Robert Dole

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. I ask for the yeas and nays on the motion to refer.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, let us be clear about one thing. Whether or not the Senate votes to approve the balanced budget amendment, Republicans intend to offer a detailed 5-year budget plan that will put us on a path toward a balanced budget by 2002--a test that President Clinton's latest budget makes no attempt to meet. The Daschle amendment is a poorly crafted, last-ditch effort to thwart the will of the American people who overwhelmingly support a balanced budget constitutional amendment. The distinguished chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Hatch, and the distinguished chairman of the Budget Committee, Senator Domenici, and others have already made that point. subject. Rather than debate the value of making a balanced Federal budget a national priority, most opponents of the balanced budget amendment would prefer talk about potential cuts that might affect their pet programs. This bait-and-switch effort will not work. This Congress will put forward a plan to control Federal spending and move us toward a balanced budget without touching Social Security and without raising taxes. Everything else, every Federal program from Amtrak to zebra mussel research will be on the table. For those who want an idea of how we would try to achieve this goal, look at the Republican alternative budgets that have been introduced in each of the past 2 years. Mr. President, it is ironic that on April 1, 1993, the vast majority of those who now support the Daschle right-to-know amendment voted to adopt a budget blueprint paving the way for President Clinton's massive tax increase before President Clinton submitted the legally required details of his plan to Congress. They voted to adopt a budget blueprint that called for a massive tax increase without knowing the specifics. This debate is different. It is a lot simpler. The central issue is whether or not we should vote to make balancing the budget a national priority. We are debating whether or not future generations of Americans--our children and our grandchildren--deserve constitutional protection. That is what this amendment is all about. This year, we have a real chance to approve a balanced budget amendment and send it to the States for ratification. It is the best chance we have had in years. Every single vote matters. Several Senators who voted for a balanced budget amendment in the past are now under tremendous pressure from the special interests and others who are addicted to Federal spending. The special interests are trying to convince past supporters of the balanced budget amendment to switch their votes. I hope that every Senator who supports the balanced budget amendment will continue to stand firm, do what is right for our children and our grandchildren, and vote for the balanced budget amendment. Let us get on with the real debate.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I now ask that there be a period for the transaction of morning business, not to extend beyond the hour of 2:30, with Senators permitted to speak for not to exceed 5 minutes each. Mr. REID addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now turn to the consideration of the original joint resolution to be offered by Senators Simon, Breaux, and others regarding Social Security, and that during the consideration of the Senate joint resolution, no amendments be in order and debate be limited to 2 hours to be equally divided in the usual form. I further ask that immediately following the conclusion or yielding back of the time, the Senate proceed to vote on the resolution without any intervening debate or motion. Finally, I ask unanimous consent that immediately following the disposition of the Senate joint resolution, the Senate resume consideration of House Joint Resolution 1.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in recess until 2:00 p.m.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. I would be happy to make a statement about basketball, football, hockey----

Mr. DOLE. I thank my colleague from New Jersey, one of the great players of all time. Madam President, for nearly 6 months now, baseball fans all across America have patiently stood by watching the transformation of our Nation's pastime into a crass tug-of-war over money. Multimillion-dollar players and multimillion-dollar owners have argued, haggled, argued some more, and ultimately deprived the American people of one of the most exciting seasons in recent memory. After 179 days of confrontation, the players and the owners must now put aside their differences and find common ground. Not tomorrow. Not 2 weeks from now. But today: Tuesday, February 7. There is simply no more sand left in the negotiating hourglass. The integrity of the institution of baseball is far more important than anyone's bottom line. With that said, let me be crystal clear on one important point: Neither party--player nor owner--should be looking to Congress for any magic solutions. The magic solution can only be found at the bargaining table. If, for some reason, the players and owners cannot reach an agreement today, then they should do the next best thing--which is to voluntarily accept whatever settlement special mediator Bill Usery may propose. If it is good enough for Bill Usery, I am confident it is good enough for baseball. Here is a man who has had long experience, he has worked tirelessly on this matter as he has done successfully in many other areas. He said this is the toughest he has ever negotiated. But I would just say again, today is the day. We do not have any magic wand up here. Congress cannot solve these things if they cannot be solved in negotiations. So if everything else fails, my advice would be, before 3 p.m. today, they accept the efforts of the negotiator, Bill Usery. I thank my colleagues and I yield the floor.

Mr. DOLE. Madam President, I will just take a second. I need to testify on another matter, but I want to say a word about baseball.

Mr. DOLE. Not basketball, baseball. I note the distinguished Senator from New Jersey.

Mr. DOLE. Baseball.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there now be a period for morning business, not to extend beyond 7 p.m., with Senators permitted to speak therein for not more than 5 minutes each.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, 14 years ago, America was flat on her back. Our economy was a disaster, with inflation, interest rates, and unemployment all in or near double digits. Abroad, respect for American leadership was at an all-time low, as our resolve was questioned by allies and adversaries alike. Many in this town surveyed the situation, wrung their hands, shook their heads, and pronounced that America was in decline, and that our best days were far behind us. But Ronald Reagan knew better. Ronald Reagan knew that power belonged to the people, not with the Federal Government. Ronald Reagan knew that the best solutions to our problems came not from bureaucracies on the Potomac, but from men and women on the Mississippi, the Colorado, and the Columbia. Ronald Reagan knew that economic recovery could be achieved not through rules and regulations, but by allowing the magic of the marketplace to work its wonders. Ronald Reagan knew that America was right far more often than she was wrong. Ronald Reagan knew that military strength was not the means to war, but the key to peace. And Ronald Reagan knew that the price of American leadership was a price worth paying. It was this vision that Ronald Reagan brought to this town in January 1981. And it was this vision that revitalized America, and brought hope and freedom to millions across the world. And it is that vision that America endorsed last November when they gave Republicans control of Congress. Today is Ronald Reagan's 84th birthday. And along with those of countless Americans, my thoughts and prayers are with President and Mrs. Reagan today and will remain with them in days to come. Mr. HATCH addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I send a second-degree amendment to the desk.

Mr. DOLE. I thank the Senator from Maryland. I yield the floor.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on the amendment.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk to the Daschle motion to refer.

Mr. DOLE. I say to the Senator from Maryland, I think this would be about a 1-minute operation here. We are not going to debate any amendments. We are just going to lay down the amendments and debate those later this afternoon and on Monday. We have not yet decided when the vote would come or a motion to table in relation thereto, whether it would be on Tuesday, or I think the Democratic leader was hoping it might be on Wednesday. So we will be discussing that. But we think we have had 5 days now of debate. I must say, it has been pretty good debate, very few interruptions with quorum calls. But I think we are now at the point where we want to start moving on these amendments. It seems to me the American people want a balanced budget amendment, and they are right. There will be plenty of time for debate. But we are not going to let this stretch out for another 3 weeks if we can help it. I will try to accommodate the wishes of the Democratic leader when the vote comes on this issue.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I rise to introduce legislation that begins the process of getting the regulatory state under control. This legislation represents a comprehensive effort to inject common sense into a Federal regulatory process that is often too costly, too arcane, and too inflexible. Last November, the American people sent us a message: Rein in big Government. Stop wasting taxpayers' moneys. Stop passing the buck to State and local governments. Stop micromanaging our lives through burdensome and costly regulations. We are responding to that message. Our agenda reduces Government--in size and scope--and increases individual freedom. Our agenda will restore the true balance between Government and individual reflected in the 10th amendment, which leaves all powers not given to the Federal Government to the States or to the people. Our agenda is a package of reforms--and make no mistake about it, we need them all. The first set of reforms focus on making Congress accountable and responsible--cutting spending; stopping unfunded mandates; balancing the budget; and a line-item veto. But, as important, we need to make the agencies that have come to regulate almost every aspect of our lives just as accountable and responsible-- we need regulatory reform. Mr. President, the true scope of regulations in America is staggering: OMB estimates that the private sector spends more than 6.6 billion hours in 1 year complying with regulations; and the costs of regulation on our economy are conservatively estimated at $500 billion. And it is not merely a matter of too many regulations or whether they make sense. They are often inflexible and unfair. It is very difficult for one person or one business to take on the Government--even if they are right. Sometimes they must, just to survive, and the costs of enforcement are often a dead weight loss to society in terms of lost productivity and innovation. I know of one small business in Paola, KS, that spent 5 years in a lawsuit with OSHA and finally settled for $6,000. This company typically spends between $7,500 and $10,000 annually for legal and management costs just dealing with OSHA. The regulatory state is out of control. Mr. President, this legislation will accomplish six major objectives: First, responsibility. Major regulations--those with $50 million impact on the economy--will go through an analysis that ensures that the benefits outweigh the costs; Second, sound science. Risk assessments will be based on realistic data decisionmaking process; Third, accountability. We will put a stop to the practice of expanding Federal power and jurisdiction beyond what a statute provides. We will insist that the public be informed of the true costs and benefits of regulation, and that those affected by regulations be able to enforce these requirements in a court of law; Fourth, congressional oversight. We ensure Congress' overall responsibility by providing for a 45-day period in which Congress may review major regulations before they take effect; Fifth, remedying past mistakes. There are undoubtedly many regulations that impose costs that wildly exceed the benefits. We allow for review of existing regulations in order to weed out past mistakes; and Sixth, small business relief. The costs of regulations often fall disproportionately on those least able to cope--small businesses. We reform the Regulatory Flexibility Act that is already law, by allowing small businesses the ability to enforce its provisions in court. Mr. President, there are a lot of good ideas out there about regulatory reform. We want to hear them. But we will insist that fundamental reform be enacted this year. The American people deserve nothing less. I ask unanimous consent that the legislation I introduce today be printed in the Record.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, today I join my distinguished colleague from Kansas, Senator Kassebaum, to introduce legislation to repeal the so- called Wright amendment. Senator Kassebaum and I have been working to repeal this anti-competitive regulation which restricts commercial airline flights to and from Dallas Love Field. Make no doubt about it, the time to act is now. Last year's U.S. Supreme Court decision which let the Wright amendment stand makes the legislation we are introducing all the more important. I stated at the time the decision was issued that I would continue to work to ground the Wright amendment and protect air travelers from getting gouged and now the only relief for the traveling public is through this legislation we are offering today. The Wright amendment was originally introduced to protect the fledgling Dallas-Forth Worth [DWF] International airport. This airport is now one of the busiest airports in the Nation. Dallas is the top destination for passengers flying from Wichita, and there is no reason they should not have the option of flying into Love Field or Dallas- Forth Worth airports. This regulation not only places restrictions on passengers from Kansas, but from 44 States across the Nation. In my view, the DWF airport no longer needs protection, and it is time to lift the restrictions on Love Field. The restrictions placed on flights from Love Field 15 years ago deny affordable air transportation to citizens of my State and States throughout a vast portion of our country which do not fall into the limitations of the Wright amendment. The restrictions make it impossible to fly directly into Love Field except for those flights originating within Texas and States neighboring Texas. Not only is it impossible to take a direct flight, but if you are flying into Love Field, a passenger is required to purchase separate tickets, reclaim baggage, and change planes in these neighboring States. Let's assume this passenger is traveling from Wichita. At Oklahoma City, the passenger, having used the first ticket must change aircraft. And not just that, the passenger must take physical possession of all checked baggage, haul the baggage back to the ticket counter and recheck the baggage for the flight into Love Field. A 1992 U.S. Department of Transportation study reported that these restrictions cost air travelers $183 million a year in higher air fares. That's why Kansans have been demanding the repeal of the so- called Wright amendment--they're tired of higher air fares, reduced travel options, and a distinct second-class status for Kansas air travelers. Not only are Kansans inconvenienced, but Texans as well. I have a letter from a Texan who has to fly to the connecting airport in another State to assist her mother in a wheelchair who must ``change planes, meet her there, transfer her luggage, and recheck her onto another flight.'' I would like to The Wright amendment is a burden for Kansas consumers and a barrier to economic development. It's high time we grounded the Wright amendment.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent there be a period for morning business not to exceed 5 minutes.