Robert Dole

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I am going to offer two amendments on behalf of myself and the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee, Senator McConnell. One amendment would prohibit the release of funds to Bosnia under this act until the Bosnian Federation is in compliance with article III of annex 1-A of the Dayton agreement which simply means that all foreign forces must leave Bosnia before funds for civilian implementation can be released. I will also send to the desk another amendment on behalf of Senator McConnell and myself which establishes several conditions for the use of the funds provided for civilian implementation projects in Bosnia. In my view, these two amendments should enjoy bipartisan support. As far as I know, there is no objection to the amendments, but I will offer the amendments and not ask for final disposition until everyone has had an opportunity to take a look at them. I am pleased to cosponsor with the chairman of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee these two amendments to the Bosnia supplemental portion of the continuing resolution. I wish to address first the issues of offsets for this $200 million in civilian implementation funding. I understand that this portion of the supplemental was designed as an ``emergency'' by the Appropriations Committee but was offset by the House. I hope that the conferees will ultimately offset this $200 million request. As we have seen over the past few months, the military aspects of the Dayton agreement have been the easiest to implement. It is the civilian side of the equation that poses the toughest problems. Among them, facilitating the return of refugees, conducting free and fair elections, and establishing a professional civilian police force. Indeed, the reports we are getting from Sarajevo have demonstrated that integrating the capital is more difficult than separating the various military forces. The military task is limited and clear, while the civilian task is wide-reaching and complex, with only vague lines of authority. The United States has made a tremendous commitment of personnel and resources in Bosnia and Herzegovina. While many of us disagreed with the administration's decision to send troops to Bosnia, while many of us advocated a different policy, those American forces are now there, and therefore it is essential that we succeed. Our credibility and that of NATO is on the line. It is essential that we in the international community get Bosnia back on its feet. Otherwise, this risky deployment of thousands of American and NATO soldiers will be for naught. It will end up being a brief interlude in a long war. The challenges are immense. There are more than 2.5 million Bosnians who have been displaced from their homes. At least 60 percent of housing in Bosnia has been damaged or destroyed. Most Bosnian Moslems and Croats have no paying jobs and have been dependent on humanitarian assistance for nearly 4 years. No doubt about it, the Bosnians need and deserve our help. However, there are problems that we cannot and should not ignore. First and foremost is the continued presence of Iranian military personnel in Bosnia and Iranian intelligence officials. They pose a potential threat to our forces--but also to Bosnia's place in the international community. The McConnell-Dole amendment requires the President to certify that the Bosnians are in full compliance with article III of annex 1-A of the Dayton Agreement mandating the withdrawal of foreign forces, and to certify that Bosnian Government-Iranian Government cooperation on intelligence matters has been terminated. It seems to me that through our actions today we can send two beneficial signals: That we are seriously committed to assisting Bosnia, but that the Bosnian Government's continued military and intelligence relationship with Iran must be halted. We know that Iran provided military aid to Bosnia when the rest of the world refused to. I opposed the policy of refusing the Bosnians the means to defend themselves. The Congress opposed that policy. But, that is the past. And now the Bosnian Government must make choices that will affect Bosnia and Herzegovina's future. Will Bosnia be part of Europe and the West or not? A continuing military and intelligence relationship with Iran clearly jeopardizes Bosnia's future as a pluralistic democratic state in Europe. Looking further at developments within Bosnia, we need to make sure that our economic assistance has a positive effect on the social, economic and political situation there and that other donors are doing their fair share. So, besides limiting U.S. aid to projects in the U.S. sector, the second McConnell-Dole amendment would add criteria including: Prohibiting funds for the repair of housing in areas where displaced persons or refugees are refused the right of return due to ethnicity or political party affiliation; Establishing, in advance, GAO audit access to the banking and financial institutions that will receive AID assistance; A certification by the president, after 90 days, that the total U.S. contribution to reconstruction for this year, $532 million, has been matched by a combined total of bilateral donor pledges. These amendments do not address all problems related to the civilian effort in Bosnia, but they go a long way. For example, more congressional oversight and work will need to be done on the matter of civilian police and the international police task force which is partially funded in this supplemental. This week we saw houses being looted and burned in Sarajevo and a handful of international police are standing by and watching--because they have no arms and no authority. Another vital issue is that of arming and training Bosnian Federation Forces--which is critical to the long-term stability of Bosnia. That of course, can also only be achieved once the Bosnian Government ensures that Iranian military units are no longer on its territory. Mr. President, helping Bosnia and the Bosnian people is the right thing to do. However, we must do so wisely--and these two amendments will ensure that U.S. dollars are spent prudently and in a manner that supports our broader goals. It is not only in Bosnia's interest, but in our interest, to have a Bosnia which is pluralistic, democratic, multiethnic and able to defend itself. I certainly urge my colleagues to support these amendments, and I now send these amendments to the desk.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I do not know if anybody now wishes to speak on these amendments, but I wanted to offer the amendments. I think Senator McConnell will speak after his hearing. I yield the floor. Mrs. HUTCHISON addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I do not know of any other speakers, but there may be requests from both sides of the aisle. I know Senator McConnell wishes to speak briefly. He is now involved in a hearing. I ask the amendments be temporarily laid aside, and I yield the floor.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I believe I sent two amendments to the desk. I ask unanimous consent to lay aside the first amendment and call up the second amendment.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE. I join with the distinguished Senator from Utah, Senator Hatch, and the Senator from New Hampshire, Senator Gregg, and move to table Biden amendment No. 3483. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, today is a significant day for our troops in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Macedonia. Today the Senate will pass important legislation that will provide tax relief to our military forces deployed in the former Yugoslavia. This relief is essential to ensure that the Internal Revenue Service does not make life more difficult for our soldiers than the rigors of their Bosnian duty has already. Speaker Gingrich and I announced in December our intention to send to the President tax filing and other relief for our soldiers. Earlier this week the House passed the legislation and I am pleased that the Senate is doing so today. I believe that it is critical for Congress to continue demonstrating its unequivocal support for our men and women in uniform involved in Operation Joint Endeavor and Operation Able Sentry. Our troops have more important things to focus on than compiling records, meeting paperwork deadlines, or computing their tax liability. And they should receive income and estate tax relief for participating in the operations. I thank my colleagues for voting with me to pass this critical legislation.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, apparently the White House press secretary made some statements this morning that I think probably he should not have made. I am not certain it helps the cause of counterterrorism to talk publicly about the type of equipment we are sending to help our allies. I support, and I am certain all of my colleagues support, United States efforts to support Israel's fight against the killers of Hamas. I have pointed out that continued United States aid to the Palestinian authority is difficult to justify unless Arafat takes concrete action against terrorists who threaten the peace process. Congress has had many contentious delays in extending the Middle East Facilitation Act in the past. We could have a continuing resolution in the Chamber maybe next week or maybe even this week, sometime very soon, and unless and until Arafat does more to crack down on terrorism, I would assume--I am not suggesting I am going to plead it, but I assume there might be an effort by some to cut off aid to the Palestinian authority, and that is the point I made. It seems to me it is up to Mr. Arafat to take some decisive action. It is not enough to say that he regrets it and it is intolerable. I think we need action not only from Arafat but some action from Syria which has been a safe haven for terrorists the last decade or so.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, the Senate is taking a historic step today. We will soon vote on the conference report on the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996. It is a tragedy it took the brutal attack on unarmed American citizens in international airspace to overcome resistance to tightening the economic noose around Castro. Many of us believed legislation should have been enacted much sooner. Fifty-nine Senators voted for cloture on this bill last October. Though we were forced to delete a critical section to overcome the filibuster last year, that section has been restored in the conference report pending in the Senate. Castro still has a few supporters in the United States. The tired rhetoric defending his dictatorship is the last stand of the old left. But their voices are irrelevant. Their voices are drowned out by the overwhelming and uncontestable evidence of Castro's true nature. Castro is clearly determined to cling to power at all costs, but his days are numbered. Enactment of the Libertad bill will weaken, and eventually end, Castro's desperate dictatorship. There has been much said in the debate this morning about this bill. The key provisions deserve special mention. First, the Helms-Dole- Burton Libertad bill codifies all regulations implementing the embargo on Cuba. This will ensure no more mixed signals will be sent from the United States--the Cuban embargo stays in place until a transition government is in place. Second, the Libertad bill requires entry to the United States be denied to all individuals who traffic in stolen property in Cuba. Entry into the United States is a privilege, not a right. Enactment of this bill will guarantee that the privilege of entry to the United States is not extended to those who profit from property stolen from American citizens. Third, effective August 1, 1996, the Helms-Dole-Burton bill creates legal recourse in American courts against firms and individuals who profit from property confiscated from Americans. Limited authority to suspend this provision is included in the conference report, but only for 6-month periods, only with advance notice to Congress, and only if the President certifies that such a suspension will expedite democratic change in Cuba. There are many other important provisions in the bill: Authorization to support democratic and human rights groups in Cuba, tough conditions on aid to the former Soviet states if they provide aid to Cuba, mandatory reductions in United States assistance and credits to any country which support completion of the nuclear reactors in Cuba, and tough requirements for United States Government action on American fugitives in Cuba. The Libertad bill is a comprehensive package which will cutoff Castro's foreign economic lifeline. The Libertad conference report will speed up democratic change in Cuba. It sends a clear message: The time of Fidel Castro has come and gone. It has been a long, hard road to get to the point of final Senate action. I wish we could have been here much sooner. I wish we could have acted without facing veto threats and filibusters. But today, these differences are behind us. President Clinton has endorsed the Helms-Burton bill--in its toughened form. President Clinton has asked all Members of Congress to support this legislation. In a letter to me this morning, he wrote: The conference report is a strong, bipartisan response that tightens the economic embargo against the Cuban regime and permits us to continue to promote democratic change in Cuba. I urge Congress to pass the Libertad bill in order to send Cuba a powerful message that the United States will not tolerate further loss of American life. There can be no doubt that the signal from the United States is stronger when the Democratic White House and Republican Congress speak with the same voice. There can be no doubt that the signal from the United States is unmistakable: Democracy yes, dictatorship no. Now that the White House is on board with a tougher approach to the Castro regime, I hope they will enact unilateral steps to increase pressure on Castro--steps they could take today. The Clinton administration should beef up enforcement of the embargo, including opening a Treasury Department office in Miami. The Clinton administration should also instruct the FBI to crack down on Cuban agents in the United States including tougher restrictions on so-called diplomats and stronger steps to counter Cuban spies in Miami. The administration should also require strict compliance with the Foreign Agents Registration Act to ensure all of Castro's lobbyists are publicly disclosed. Measures like these will help demonstrate a genuine change of heart by the White House. Let there be no mistake: Castro's dictatorship will end. From Poland and Prague, from Moscow to Managua, from Kiev to Kazakhstan, Communist tyrants have fallen to the will of people. Castro stands alone as the last dictator in the hemisphere. When the history of the fall of Castro is written, today's action will have a central place. The atrocity over the Florida Straits--the murder of martyrs of February 24--has galvanized opposition to Castro. And it has overcome obstacles to passing their Libertad bill before us today. There is a long list of people who worked hard on the legislation before us. Senator Helms made enactment of this legislation a priority when he assumed the chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee. Senator Mack of Florida was critical in mobilizing Senate support for the bill. In the House, Congressman Burton played a critical role in shepherding the legislation to the overwhelming vote last September. Congressman Diaz-Balart and Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen were tireless in their work for the bill--in the House and in the Senate. Congressman Menendez of New Jersey was central in getting the Clinton administration to see the light on the legislation last week. All of these Members deserve credit for the Libertad conference report. Without their efforts, we would not be where we are today. Enactment of this legislation will end the debate over how to foster democratic change in Cuba. Enactment of this legislation will send a signal to our allies and our adversaries that the United States is united in opposing Fidel Castro. And enactment of this legislation will bring the end of Fidel Castro's reign of terror much closer. I urge my colleagues to support the Libertad bill to send the strongest possible message to the hemisphere's last dictator. The signals are clear. It is now nonpartisan, bipartisan, call it what you will. I hope with an overwhelming vote that Castro will finally get the message. And I think the administration has finally gotten the message. After cozying up to Castro in 1994 and 1995, they now see the error of their ways. And I am happy that they are now on board. I particularly want to thank the distinguished chairman of the committee, Senator Helms, for his tireless efforts throughout the past several months.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, as I understand, the vote is set for 2:15.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, it has been nearly 9 months since I made a speech in Hollywood suggesting that our entertainment industry has a responsibility to look beyond the bottom line and to not pollute our culture and our children. That speech ignited a national discussion--a discussion which has continued to this day. This discussion will take what I hope will be an important step tomorrow, when a delegation of entertainment industry leaders will meet with the congressional Republican leadership here at the Capitol, and then with President Clinton at the White House. It is reported that the industry leaders will use these meetings to inform us of their decision to voluntarily create a rating system for television programs. I certainly hope these reports are true, and that the meetings are not just publicity stunts for all involved. While previous commitments will prevent me from attending tomorrow's meeting, I did want to take a moment to add a few thoughts to the discussion. First, I wish to congratulate the entertainment industry leaders for their decision. Every parent knows that some television programming goes over the line--way over the line--of decency. And I believe a voluntary rating system, if honestly implemented, will help parents in making informed decisions about what programs their children should and should not watch. Second, let me urge the entertainment industry not to spend too much time patting themselves on the back. It is one thing to produce programs that children should not watch, and to inform parents of the content of those programs. But it is another thing entirely to produce programs that parents are proud to let their children watch. That is an important distinction I hope Hollywood understands, and one they can respond to only by producing quality, family friendly programming. Third, let me emphasize that if a rating system is to work, then it must be designed and implemented without any Government meddling or interference. While I have taken Hollywood to task, I have also made clear that the answer is good corporate citizenship, and not Government censorship. If the era of big Government is truly over, then the President, the Congress, and the Federal Communications Commission cannot be in the business of reviewing and rating television programs. Finally, I believe it is very worthwhile to note that the industry's decision to voluntarily rate television programs is proof that the voice of concerned Americans is being heard. We learned that when outraged citizens forced the Calvin Klein Co. to withdraw ads that were nothing more than child pornography, and we learn it each time a movie that assaults our values sinks at the box office. The bottom line is that shame does work, and it will continue to work, as long as concerned Americans speak out. And I am just one of countless concerned Americans who intend to continue to speak out for decency, for civility, and for the future of our children. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the vote on invoking cloture on the D.C. appropriations conference report occur at 12:30 on Thursday, February 29, with the mandatory quorum being waived; further, that the time from 12 to 12:30 be equally divided in the usual form for debate on the motion to invoke cloture on the conference report.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, the entire world is now aware of Fidel Castro's attack on unarmed American civilian aircraft in international airspace. The U.S. Coast Guard has now called off its search for survivors. Four American citizens have been murdered by Fidel Castro's fighter jets. Brothers to the Rescue is a Florida-based humanitarian group which flies the straits of Florida searching for the desperate product of Fidel Castro's Communist system: refugees in makeshift boats seeking to escape repression. For these efforts, four Americans gave their lives. It is time to honor their memory with real action against Fidel Castro's tyranny. The apologists for Fidel Castro have already come up with excuses-- Brothers to the Rescue had penetrated Cuban airspace in the past, Cuban flight control personnel gave warnings, and on and on. It now appears that Castro even has a planted double agent who will perform a theater of absurd for the world. But these diversions cannot obscure the basic reality. The reality is there can be no excuse for this act of aggression. The reality is that Castro's crimes now include an illegal international air assault against American citizens. The reality is that the time is long overdue for serious action against Castro's Cuba. It should not take the murder of four American citizens for the Clinton administration to understand that warming up to Fidel Castro is wrong. The Clinton adminstration has been strong in its rhetoric. Yesterday, President Clinton said, the shoot down was a ``flagrant violation of international laws * * * and the United States will not tolerate it.'' But the strong words were not, unfortunately, followed with strong action. Yes, President Clinton is taking a case to the United Nations to seek international sanctions. I hope the Clinton administration has the same success that the Reagan administration had in 1983 in building an international coalition against the brutal Soviet attack on Korean Airlines flight 007--under the able leadership of U.N. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick. The Clinton administration has had no success to date in internationalizing the embargo on Cuba. The Clinton administration has spent little time and effort in such efforts, focusing instead on isolating and invading Haiti--the poorest country in the hemisphere. Yes, President Clinton suspended charter flights to Cuba. But for months, the Clinton administration has looked the other way as the travel ban to Cuba has been regularly violated. Yes, President Clinton has said there will be further restrictions on Cuban officials in the United States. But these officials are already supposed to be under strict control. And the Clinton administration allowed Fidel Castro to enter the United States last year--to the great satisfaction of the liberal elite who wined and dined the hemisphere's last dictator in New York. Yes, President Clinton said he wanted to work with Congress to ``promptly reach agreement'' on legislation to enhance the embargo on Cuba. But the Clinton administration led the charge against such legislation for more than a year--for more than a year--orchestrating a Senate filibuster and issuing veto threats. I hope the President might now join us. There will be a conference tomorrow morning on the Dole-Helms-Burton bill. We certainly appreciate the President's support. The Congress is waiting for the Clinton administration to follow through on President Clinton's promise. Yes, President Clinton said he would support more funding for Radio Marti to break Castro's information stranglehold on the Cuban people. But he was silent about TV Marti, and the Clinton administration has dragged its feet in making the technical improvements to TV Marti which would allow it to be seen by more Cubans. President Clinton did not even restore the status quo to include sanctions which he eased last year. On October 6, 1995, President Clinton announced a series of steps easing the embargo on Castro's Cuba. At the time, I said the Clinton administration gave Castro a propaganda victory and may have prolonged the Castro dictatorship. There are many unilateral steps President Clinton could have and should have taken yesterday: Announcing serious enforcement of the travel ban, opening a Treasury Department office in Miami, denying visas for Cuban Government and party officials, and increased Federal Bureau of Investigation actions against Cuban agents in the United States. But the most important step was not taken--an unequivocal endorsement of the Helms-Dole-Burton Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act. This legislation was passed by the Senate on October 19, 1995, by a vote of 74 to 24 and passed by the House 294 to 130 on September 21, 1995. The conference committee will meet tomorrow morning to reconcile differences between the two versions, and I expect Senate action before the end of the week. The Libertad bill strengthens the embargo on Cuba, offers real incentives for democratic change and takes real action to deter foreign investment in Cuba. The conference legislation will enable American citizens to use American courts to pursue claims against those who use confiscated property in Cuba. The conference legislation will also deny visas to officials who confiscate American property. Finally, the conference report will codify the existing embargo on Cuba, conditioning the end of the embargo on democratic change in Cuba. I also expect the conference report to include a strong condemnation of Castro's terror in the skies. I know the conferees are receptive to one proposal by President Clinton--authorizing the use of frozen Cuban assets to compensate the families of the latest victims of Castro's regime. That is a good idea. In fact, the conference may look at other uses for the frozen assets-- financing Radio and TV Marti, for example, or supporting the democratic opposition in Cuba. As I indicated earlier, we stand ready to hear from the Clinton administration on the Libertad legislation. I hope President Clinton will finally endorse the tough sanctions that Castro really fears. Then the administration's actions will match their rhetoric. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. I say to the distinguished Senator from Vermont that we might file cloture again today and have another cloture vote on Thursday to indicate we are serious and we would like to get the bill passed. So we will discuss that. Mr. KENNEDY addressed the Chair.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Commerce be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 2196; further, that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk on behalf of Senators Rockefeller and Burns.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. I ask unanimous consent the bill be deemed read a third time, passed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any colloquies and statements relating to the bill be placed at an appropriate place in the Record.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the Committee on Environment and Public Works be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 1718, and further that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I understand there is a bill on the calendar that is due for its second reading.

Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I object to further consideration of this matter at this time.

Mr. DOLE

Mr. DOLE. So I assume it started in 1901, is that it?