Richard Durbin

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, I am sorry that the Senator from Iowa, who spoke before me, left the floor before I could get his attention. Senator Grassley is my friend. We have served together for many years. We have worked on a lot of things together, and I bet we will in the future. I like working with him. He shoots from the hip and tells you exactly what he thinks. He has--I know this sounds a little vain--a midwestern approach to him that I like a lot. He just gave us a little reminder here about the difficulties that faced some of the Trump nominees on the floor of the U.S. Senate. I remember that. There were some that were delayed because of very basic things. They had not filed their financial disclosure forms and the ethics reports, which were expected of all Cabinet nominees. I don't expect President-Elect Biden to cut any corners. I expect his nominees to follow the rules and the law, and I am hoping that they will have bipartisan support when it comes to the Senate. I want to give this President a chance to get off to a good, solid start, and he is going to need it. We are in the midst of this pandemic. The numbers that roll in every single day are frightening. Even in my home State of Illinois, where Governor Pritzker and Mayor Lightfoot and so many others have worked hard to establish standards of conduct that will keep people safe, we know that the numbers are just unacceptable in terms of infections and hospitalizations and, sadly, deaths as well. Over 300,000 Americans have died. We want to make sure that President Biden and Vice President Harris have the team and the wherewithal and the resources to respond quickly when they take office on January 20. I hope my Republican friends will join me in that effort. They have every right to expect these nominees to answer the very basic questions that are required, but I hope that they will also do their best to expedite that process so that those going into critical positions to keep our country safe from this pandemic are in place, as well as those who are going to serve our Nation in critical capacities, whether it is Secretary of State or Attorney General or Department of Homeland Security. But I look forward to working with my friend from Iowa. I take heed of his warning that we will hold these nominees to the same standards as we held President Trump's nominees

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, if you follow the U.S. Senate, which, of course, many of us do, there was a noteworthy moment this morning. It was actually a prayer by our Chaplain, Barry Black. In that prayer, he acknowledged and called for the blessings of God on the President-Elect Joe Biden and Vice President-Elect Kamala Harris. The reason that was noteworthy is that has been a contested issue among politicians on Capitol Hill for weeks as to whether or not Joe Biden could be described as President-elect. Many have stepped forward and said yes, but many resisted. The acknowledgement by the Chaplain caught me a little by surprise this morning. And I came to the floor to hear the Republican leader, Senator McConnell, go through an accounting of the Trump Presidency and all of his achievements and then concluded by acknowledging as well that we have a President-elect in Joe Biden. I believe that that reflected the reality of the November 3 election and the finality of the electoral college decisions being made across the Nation in so many States. I thank those who have stepped forward to acknowledge the reality of a new President and hope that they will join me in an effort to do our best to make certain that his tenure is a success, not just for him personally and the Vice President but for our Nation. We deserve nothing less. It is a long story, these last few weeks since November 3 and what has happened across America. I don't think anyone could have predicted that we would see the divisive reaction that we have seen, nor could anyone have predicted what happened yesterday. Some States had to take extraordinary measures to protect electoral college electors--what used to be a routine, somewhat tedious and boring mission. It resulted in the closing of legislative buildings in Michigan to the public and, according to press reports, credible threats of violence. In Arizona, electors met in an undisclosed location to safely cast their votes. These measures followed a last-ditch effort by 17 Republican attorneys general and more than half of the House Republican caucus joining in a lawsuit and accompanying an amicus brief before the Supreme Court, which incredibly argued that the Court should nullify the votes of more than 20 million Americans. These ludicrous arguments couldn't hide the true justification for joining this effort to undermine our democracy. The people who were protesting simply don't like the results of the 2020 election, and they don't want to turn their backs on President Trump. The conservative-leaning Supreme Court summarily dismissed this effort outright, rejecting the lawsuit in an order on Friday evening, wasting no time in doing it. Despite repeated and forceful judicial rejections of their baseless allegations of fraud at attempts to nullify the votes of Americans, only 27 Congressional Republicans would publicly acknowledge the obvious President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden, as of last week. Now that the electoral college has spoken, more Congressional Republicans are finally stepping up. The fact that it took 6 weeks for my colleagues to recognize reality and stop undermining our Democratic process is sad and disappointing. When we were sworn in as Members of Congress, we took a simple oath: support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic. It is not an oath to one person, nor one President; it is not conditional if one receives enough angry phone calls; it is not dependent on whether the responsibilities are difficult; and it is certainly not optional if one has to face a more challenging electorate. And yet, with the exception of only a few in this Senate Chamber, the silence in upholding this oath in the face of President Trump's blatant attempts to undermine our democracy has been overwhelming. Just compare it to the courage shown by State and local election officials across the United States, including many Republicans, who always hasten to add that they had voted for President Trump; they were disappointed in the election of Joe Biden; but the election in their State, by their measure, was honest and fair. They don't enjoy the perks or protections we have here in Congress, but they stepped up and spoke up, and I respect them for it--proud Americans of both parties under personal threat for their integrity and defending an American election that the President of the United States wants overturned. Senator Murphy, the junior Senator from Connecticut, came to the floor on Friday and spoke eloquently about this threat to American democracy that has been playing out in plain sight--the blatant and shameful attempt to use the power of the Presidency to overturn a free and fair election, an election which is the foundation of our democracy. Senator Murphy reminded us about the fragility of our democracy and how it should never ever be taken for granted. He warned about collaborating in silence as these efforts are made to destroy it. ``How Democracies Die.'' The poignant remarks and the outrageous actions of recent weeks reminded me of a dinner I hosted with the authors of a powerful book, ``How Democracies Die.'' The authors, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, detail examples in which democracies are weakened, collapsed, and even destroyed. I recommend it as urgent reading to my colleagues in the Senate at this moment in our history. They highlighted the critical role of established political leaders in standing up, or failing to stand up, in key moments when events or persons threaten their democracies. Venezuela, in the early 1990s--the key establishment party leader opportunistically sided with Hugo Chavez after a coup attempt, devastatingly, giving Chavez critical legitimacy he then used to gain power and bring his country to its current state of decline. I believe we have such a moment here that demands leaders of both parties to carry out their oaths of office and defend our treasured democracy. Quite simply, silence is unacceptable. I am glad for what Senator McConnell said this morning on the floor of the Senate. Perhaps Chaplain Black inspired him and will inspire others to step up and speak the truth.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), the Senator from California (Ms. Harris), and the Senator from New Mexico (Mr. Heinrich) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I join my colleagues in thanking Senator Pat Roberts of Kansas for his service to his State and our Nation. Years ago, Pat Roberts and I served together on the House Agriculture Committee. We now serve together on the Senate Agriculture Committee. From our earliest days working together in House until today, Pat Roberts has been a consistent champion of Kansans and of farmers and people in small towns and rural communities across America. Through his leadership, Senator Roberts has shepherded eight bipartisan farm bills into law. Farmers say that farm bills give them the certainty that they can count on. Farmers could rely on Pat Roberts for that certainty too. Pat Roberts not only has worked to address the day-to-day challenges of agriculture, he also worked to prepare American farmers and ranchers for the future. From the creation of the Foundation for Food and Agriculture Research in the 2014 farm bill to protecting agriculture from disease by modernizing and building the National Bio and Agro- Defense Facility in Kansas, Senator Roberts knew the value in investing in research. Most recently, he joined me in the America Grows Act to increase Federal investments in basic USDA research across the board. There is no doubt that Senator Roberts' legacy will reap benefits for years. But his commitment to rural communities didn't stop with farmers. In April 2018, I met with Illinois EMS advocates. We talked about how rural EMS are on the frontlines in delivering quality emergency response, service coordination, and patient care. They spoke about how they were responding to the opioid epidemic and treating the emergency needs of an aging population. I became convinced that Congress needed to find a way to support rural EMS agencies with Federal funding so they could better serve their communities, but I needed a partner for it. The solution was obvious. I found Senator Roberts in the Senate gym and pitched him on the bill. Within a few weeks, we introduced the Supporting and Improving Rural EMS Needs, or SIREN, Act. Senator Debbie Stabenow joined as a partner to the bill, and we started working hard to pass it. The SIREN Act was included in the 2018 farm bill. And this past summer, the first grant award went to Illinois when our healthcare providers needed it most for this pandemic. For four decades, Senator Roberts has been a significant part of Federal agriculture policy. He is the only lawmaker to have chaired both the House and Senate Agriculture Committees. Farm bills don't happen without bipartisanship, and Pat's legacy of bipartisanship is something we should honor in the future. It has been an honor and privilege, working with him. I will miss his bipartisan spirit and his dry wit. I wish him, his wife Franki, and their family happiness in his next chapter.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, this week's Nobel Peace Prize celebration in Oslo, Norway, is honoring the United Nations World Food Programme for its efforts to combat hunger, for its contributions to bettering conditions for peace in conflict-affected areas and for acting as a driving force in efforts to prevent the use of hunger as a weapon of war and conflict. I am proud to add my voice in congratulating this deeply important organization and the thousands of its heroic and courageous staff on this well-deserved honor. In 1961, President Eisenhower called on the United Nations to address hunger, leading to the creation of the World Food Programme. Since then, the World Food Programme has provided lifesaving help in some of the world's most difficult places and conditions. The United States remains a strong partner of the World Food Programme and one of its biggest funders. During my time in the Senate, I joined several of my colleagues such as the late Senator Dick Lugar and Senator Bob Casey in strong bipartisan support for the organization and related efforts to combat hunger at omeand abroad. Today, the World Food Programme is the world's largest humanitarian organization and the leading global agency delivering food assistance in emergencies and working with communities to improve nutrition and build resilience. It provides more than 15 billion meals to 100 million people in more than 80 countries each year. Through war zones, floods, famines, and earthquakes, the World Food Programme is on the ground for those most in need, a ray of hope in the lives of the most vulnerable. It has truly earned recognition as ``the world's first responder,'' as noted by U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Like all first responders, it did not hesitate to answer the call when the COVID-19 pandemic hit earlier this year. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted every sector of life all over the world, adding another level of hardship on those in the midst of conflict and poverty and potentially doubling the number of people facing acute hunger to 270 million. But since the start of this emergency, the World Food Programme has continued providing relief to children and families in the mounting crisis. While the need for food relief has drastically increased during the pandemic, hunger has long been used a tactic in conflicts around the world. Food supply chains are disrupted or humanitarian aid is restricted, essentially starving innocent civilians caught in the crossfire. In turn, starvation leads to more conflict over scare resources. The link between food insecurity and conflict is clear: one fuels the other. And it is also clear that helping populations with emergency relief and long-term sustainability prevents millions of people from experiencing the horrors of starvation as a tactic of war and conflicts from erupting out of the desperation of hunger. Not only is it a moral responsibility to aid the world's most vulnerable, but it is in the best interest of the international community for a more secure world. The World Food Programme is one of the best examples of the good that comes from global cooperation. From our American farmers working alongside farmers all over the world, to the staff on the ground, it takes many to help feed the world's poor. No country alone would be able to reach every comer of the globe, especially in the most entrenched of conflicts such as Yemen, Syria, and South Sudan. It is critical that the United States continues to support the World Food Programme, and I will continue to work to ensure that Congress provides the funds to do so. While the global COVID pandemic is a setback in feeding the world, I am confident that the World Food Programme will help lead the way to alleviating the suffering. I again congratulate the World Food Programme and all of its staff for their courageous efforts.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, March 23--March 23 has been a long time from this date, and a lot of things have happened in America since March 23. Over 200,000 American lives have been lost. Millions of Americans have been infected with the COVID virus. Our families have changed. Our lives have changed. We have tried to adjust to the worst pandemic America has seen. We know that we have fallen short many times in providing the resources that were needed in a timely way. I can remember in the early stages of this pandemic when in my State of Illinois there were desperate phone calls from the Governor asking if I could find some way to help, in Washington or any other place, to provide protective equipment for the people in the healthcare field. We know as well that many people have seen businesses close in their communities. In my hometown of Springfield, IL, our favorite restaurant is clinging to its business life, and we are finding excuses to order food out as often as possible to keep them open. Others haven't been so lucky. Their businesses are closed, and their jobs have disappeared. Millions of Americans are drawing unemployment. Many are waiting in long lines for food. Desperate decisions are being made because people are in desperate circumstances. A lot has happened since March 23. The reason I mention that date is that was the day we passed the CARES Act. It was a momentous, historic effort--$3 trillion to try to rescue this economy, to help the American people through this crisis, to provide resources that were needed--and it was overwhelmingly bipartisan. It passed the Senate by 96 to 0. Since then, many things have happened. We have also learned that the CARES Act was not enough. We thought this crisis would end long ago, and it didn't. Perhaps now with vaccines coming online, we will see some dramatic changes in the few months ahead, but what are we going to do in the meantime? Are we going to continue to help those drawing unemployment? Are we going to continue to help the businesses that are struggling to survive and to help their employees make it through another week or another month? Are we going to do what is necessary to help State and local governments that have seen losses in their revenues in historic terms? Are we going to take care to provide the logistical support for the actual vaccinations that are necessary across America? That question is unanswered because we have done nothing--virtually nothing--since March 23. A group of Senators several weeks ago met for a socially distanced, safe dinner at one of the homes of my colleagues and talked about another approach--a new approach, a bipartisan approach--to try to deal with COVID relief. If the leaders were unable to act, perhaps we could start the conversation. I signed up for that effort with a number of Republican Senators and Democratic Senators, and we set out to write a COVID relief bill--with our staff's help, of course. I didn't realize what I was getting into in terms of time commitment. We have spent literally hour after hour after hour, day after day after day--multiple times in a day sometimes--dealing with the difficult issues of what America needs now in emergency relief because of this COVID-19 crisis. We have come to a general conclusion on all but one issue as to what we would propose, and we believe it should be done quickly. You see, on December 26, 12 million Americans will lose their unemployment insurance. Businesses struggling now will close between now and then if we don't do something. Unfortunately, the speech given by the Republican leader on the floor this morning suggests that whatever we came up with and proposed is not going to be taken seriously. That is unfortunate. I think there is real wisdom, bipartisan compromise in our proposal. It is within the power of the Republican leader to call this matter to the floor, and that is all we ask. Make it subject to amendments, if you wish, but let's get this debate underway. This silent, empty Chamber is no answer to the cries of American people who are desperate for help in the midst of this pandemic. Political posturing and press releases from one side or the other won't put food on the table, won't give a father peace of mind, won't give a mother the help she needs with childcare, won't give a student the broadband service they need to continue their education. There is an issue that still is unresolved, and it is the issue of liability. We don't know what to do with that, but we ought to look at the evidence. So far in this calendar year, with 15 million people infected with COVID-19, fewer than 3 lawsuits per State--3 per State-- have been filed in medical malpractice or consumer personal injury claims. There are a lot of other lawsuits between businesses and with insurance companies--by prisoners in jail saying that their confinement is dangerous to their health, people filing lawsuits against Governors for issuing orders to stay at home and close down businesses--but when it comes to the personal injury claims, there are very few. Very few. We know why--those of us who have been involved in the practice of law. One of the things that you have to prove to recover in a case is causation. That is rare in a case dealing with coronavirus, to be able to pinpoint exactly when you became infected and what the circumstances are. That is why so few lawsuits have been filed. The Senator from Kentucky is insisting that there be immunity to liability as part of any agreement. It is a thorny topic, a difficult topic, a controversial topic, but I plead with him to hold to another day the overall issue of liability. Accept this emergency bill that we have put together as a bipartisan group of Senators to address this issue in the reality of the world we live in. To hold it back because of some other major issue that has not been resolved is unfair to American families and workers and students and health workers. We owe it to them to do everything in our power to help them now. How can we in good conscience go home for Christmas knowing that the day after Christmas, 12 million Americans will see their unemployment insurance disappear because of our inability to act? What kind of spirit is that of any holiday season? I think we need to be mindful of the fact that there are a lot of helpless people counting on us to do something. I hope we realize that this bipartisan effort put together by a group of Senators, which I have been honored to be part of, is a good-faith effort to answer the basic questions of what is needed now in America and what is needed on an emergency basis. It is a good bill--far from perfect. It deserves a vote on the floor of the U.S. Senate. If Senator McConnell has another proposal that he wants to put on the floor as well, he certainly has that right as the majority leader, but to close the door on this bipartisan effort is to reject a good-faith undertaking by Senators from both sides of the aisle, Democrats and Republicans. I plead with the majority leader, let's not claim some political victory when this is all over at the expense of a lot of helpless people across America who are battling this pandemic I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, there is something about this Doug Jones. From the earliest stages in his life, he knew he was going to be a little bit different. When I grew up in East St. Louis, IL, it was expected that my childhood hero would be St. Louis Cardinals great Stan ``the Man'' Musial. But when you grew up in Fairfield, AL--also a baseball fan as a boy--it turned out that your childhood heroes included Joe DiMaggio, Roger Maris, and Mickey Mantle. I am not sure how that goes over in the Deep South, to say that you are rooting for a team called the Yankees. But you did it, and you knew from the start, in your youth, that you were willing to strike out and do the radical, controversial thing. You were 9 years old in September 1963 when four members of the Ku Klux Klan bombed the 16th Street Baptist Church in nearby Birmingham, killing four innocent, young girls who were not much older than you were. Fourteen years later, you were an idealistic, young law student who skipped class to sit in on the trial of the ringleader of that church bombing. You were mesmerized when listening to Alabama's then- attorney general--the lead prosecutor in the case--tell the jury: ``It is never too late for justice.'' The jury agreed and convicted the bomber. You would go on to marry Louise, and God blessed you with three beautiful children--two sons and a daughter. Yet the memories of those four little girls who were killed in their church never left you. In his eulogy for the four fallen girls, Dr. Martin Luther King said that the girls ``say to each of us, Black and White alike, that we must substitute courage for caution. They say to us that we must be concerned not merely about who murdered them but about the system, the way of life, and the philosophy which produced the murderers. Their deaths say to us that we must work passionately and unrelentingly for the realization of the American dream.' I am sure a lot of people heard those words and nodded, but you heard those words, and you were inspired. In 2001, as the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Alabama, you led the successful effort to try and convict the remaining two coconspirators in the church bombing. Both men were sentenced to life in prison. In that same office, you coordinated a joint State-Federal task force that led to the indictment of domestic terrorist Eric Rudolph. You advocated that Rudolph should stand trial first in Birmingham for the deadly bombing in that city of a women's health center before being tried in Atlanta for the Centennial Olympic Park bombing. All told, these and other bombings killed 2 people and injured more than 150. Rudolph pleaded guilty and was sentenced to four life terms in prison because of your commitment. I was honored, during the course of the campaign, Doug, to do a joint fundraiser with you and Louise and Loretta, my wife. I got to sit out on my deck in Springfield and listen to Jason Isbell and Joe Walsh. It was a lot of fun that night. Sometimes campaigns are fun. It certainly was to be with you and Louise on that particular night. I want to close by saying that you shocked me on the floor of the Senate with your first speech. I couldn't believe that this new Senator from the State of Alabama would give a speech about guns and gun violence. It really told me all I needed to know about you right then and there. You are willing to stick out your neck for something you believe in, even if it is going to be controversial and even if you are going to catch hell for it, because you believe in it sincerely. I know you are a proud hunter and gun owner, and there is no question in my mind about your views on that issue. Yet, after the Pulse nightclub shooting in Orlando, FL, that took the lives of 49 young men and women--one of the worst mass shootings in the Nation's history--you supported tighter background checks for gun sales and raising the age requirement to purchase a semiautomatic weapon. I want to personally thank you, as well, for showing exceptional political courage in cosponsoring my DACA legislation in the Dream Act. I will never forget it. I am also proud that you were an original cosponsor of Justice in Policing. That wasn't an easy one either for anybody and for you especially, but you stood up for what you believed in. That is legislation that I joined in introducing with our friend Cory Booker and soon-to-be Vice President Kamala Harris. So you have left your mark. It may seem like a short time in the Senate, but there are those who have served for much longer who have a lot less to show for it. You told us who you were on your first day, and you proved it every day thereafter. It has been an honor to count you as a colleague. I know that you are going to continue to find ways to bend that moral arc of the universe toward justice, and I look forward to supporting you in every way that I can in that goal. I wish you the best. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, when you are new to the U.S. Senate, it is not unusual for friends and people back home, after you have been there a while, to say: So who are the good guys and who are the bad guys in the Senate? Who are the ones you really like and what can you tell us about the rest of them? It is a common question that is asked, and I do remember, as a new Senator here, reflecting on that question and saying: You know, if I had an important decision to make in the Senate, whatever the issue might be, there are two Senators whom I always want to sit down and get their advice. One was Carl Levin of Michigan--one of the most thoughtful, smart guys I had a chance to serve with, and the other was Paul Sarbanes. He just always struck me as a man of substance, who took questions seriously. He was respected in the U.S. Senate for his service, of course, to Maryland, and he was just a good person. He brought real integrity to the U.S. Senate. So when I learned that he passed away just a few days ago, I wanted to put a few things in the Record. He was a man of towering intellect and integrity, but he was modest. He didn't care about headlines. He did so much good work behind the scenes. He was given some of the toughest assignments. Think about the responsibility of dealing with the great recession and then working with Republican Congressman Oxley to put together a really significant reform of Wall Street and the financial community. We knew we could trust Paul Sarbanes to do it, and he did it in a bipartisan fashion. He was a proud son of immigrants. He never forgot it. His parents emigrated from the same town in Greece but only met in America. The Sarbanes owned a famous restaurant in Salisbury, MD, and gave it the quintessentially American name--the Mayflower Restaurant. Paul worked in the restaurant as a boy, and he and his family lived above the restaurant. He graduated from public high school, won a scholarship to Princeton University, studied as a Rhodes scholar at Oxford University, and in 1960 earned a law degree from Harvard. Not bad for an immigrant's son. From Harvard, Paul went to the White House, where he was one of the best and brightest who answered President John Kennedy's call to public service. There, he worked as an administrative assistant to Walter Heller, who was Chairman of President Kennedy's Council of Economic Advisers. Paul Sarbanes' parents taught him that serving one's nation in public service was a noble calling. One of the many Greek words Paul Sarbanes learned from his parents was the word ``idiotes.'' It is the Greek root word for the English word ``idiot,'' but it has a different meaning in Greek. It means someone who takes no part in the affairs of his community. In the Sarbanes family, that was almost a curse. Paul and his parents believed that service to others and to their adopted homeland was a noble calling. So Paul first ran for elective office. In 1966, he was elected to the Maryland House of Delegates. In 1970, the people of Maryland elected him to the U.S. House of Representatives. He was a young Congressman when he wrote one of the successful Articles of Impeachment against then-President Nixon for lying about his Watergate burglary. In 1976, he won his first election to the U.S. Senate. He would go on to serve 30 years in the Chamber. He was a voice of reason on both the Senate Iran-Contra and Whitewater committees. When corporate swindling at Enron and other large corporations cheated millions of Americans out of their life savings, it was Paul Sarbanes' leadership that enabled the Senate to pass the most far- reaching corporate accountability reform since the Securities and Exchange Commission was created 70 years before. That Sarbanes-Oxley reform law passed in 2002. It was designed to prevent the kind of corporate abuses that had so damaged America's economy and shaken the faith of the American people in the economic markets. In 2002, things came full circle for me. There was created an award in the name of Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois--a man whom I first met as a college intern who inspired me to get started in this business. Paul Sarbanes won in 2002 and became the first recipient of the Senator Paul Douglas Ethics in Government Award that is presented by the University of Illinois to honor men and women in public service who exhibit the finest qualities of leadership. It was a perfect match, and, for me, it came full circle. What a coincidence it is that the people who have been my heroes in public life so far, so many are named Paul: Paul Douglas, who had started me as an intern, who introduced me to Paul Simon, who preceded me in the U.S. Senate, where I served with Paul Sarbanes. They basically say in my office that I have been raised according to the Gospel of ``Saints'' Paul. I want to quote briefly from Senator Sarbanes' final speech in the Senate before he retired in 2006. It speaks powerfully to the kind of leaders America is looking for today. Here is what Paul Sarbanes said: Throughout my years in public service, I have worked to the limits of my ability to provide the people of Maryland and the Nation dedicated, informed, and independent representation based upon the fundamental principles of integrity and intelligence. I have been guided in this effort by a vision of a decent and just America, based on a strong sense of community and offering fairness and opportunity to all its people. I know I join all my colleagues in thanking Paul for doing his part so nobly and so well to help us move toward a more perfect Union. And let me say a word about his wife Christine. She was his real partner in life. I can recall when he retired, and I said: Paul, I am sorry to see you go. And he said: Let me ask you a question. When are you supposed to leave around here? It is a question many of us have asked ourselves over and over. As far as he was concerned, I said: What do you want to do the most? He said: Travel with Christine. They were able to do that for a limited period of time because Christine died of cancer in 2009. She was a wonderful person-- intelligent, just like Paul--and the two of them were pure happiness together. Loretta and I wish to express our condolences to the Sarbanes family, especially to their children--Michael, Janet, and a man I have come to know and respect, his son, Congressman John Sarbanes, as well as their grandchildren, his friends and former staff members, and the countless people whose lives are better because of Paul Sarbanes. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, I had the privilege of knowing Tom Udall's uncle when I served in the House of Representatives. He was not only a great leader, but he was a funny man. I have repeated some of his lines and jokes so often. I don't even give him credit anymore. I hope his family and his memory will forgive me. I have often repeated his prognosis for politicians. Morris Udall said: Once you get politics in your bloodstream, only embalming fluid will replace it. I have often thought of what drives us, the men and women of the Senate and the House, to continue to engage in this life's work of politics, with all the cost that it incurs in our lives. Clearly, we are driven by something more than just comfort. To my friend, Tom Udall, let me say I am glad you proved your uncle wrong. As much as I wish you were staying with us for a while longer, I know that you are not leaving public service. You never will. You are just leaving this chapter. In the Udall family, public service is a noble tradition. Your uncle always served with honor in the House for three decades. Your cousins-- Mark Udall, Mike Lee, and Gordon Smith--have all served in the Senate. Your father, Stewart Udall, answered President Kennedy's call for the best and brightest and served as President Kennedy's Secretary of the Interior. I want to mention one footnote that should never be forgotten, particularly at this moment in history. When we watch the NFL and their dedication to the notion of Black Lives Matter, they should remember that over 50 years ago, it was your father, as Secretary of the Interior, who said to the NFL football team that was using RFK Stadium that they had to integrate and bring in their first Black player or he wasn't going to renew their Federal lease on that premises. He changed, overnight, the fate of that Washington football franchise when it came to the issue of race. That shows the kind of leadership which 50 years later looked so visionary. But when it comes to preserving America's national treasures in the 20th century, the Udall name ranks right up there with Teddy Roosevelt. Roosevelt was a giant of conservation. He believed that we have a moral obligation to preserve our planet and the treasures of it for future generations. I have no doubt that your father and your mother would be proud of your service in the Senate. You have carried on this legacy with such perfection by preserving America's irreplaceable national treasures. I have vivid memories of two majestic national monuments that are in Utah--Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante. President Obama showed real leadership in creating those monuments, and you have led the fight to preserve them through the current administration. The passion with which you spoke about the history and importance of these treasures is something I will never forget. I was proud to cosponsor your proposal, the ANTIQUITIES Act, to make clear that only Congress can alter the list of protected national monuments. Thank goodness we have public servants like Tom Udall, who is willing to fight to preserve a piece of this world so that future generations can see it as God created it. Your ``30 by 30 Resolution,'' which you cosponsored with Senator Bennet of Colorado, is another example of creative, innovative Udall ``conservationism.'' Your efforts to preserve America's most sacred treasures do not end with open spaces and a healthy environment. You have also been a brave and tireless champion of the need to preserve the fundamentals of our democracy. Along with your efforts to protect national monuments, you also led to preserve the delicate balance of powers envisioned by our Founders. You were the lead sponsor in this Chamber in the For the People Act to protect voting rights, strengthening government ethics, and changing the way congressional campaigns are funded--a bill that I have built on myself to try to protect our body politic Our goals were always the same: to break the grip of special interests on our politics and government while making it more affordable for men and women with good ideas but without massive wealth to run for Congress. These last years have shown us how fragile our democracy can be and how much work we have to do to restore people's faith in government. I want to point out one particular bill--TSCA. Tom, I will never forget what you did with that. I don't know how many months--maybe even years--that you weathered on despite opposition, not only from the other side of the aisle but sometimes from our side of the aisle, to get this issue into perspective. There were chemicals that were being put into things as basic as furniture that American families had no idea would be dangerous. I have never forgotten this image. You told this story on the floor. To think that that cushion on your couch is treated with some chemical that could be harmful to individuals and that every time you, as a father, sat down on that couch and pulled that baby close to you, you could have been spraying chemicals in that baby's face. I thought about that ever since you gave that speech and how much work you did to make sure that we remedy that wrong and that we gave notification and clearance before these chemicals were being used in products that American families didn't even know about. I gave you my word that I would push hard with you on that. I was just one of the soldiers in the back of the ranks, but I was proud of every moment of it. I wish you and your wife Jill a special happiness in the next chapter. Jill, of course, is originally a native of St. Louis, and I grew up across the river. We had many fun times talking about her youth and reminiscing about mutual friends. She is just an exceptional person herself, and you know it and I do too. To your daughter Amanda, I wish an equally happy and healthy future. As our friend John Lewis might say, may you continue to find ways to get into good trouble. In this Senate, you have been the voice for so many people who had no voice. You have chosen to be an advocate for Native Americans. And if there is ever a cause which every single Member of the Senate and the House should take as their own, it is to bring justice to this group of people who were here before us and were not treated well by this government. I will close now with a thought from one of their great leaders, Sitting Bull. In negotiations with the Federal Government, Sitting Bull advised: Let us put our minds together and see what future we can make for our children. This is the spirit which Tom Udall has brought to the U.S. Senate in every aspect of public service. It has been an honor to work with you, Tom. I wish you all the best because you are the best.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.