what was not on the agenda--namely, Bosnia. As the two Presidents were meeting, Sarajevo was being heavily shelled. There was no U.N. response, no NATO response, and no summit response. for peace at this summit--as they previously agreed to do last year, before abruptly changing their minds at the OSCE summit in Budapest. At this summit, Russia continued to express strong opposition to the expansion of NATO. Mr. President, summit diplomacy has a long and distinguished history. Historically, summits have succeeded when the parties had clear agendas, pursued their interests consistently, and were ready, willing, and able to meet each others' concerns. And if agreement is not reached, history shows it is better to state the disagreements clearly rather than paper them over. In the case of the Moscow summit, it is clear that President Yeltsin was not in a position to address our concerns. We should admit that forthrightly and respond appropriately. Congress will respond by looking closely at all forms of aid to Russia--especially aid to the government. Certain types of aid such as democracy support, or Nunn-Lugar funding for nuclear clean up still promote important American interests. Other aid programs may not, and may be halted. The United States must remain engaged with Russia. It was and is our hope that democracy and free market reforms will prosper. We hope that the Russian elections planned for this year and next year proceed on time--and that they are free and fair. But Russia is not our only strategic relationship--we have other interests in other areas. That is why I support the President's decision to visit Ukraine. That is why NATO expansion should not be subject to a Russian veto. And that is why we cannot allow Iran to become a nuclear weapons state.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I understand the distinguished Democratic leader wants to speak for a few moments on product liability, and so he will be here momentarily. But I would say, as we start S. 534, keep in mind it came out of the committee by a vote of 16 to 0. And I hope this is something we can complete before the week is out, sometime by late Friday afternoon. I know there are amendments. We can dispose of amendments. But I hope that in many cases the amendments can be resolved by agreement, by working them out. And I know we have reasonable managers on both sides of the aisle. This is important legislation, and I am happy to have it before the Senate. I hope we can complete action on it before the week is out because next week we will go to the budget and, hopefully, following that to telecommunications. So we have our next 2 or 3 weeks laid out for us before a very brief Memorial Day recess. I will also be sending a letter to Senator Daschle today with reference to the August recess, and unless we can reach some accommodation, I then will announce in the next week whether or not there will be an August recess and, if so, the length of that recess.

Mr. DOLE. It is a week.

Mr. DOLE. It may be longer than the August recess.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, let me thank all of my colleagues for the fact we finished this bill. It has been 2 weeks and 2 days, but there were a couple of interruptions--the death of former Senator Stennis and other matters. So it was not solid. We probably did it in about 8 or 9 days. We have had a lot of good debate on both sides. I congratulate all the principal players, Senators Heflin and Hollings, also Senator Rockefeller and Senator Gorton, who were on the winning side of this issue. I think they did a remarkable job in keeping a very fragile, narrow coalition together. We broadened the bill with narrow margins. I think we knew at the time those provisions would not be in the bill or we could not obtain the 60 votes we needed for cloture, so adjustments were made. But at least we made a record on medical malpractice, on punitive damages, and on other issues that we believe are very important and we believe will be back before the Senate. I also wish to thank Senator Coverdell for his work with outside groups as sort of the coordinator, and my colleague, Senator Lott of Mississippi, the majority whip, who did an excellent job, along with his staff and members of my staff and others because we had some very difficult votes. I think we have had a dramatic step forward. The product liability bill has been introduced in every Congress for the last decade. In most cases, however, we could not even muster the votes to consider the legislation. We could not get the 60 votes to even talk about it because we had strong opposition and we had a lot of what we thought were distortions. The other side would say not. So I think passage today is an important victory for common sense and the American people. It is also important to note that we have just passed a bill that was stronger than bills introduced in previous years, stronger because of the efforts of some of our Members in the Chamber that added small business protections. I wish to pay tribute to our newest Members, who as a group provided energy, ideas, and determination in this debate. Senators Snowe and DeWine made a significant contribution that allowed us to obtain meaningful protection from abusive punitive damages while protecting small businesses. Senators Abraham and Kyl responded to the call of the American people in last year's elections by their efforts to expand these protections to include volunteer and charitable organizations and to add needed civil justice reforms. Together with Senators Kassebaum and McConnell, who introduced medical malpractice reforms, they produced something never before seen on the Senate floor--clearer majorities for broader reform. For various reasons, we could not get the 60 votes to bring debate to a close on these broader reforms, but we have had the opportunity and I think it is certainly important. Just 3 days ago, I received a letter from the head of the Boy Scouts of America, Mr. Jere Ratcliffe. In just the second line of his letter, Mr. Ratcliffe says something that ought to cause all of us to pause. I quote: The civil justice system, as it now exists, has consequences which worked a chilling effect on our willingness and ability to continue to pursue activities that are beneficial to all of us. . . . This is particularly so in the case of volunteer service organizations. That is what he believes. That is what many of us believe. So we have heard from the trial lawyers. They say everything is fine, but the volunteer organizations tell us a different story. I would just say that we hope to bring up sometime later this year or, if not, next year the McConnell-Lieberman-Kassebaum health care liability bill--hopefully, later this year. The amendment was added by a 53 to 47 vote. In addition, some Senators support medical malpractice reform but voted against that amendment last week because they wanted to pursue only a product liability bill. So we are going to revisit that later in the year. We have a lot of work to do. I do not know how late it is going to be. But in any event, we will be taking a hard look at that legislation, hopefully this year; if not, early next year. So, again, I thank the managers, Senator Gorton and Senator Rockefeller. This is a bipartisan effort, as are most things in the Senate because without a bipartisan effort, you cannot get the 60 votes to shut off debate and pass the bill. That is the way it works. Some people may not totally understand it, may disagree with it, but that is the way it works. So now we move to another legislative matter, which I would ask the Chair to report.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, first, I remind my colleagues on both sides of the aisle that S. 770 is still at the desk and will be there until the close of business today. If colleagues on either side are interested in cosponsoring the bill which would ultimately move the embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, we hope you will take advantage and cosponsor the measure. Second, we are on the Interstate Transportation of Municipal Solid Waste Act of 1995, and we have not been on it long, only since about 1 o'clock. I know a lot of good opening statements have been made. I understand there are a lot of amendments. I urge my colleagues who may not be on the floor, or their staffs who may be listening in their offices, if Members have amendments, we would like to have some votes here this afternoon. We would like to keep this bill moving. I am tempted to file cloture on the whole bill this afternoon and have a cloture vote on Friday. I would rather not do that. I would rather have Members come to the floor and offer their amendments. But I am certain the managers are here and they are prepared to do business. I know there is one amendment under discussion now. I have heard there are dozens and dozens of amendments. If we are going to complete action on this bill by Friday, we need to move quickly. I say to all of my colleagues that if you have an amendment, come to the minutes, whatever, and dispose of some of these amendments this afternoon. Senator Smith is here, Senator Chafee is here, Senator Baucus has been here, so I think you are prepared to do business, right?

Mr. DOLE. We may be on the budget resolution as early as Tuesday of next week. So the window is not very broad here. This is important legislation that affects everybody all over the country. Tonight we cannot stay in as late as I would like to because we have the Senate spouses annual dinner this evening. We will have to probably stop about 7. So tomorrow night we can go late and late Friday afternoon. I urge my colleagues again to cooperate and help us move the business of the Senate so that we can move on to something else.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that notwithstanding rule XXII, that the following amendments be the only remaining amendments in order to H.R. 956, and not be in order after the hour of 11 o'clock a.m. on Wednesday: Harkin, punitive damages; Boxer, harm to women; Dorgan, punitive cap; Heflin-Shelby, Alabama wrongful death cases; Heflin, punitive damage insurance. I ask unanimous consent that the vote occur in relation to the Shelby-Heflin amendment number 693 at 9:45 a.m. on Wednesday, to be followed by a vote on or in relation to the Harkin amendment.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, the United States has issued a subpoena for Darin Schroeder, an employee on the staff of Senator Feingold, to testify at the trial of a defendant who was indicted last January for threatening to bring a bomb to a post office building in Milwaukee to kill or injure individuals and to damage or destroy the building. The defendant is alleged to have made the threat in a telephone conversation with Mr. Schroeder, who handles postal service constituent casework for Senator Feingold. This resolution would authorize Mr. Schroeder, as well as any other employees on Senator Feingold's staff from whom testimony may be required, to testify and to produce records at trial, and to be represented by the Senate Legal Counsel.