Richard Durbin

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, it is difficult to believe that it is happening, but I have seen it. It was about 5 weeks ago that I was in El Paso, TX. I went down to see what has happening on the border. You can't escape all the stories that have been written about the number of people who are coming to our border and what is happening to them, so I wanted to see it for myself. I saw what was a detention facility for people who had been stopped at the border. There was a cell with a plate glass window, so that you could see everything inside. Above the door of the cell, it said, ``capacity 35.'' I looked inside and counted--took the time to slowly count--and I counted 150 men in that cell, standing shoulder to shoulder. Few of them could sit on the benches on the side of the walls--150. There was one toilet in that cell. They were fed their meals to eat standing up. They slept taking turns lying down on the floor. Some of them would be there for 3 days and some as long as 6 weeks. Next to that cell was another one with a plate glass window; you could see inside. Above the door, it read, ``capacity 16.'' This was a cell for women. I counted 75 women in that cell--``capacity 16.'' There were four or five of them with nursing babies. I have since learned, in the few weeks since I saw this and witnessed it firsthand, things have gotten dramatically worse. The cell with 150 now has almost 200 men jammed into it. The cell with the women is even worse than what I saw when I visited. If I described these conditions in a prison in some foreign country, you would say: For goodness' sakes, the United States of America should speak up for human rights. We cannot allow human beings to be treated that way. This detention facility for these immigrants is in the United States of America. It has to come to an end, and it has to start with a commitment by the people of this country through their elected representatives in Congress and this President to stop this inhumane treatment of these individuals. Today, I am sending a letter that I never thought I would send. I am joining other Senators in a letter to the International Red Cross. You see, we call on the International Red Cross to go to developing countries and look at their prison situations and decide whether they are humane. I cannot believe that I am asking them to do this in the United States of America. Because I have seen it with my own eyes and I have been told that it is getting worse, I feel I have no choice. I am also asking for the inspector general of the Department of Homeland Security to immediately, on an emergency basis, review the detention facilities for adults and children. Why do I raise that point? We know what this administration did last year in a project called zero tolerance. Zero tolerance, announced by the Attorney General of the United States Jeff Sessions, said we will treat everyone who comes to our border as a criminal. Understand that people can come to our border and present themselves, as many of these people do, and ask for asylum. They have turned themselves in. They are not sneaking in. They have turned themselves in for adjudication as to whether they are eligible to be in this country. Attorney General Sessions said last year that we will treat them as criminals, and therefore, because they are suspected criminals, we will remove their children from them. How many kids under zero tolerance were taken by the Trump administration away from their parents? More than two thousand eight hundred--I know that number because a Federal judge in southern California took this administration to court and said: I want an accounting for every one of those children. I saw those children--at least some of them--in Chicago. They go through a bureaucratic process and end up at agencies--at Health and Human Services agencies to try to place them in foster care or connect them up with a member of their family. I remember, in a room, they brought in some of the children who had been taken away from their parents. There were two little 4-year-old girls who I thought were sisters, and then as I looked more closely, I realized they weren't. They just seemed like sisters, and they had become friends at that facility. They were 4 years old, holding hands. We gave them crayons and coloring books, what you would give to little kids. Then I went to an immigration court proceeding in downtown Chicago in an office building. You would never know it from the street, but on the fourth floor of this high-rise, we have a U.S. immigration court. A very caring judge was there, and she was trying to get through a docket that was very heavy. She invited me to stay for the first case of the day that involved two clients. It was tough to get this proceeding underway because zero tolerance had resulted in more children coming into these immigration courts. The difficulty in getting this hearing underway was that she said: Before we start, I want everyone to take their seats. It was hard to get Marta to take her seat. Marta was 2 years old. She had to be lifted into the chair and handed a stuffed animal for her hearing. Luckily for the other client, Hamilton, he spotted one of those Matchbox cars on top of the table, and 4-year-old Hamilton scrambled up into the chair. In the United States of America at an immigration hearing, the clients were 2 years old and 4 years old because of the conscious policy of this administration to separate children from their parents. So we have this setting with detention cells jammed with people in inhumane circumstances and the separation of children from their parents. I sent a letter to the inspector general of the Department of Health and Human Services asking about these children who had been separated. They came back to me a few months ago and said: We have discovered there were more. Before they announced it, this administration had been separating infants, toddlers, and children from their parents as they presented themselves at the border. The judge who was involved in the case in southern California stepped in and asked: Well, how many? It is now reported at least 1,712 more kids may have been separated. That means we have over 4,500 babies, toddlers, infants, and children separated from their parents by this administration. Sadly, some of these children will not be reunited. Their parents were sent back, usually to the Central American countries they came from, and now the kids are in the system and way too young to even remember who Mom or Dad was. This circumstance has reached the point of a humanitarian crisis on our border. How can this President, who was elected promising that he would do something about immigration, have brought us to this terrible moment where we have more people presenting themselves at the border than we have had in recent history--certainly those with children? We have never had families in these numbers showing up. The tougher this President's rhetoric is and the meaner his tweets are, the more people come to our borders. It is exactly the opposite of what he promised us. This circumstance here is absolutely intolerable, unacceptable, and embarrassing to our country. That we would have to call on an international organization to look at the way we are treating people in the United States--I am sorry it has come to this. But in good conscience, I can't ignore it. The most recent news report said that another child died at the border. I think that brings the total to five in the last few months. Is that what America has come to? We need to have an immigration policy that makes sense. Absolutely, we must have border security. In an age of terrorism and drug epidemics, I want to know what is coming into this country, and I want to know what they are bringing with them. Second, the United States certainly cannot accept everyone in the world who wants to come here. It is understandable they want to live in this great country. That is what brought my grandmother and more to these shores as immigrants to this country. But we cannot accept everyone in the world. Third, we don't want anyone dangerous coming into this country, period. No exceptions. If you are dangerous and not legal in this country, you should be gone. Having said that, now it is our burden to come up with a comprehensive immigration bill that makes sense for this Nation of immigrants in the 21st century. Unfortunately, the U.S. Senate and this empty Chamber tell you how much work we do on legislation. We give speeches--we ran for the Senate to give speeches--and occasionally we vote on another nominee every few hours. That is it. You will not see a comprehensive immigration bill come to the floor of the Senate. It hasn't--not this year and not for the previous 6 years. But the last time it did, I was part of a bipartisan effort that wrote one that passed the Senate with I believe 68 votes--an overwhelming rollcall, bipartisan, in favor of immigration reform. That died in the Republican-controlled House, and there has never been another try since. Why were we elected to come here if we can't face this problem squarely, dealing with what is going on at our border and making sense of our immigration system? There is a humanitarian nightmare on our border, but I will tell you about another one. This President decided to end the DACA Program. I know a little bit about that--maybe more than some of my colleagues-- because it was 19 years ago that I introduced a bill. We do a lot of that. This bill was called the DREAM Act--19 years ago. It said: If you were brought to this country as a child, you lived here, went to school, and didn't get in trouble with the law, you ought to have a chance to become legal in America. That was it. For 19 years, we have been trying to make it the law of the land and have been unable to get 60 votes in the Senate. We always got a majority but never the 60 votes we needed. I appealed to my former Senate colleague and friend, President Obama, and said: Can you do something to help these young people who have never known another country and want to be part of the United States and its future? Many of the schoolchildren who visit us here get up in their classrooms every day, and I am proud to say they put their hands over their hearts and pledge allegiance to that flag. These kids do exactly the same thing. It is the only flag and the only country they have ever known. So President Obama created what was called DACA, and more than 800,000 of these young people stepped up, paid a filing fee of almost $500, went through a criminal background check, and were given a chance to stay legally in the United States for 2 years at a time, not to be deported but be able to work and go to school--more than 800,000 of them. I really believe in them. And you know human nature--out of 800,000, there have to be some of them in there who are going to disappoint you. But I stand here today in the Senate and tell you that in all of these years since President Obama did that, I have never heard any of those stories. These are extraordinary young men and women. I have told their stories on the floor of the Senate--over 120 of them--of how these DACA-protected young people want to become part of America's future. Let me tell you about a group of them in Chicago. Loyola University in Chicago is a great school, and they have a great school of medicine. When they heard about the DACA Program, they said: We are going to open up competition to these DACA-protected young people to compete to go to medical school. And the news flashed across the country because many of these young people who dreamed of being doctors had no chance because they were undocumented. Because of DACA, they were given temporary legal status, and because of Loyola University, they were able to apply. Over 30 of them were accepted to the medical school--some of the brightest kids living in our country who wanted to become doctors. There was a catch: If you went to Loyola and you needed to borrow money--and most of them did--you had to promise to give a year of service back to the State of Illinois, which loaned you the money to go to school, for each year they loaned the money. They signed up for it. They were ready to go to neighborhoods where we needed doctors and to small towns in rural America where we desperately need doctors. These young people are some of the best and brightest I have ever met, every one of them an inspiration. When President Trump eliminated the DACA Program, he eliminated their opportunity to continue their medical education. You see, after 4 years of medical school, you go into a residency. A residency is a job, employment, and it is a lot more than 40 hours a week, I might add. But since President Trump eliminated DACA, they cannot legally take a job. This case is going through the courts now as to whether the President had the right to eliminate DACA. He didn't. Last Friday, a second court said that he was wrong, that he had no reason, no basis to eliminate this program. When you hear these stories about what is happening at the border and at these detention cells; when you hear about the conscious decision of this administration to separate infants and toddlers from their parents--4,500 of them having been separated; when you hear about this administration coming forward to eliminate the DACA Program and to stop these medical students from becoming doctors and serving in my State, where they are desperately needed, you have to ask: Mr. President, what is your immigration policy? Why have you made such a mess of this situation that wasn't very good to start with? And what are we going to do about it? Anything? Not in this empty Chamber. Not today. We are just going to pick up the papers every morning and say: Isn't it a shame? Well, it is more than a shame; it is an embarrassment to this country that this Nation of immigrants has reached this moment. Mr. President, I continue to appeal to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle: Please, come forward, and let's solve these problems together. I have been part of bipartisan groups who have come up with comprehensive bills and all sorts of legislative responses. My door is always open to anyone who wants to sit down. In the meantime, bring humanity to our border. Let's not do things with these people presenting themselves at our border that don't speak well of our values and our reputation around the world. We can do better. We can provide humane treatment. Even as Congress fails to do its job, those people at the border deserve to be treated like human beings as we work through our legal issues and our political issues. No more separation of children from their parents. How devastating it must be for that child. When some of these parents were reunited with their children--these little babies and infants--the young kids wouldn't talk to their mothers. They turned away from them. With their body language, they said what we knew was going through their minds: You abandoned me. You left me. I don't know who you are anymore. Over time, maybe they can reestablish that relationship. Child psychologists tell us there could be some damage that needs to be repaired there. Isn't that a shame, that an innocent child would go through that experience? Now that we know there may be 1,712 more of these children, we need to do everything we can to work with this Federal judge, who had the courage to step up, to reunite them with their parents as quickly as possible. In the meantime, I want to call on this administration and the Acting Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, Kevin McAleenan, to go down to the border, take a look at the detention facilities, and do everything possible to make certain there is humane treatment there. These are desperate people risking their lives to come to this United States of America. We owe them at least humane treatment while they are here, as our political and legal system works its way through it. (Mr. CRUZ assumed the Chair.)

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Bennet) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Bennet) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Bennet) is necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Bennet) and the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from Colorado (Mr. Bennet) and the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), the Senator from Wisconsin (Ms. Baldwin), the Senator from New York (Mrs. Gillibrand), and the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Sanders), are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), the Senator from New York (Mrs. Gillibrand), and the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), the Senator from New York (Mrs. Gillibrand), and the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mrs. Gillibrand) and the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, basketball brought Seymour Bryson to the Southern Illinois University at Carbondale in 1955. He had a record- setting career at the school, winning most valuable player all 4 years, setting a then-school record in scoring and holding the school's record for rebounds, which stands to this day. As remarkable as his basketball career was, Seymour went on to make his mark with more than four decades of work making SIU a better place. Seymour was a three-degree alumnus of SIU, earning a bachelor's degree in social work in 1959, a master's degree in rehabilitation counseling in 1961, and a doctorate in educational psychology in 1972. At the time, he was one of three African Americans to progress from assistant professor to full professor at SIU, first African-American associate dean of a college, and the second of three African-American deans. Generations of all ages could come to Seymour for advice. It was that kind of trust that earned him leadership roles throughout the community. He was active in a variety of roles, including president of the Carbondale chapter of the NAACP, member and chair of the Diversifying Faculty Initiative, president of the Jackson County 708 Mental Health Board, and president and member of the board of directors of the Carbondale United Way. Seymour received numerous awards throughout his life, including the Senator Emil Jones Mentoring Award, the Introspect Access Award, the Distinguished Service Award from the Illinois Committee on Black Concerns in Higher Education, and the 2019 SIU Distinguished Alumni Award for his humanitarian impact. His family was never far from his heart. He loved time with his grandchildren. They had wonderful trips to Dairy Queen and seeing movies together. They got their love of reading through him and their trips to bookstores. He captured much of these moments in film as an amateur photographer. Seymour helped define what it meant to be a Saluki in his career and life. He passed away on May 5, we remember him for his service to his community. Seymour is survived by his loving wife of 59 years, Marjorie Bryson; son, Todd Bryson; daughters, Robin Bryson and Keri and her husband Stephen Burns; grandchildren, Jordan Bryson, Keric Young, Kendall Young, Adrian Bryson, Francesca Sanchez, Fernando Sanchez, and Isaiah Burns; sisters, Susie Barnes and Janice Bryson Carol and her husband Paul Henry of Carbondale, and brother, Raymond and his wife Cynthia Bryson; and a host of nieces, nephews, and dear friends.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, it didn't feel historic at the time for Harvey Welch, but it was. Harvey, a native of Centralia, IL, came to Southern Illinois University Carbondale on a basketball scholarship and became the first Black student at the university to letter in basketball in 1951. He achieved this 3 years before the Brown v. Board ruling found school segregation unconstitutional. Harvey played basketball at SIU from 1951 to 1954. He also was the first Black student to complete the ROTC program at the university. When he finished college, he joined the U.S. Air Force and was one of the first three Black officers to be promoted to lieutenant colonel. Never forgetting SIU, Harvey came back to Carbondale after he retired from the Air Force in 1975. He became the first Black dean of student life at SIU and served as vice chancellor of student affairs from 1987 to 2000. In addition to SIU, Harvey continued serving his community through the Carbondale Park District, Rotary International, and Southern Illinois Regional Social Services. His work earned him the Carbondale Chamber of Commerce Citizen of the Year Award in 2007. SIU recognized with the Distinguished Service Award during commencement in 2018. For 22 years, students benefited not only from his leadership and wisdom, but from the Harvey and Trish Welch Scholarship Fund too. Harvey helped define what it meant to be a Saluki. He loved hunting and golf, but his commitment to SIU and his family came first. Future generations of Salukis will continue to look up to Harvey's legacy of service and dedication. On May 4, Harvey passed away after an extraordinary life of service to his country and his community. Harvey is survived by his four children and their spouses: Harvey Cato Welch and Anita, Gordon Patrick Welch and Retha, Karen Annette Welch Edwards and Terry, and Brian David Welch and Petrice. He leaves behind 11 grandchildren, 3 great-grandchildren, and numerous nieces and nephews.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, if you watched ``60 Minutes'' on Sunday, you would not have been surprised that there was a segment relating to prescription drug pricing. Everywhere we turn, somebody is raising the question about why we are paying so much for prescription drugs and why the cost of these drugs has gone through the roof. We want to encourage research. We want to encourage innovation. We understand that these are profit-making companies, so we understand we will pay for that. But what we are seeing in terms of the pricing of drugs across America now is inconsistent with any of the history that we have had. It seems as if pharma believes that if they own a drug, they can charge whatever they can charge, and no one will question them. It makes a difference. Blue Cross Blue Shield, the largest health insurer in my State of Illinois, analyzed the cost of care in our State and nearby and asked: What is driving the increase in health insurance premiums? The cost of prescription drugs, even more than the cost of inpatient hospital care. Look at all of those big hospitals and all of the important work they are doing and expensive procedures they are involved in. All of that cost does not equal the rising cost of prescription drugs. That is why our health insurance premiums are going up, so it is understandable that more and more of us are talking about this and trying to find practical ways to approach it that might make things better. Can you consider one policy that might have the support of Democrats and Republicans, the American Association of Retired Persons, the American Medical Association, the American Hospital Association, 88 percent of Americans, and the Trump administration? What in the world could that be? Here it is: a measure I introduced in 2017 to require pharmaceutical companies to disclose the prices with new prescription drug advertising. Last year, Senator Chuck Grassley, Republican of Iowa, and I teamed up to pass a measure in the Senate to require pricetags on the television ads. We were stopped in conference by a single House Republican. Think about those television ads. What do they tell us in those ads? For 60 seconds, as fast as they can talk, they tell us everything under the sun. If you are allergic to XARELTO, do not take XARELTO. Certain negative things may happen if you take this drug or the other drug. On they go for 60 seconds without stopping. Yet they never disclose the price of the drug. After Senator Grassley and I put our bill in last year, I got a call from the Secretary of Health and Human Services, Alex Azar. He decided he wanted to pick up on our effort and join us. Think about that for a minute--a Republican Senator, a Democratic Senator, and the Trump administration agreeing on something. It turns out, he thinks it is a good idea, and I do too. If we had price disclosure on these ads on television, it might open the eyes of a lot of people as to what it costs. What is the most heavily advertised drug on television today? HUMIRA. Why was HUMIRA invented or discovered? To treat arthritis, particularly psoriatic arthritis. Guess what they discovered. It also had a side benefit they didn't anticipate. You know the little red patch on your elbow-- psoriasis? If you take HUMIRA, all of a sudden, that little red patch goes away. So if you are watching the ads on television, some of them are about arthritis, but some of them show ladies sitting by swimming pools with flawless skin because they are taking HUMIRA. It is very interesting. There is one thing they leave out. Do you know what HUMIRA costs? It costs $5,500 a month. This red patch on my elbow may trouble me when it comes to the swimsuit competition, but I am not going to spend $5,500 to deal with it. I think they ought to have to disclose the price of the drug. We take their prices; we do not make up the price. The price they declare as pharmaceutical manufacturers--we believe that is the one that should be advertised. On Monday, Senator Grassley and I introduced the bill to codify this rule that the Trump administration is pushing for price disclosure and to ensure its long-term implementation. We are happy to have on board with us Senator Lamar Alexander, Republican of Tennessee, and Senator King, Independent Democrat from Maine. Disclosing prices in drug ads is a simple step to give patients a break at the pharmacy. We have to do a lot more. I think this is a good starting point, though. American patients and taxpayers pay the highest prices in the world for most medications. Eli Lilly, out of Indianapolis, IN--they make a drug called Humalog. It is for diabetes. It is an insulin drug that can cost up to $329 per dose here in the United States. Humalog, insulin, diabetes--the cost is $329. What does the same vial of the same drug made by the same company cost in Canada? It costs $38. It is $329 here and $38 there. In 2017, Canadians could purchase AbbVie's HUMIRA, which I mentioned earlier, for $20,000; for Americans, $40,000. The worst part of this price disparity is that American taxpayers are the ones paying to develop these drugs in the first place. Our tax dollars at the National Institutes of Health provide the clues and the direction for these companies to take our federally funded research and turn it into a valuable drug, a valuable medical device, and then charge us more than any other place in the world. All 210 drugs approved by the Food and Drug Administration between the years 2010 and 2016 received funding from the National Institutes of Health, supported by nearly $40 billion by U.S. taxpayers each year. I am all for that, incidentally--funding the NIH and leading to this research. But make no mistake, these breakthrough drugs start at the National Institutes of Health at taxpayers' expense. So American taxpayers get hit twice. We pay for the initial research, which leads to the drug, and then we, of course, pay for the drugs at the highest levels. The heart of the problem is that our system does not function as a free market. There are too many forces at work when it comes to prescription drugs that limit competition. Often Big Pharma charges as much as they can get away with because they manipulate the patent system to avoid competition. The theory used to be that if you discovered the drug, you could sell it exclusively for, say, 20 years, and then everybody could take your formula, make generic drugs, and there would be open competition so that the price would go down. That is not how it works. The core issue is that roughly 10 percent of brand name, patent- protected drugs account for 80 percent of spending in America. The overwhelming prescriptions are for generic drugs, which are affordable drugs, but it turns out that even though 90 percent of the prescriptions are for generic drugs, they account for only 20 percent of all the spending. It is that 10 percent of brand name drugs that account for 80 percent of all prescription drug spending because they are so expensive. In what other industry does the price of the consumer product increase year after year after being introduced on the market? Maybe a collector of artwork or baseball cards but certainly not when it comes to something that is a life-and-death commodity like a drug. The point is, I don't believe our Founding Fathers envisioned a scheme where Sanofi's Lantus, insulin that was approved in the year 2000, would receive 45 additional patents after it was approved by the FDA, providing a massive 37-year monopoly by Sanofi on this insulin product. During that time, the price of insulin has increased from $35 to more than $270 because Sanofi has successfully bought lower cost generic competitors, and it is not just Lantus or insulin. Celgene's cancer drug, REVLIMID, has been awarded 96 patents, many of which were awarded after the initial FDA approval. As a result, REVLIMID, effectively, has gone 40 years without competition. The same goes for Pfizer's nerve pain drug, Lyrica. You have seen that one advertised on TV. I have. That entered the market in 2004. Lyrica has received 68 patents, including filing more than 2 dozen after initial FDA approval. They are gaming the system to avoid competition to keep their prices high. In fact, the top 12 best-selling drugs in America each have an average of 71 patents. Why do they get a new patent? Because they have decided that instead of a 150-mg tablet, there will be a 75-mg tablet, and they get a new patent. Or they put a new coating on the outside of the pill or they have a new manufacturing technique. They get the patent. They have exclusivity in the market for another extended period of time. The top 12 best-selling drugs in America each have an average of 71 patents, and 74 percent of all new drug patents are for drugs that are already on the market. They are gaming the system. We can and we should reward innovative research so that companies can earn a profit for good work and big ideas. But an abusive manufacturer should not be allowed to game the government patent system while being shielded from competition. This month I am going to give what I call my Pharma Fleece Award. I made a special sign here so that pharma would know what we are talking about. This month we are going to give this Pharma Fleece Award to Celgene, Pfizer, and Sanofi for stacking excessive secondary patents to block generic competition. The net result, of course, is that American consumers pay more for their products. To address this, I introduced legislation last month with Senator Cassidy, Republican from Louisiana and a medical doctor, called the REMEDY Act. Our bipartisan bill reduces incentives for Big Pharma to ``evergreen,'' which is a technical term in this application. It is an effort to amass endless quantities of follow-on patents that shield blockbuster drugs from competition from generics. You see, under an act, a law known as the Hatch-Waxman Act, when a generic drug manufacturer seeks approval from the FDA, they are routinely blocked by a maze of patents held by the brand name company. The generic company has the option to say whether they think the patents covering the brand name drug are not valid or relevant. If so, that can trigger a patent infringement lawsuit. When this happens, the FDA issues a 30-month freeze on the generic company's application to hash out the issue. The problem with this 30-month freeze is it extends the monopoly period for the drug again, and it incentivizes the filing of secondary follow-on patents that may not add to the safety or efficacy of the drug. This automatic 30-month freeze on competition encourages pharma to amass large numbers of secondary patents and block generic companies from putting on the market a drug that would be in competition with their brand name drug. No matter how weak the patent is, how peripheral it may be--like the coating on a pill that I mentioned earlier--it works. For 30 months, there is another delay before there is competition. The REMEDY Act, which Senator Cassidy and I introduced, would restrict this 30-month freeze of FDA approval so that it applies only to primary substance patents. This removes an incentive for brand name manufacturers to continue to game the system by filing excessive follow-on patents, and it makes it easier for low-cost generic competitors to come to market. Big Pharma is gaming the system at the expense of American patients, at the expense of the American health system, and at our expense when it comes to health insurance premiums. What are we going to do about it? Well, it turns out, we happen to be working in a place which makes laws, the U.S. Senate. We are supposed to take a challenge like this and do something about it--not just lament the fact that prescription drug pricing is out of control, but actually do something. Lucky me, I serve on the Senate Judiciary Committee, which has authority over many of these issues, particularly when it comes to patent law. There are things we can do as members of the committee to bring down prescription drug pricing. Honestly, if you follow the U.S. Senate, we can do something other than a nomination, which is all we have done around here for a long, long time. I am sure the American voters are happy to see us work on nominations, but they would be much happier if we worked on the high cost of prescription drugs. We have done little or nothing on this subject, other than talk about it for the last few months. Senator McConnell, the Republican leader, has decided not to bring legislation to the floor of the Senate anymore. That is just from the days of yesteryear when we actually debated a bill, offered amendments, had votes. People showed up on the floor because we were doing something. Look at it now. American patients need help from the high drug prices, not more unqualified, divisive nominees but actual legislation to help American families. What a break it would be if the U.S. Senate became the U.S. Senate again. I hope Senator McConnell will allow us to put a bill on the floor of the Senate. It would be a great celebration here in the Senate. I think Republicans and Democrats would enjoy the opportunity to actually come to the floor, have a debate, and pass a bill that may become a law that ends up helping Americans. For many of us, that is the reason we ran for office, and I hope we can return to that very soon. nominations Once again, this week the Republican Leader has scheduled no legislation for votes on the Senate floor. Instead, our Republican colleagues are spending another week rubber stamping President Trump's nominees. This week, the Republican majority scheduled votes on three Trump judicial nominees. Each of these nominees has expressed views that are ideological and extreme. First there was Michael Truncale, nominated to the District Court for the Northern District of Texas. Mr. Truncale gave a speech in 2011 where he outrageously called President Obama ``an un-American imposter.'' He described the Supreme Court's decision in Shelby County that gutted the Voting Rights Act as ``a victory.'' He has called for defunding Planned Parenthood and said that he opposes the bipartisan DREAM Act. He has called the Environmental Protection Agency a ``job killer'' and called for eliminating the Departments of Education and Energy. Mr. Truncale also gave a radio interview in 2012 thanking the Tea Party movement ``for what it has meant to our country and to our Republican party.'' Despite all this, only one Republican Senator, Senator Romney, voted against Mr. Truncale. Then there's Ninth Circuit nominee Kenneth Lee of California, who has been advanced by Republicans over the objection of both home State Senators. That never happened before until this year, but this is now the fifth time we have seen a nominee advance with no blue slip. Mr. Lee initially failed to provide dozens of his controversial writings to the Senate Judiciary Committee. I remember when President Obama's Ninth Circuit nominee Goodwin Liu initially failed to fully disclose articles he had written to the Judiciary Committee. Republican members of the Committee said it was ``potentially disqualifying'' and said it showed either incompetence or an attempt to hide his writings. Senate Republicans ended up filibustering Goodwin Liu's nomination. Yet every Republican member of the Judiciary Committee voted for Mr. Lee's nomination. The double standard is obvious. When we were finally able to review Mr. Lee's writings, we saw he routinely expressed extreme views. Here are just a few examples: He wrote: ``Charges of sexism often amount to nothing but irrelevant pouting.'' He said: ``homosexuals generally are more promiscuous than heterosexuals, and thus their risk factor [for AIDS] increases exponentially.'' He called affirmative action ``liberals' most sacred shibboleth.'' And he called multiculturalism a ``malodorous sickness.'' Then there is Wendy Vitter, nominated to the District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana. Like Mr. Lee, Ms. Vitter also initially failed to disclose more than 100 speeches and documents to the Judiciary Committee. The matters she failed to disclose included a panel she moderated in 2013 at a Louisiana Right to Life conference. At this panel, she told the audience to urge their doctors to put in their waiting rooms a brochure entitled ``The Pill Kills.'' This is a brochure about how birth control pills supposedly kill women. Ms. Vitter also claimed in a 2009 speech that we are ``throwing out our Constitution'' by counting the full population in the national census. All three of these judicial nominees have expressed extreme ideological views that raise serious questions about their judgment. Yet Republicans are rubber stamping all three of them to lifetime appointments on the federal bench. Then there is President Trump's nominee for Deputy Attorney General, Jeffrey Rosen. Mr. Rosen simply does not have the right qualifications for this important job. The Deputy Attorney General runs the day-to-day operations of the Justice Department and oversees its law enforcement components. At this critical moment, we need a Deputy Attorney General who is familiar with the Justice Department, who has experience in overseeing criminal investigations and prosecutions, and who is committed to the Department's role of enforcing the law independently without fear or favor. Mr. Rosen has no experience working in the Justice Department or handling criminal cases. When I questioned him about core DOJ functions and agencies he will oversee if confirmed, he wasn't familiar with them and said he would have to get up to speed. For example, when I met with him and asked him about the landmark First Step Act, he said he had ``begun getting informed about it.'' When I asked him about the Deputy Attorney General's role in overseeing the Federal Bureau of Prisons and addressing their critical staffing shortages, he said he wasn't familiar and couldn't comment. When I asked him about voting rights and voter suppression, he said he hadn't had occasion to study the issue. When I asked him about the DEA's role in setting opioid production quotas, which he will oversee, he didn't know about it. When I asked him about DOJ's role in immigration matters, including his priorities for the immigration courts he will oversee, he said he looked forward to learning more about it. Mr. Rosen was a longtime colleague of Attorney General Barr at a law firm, and he has held positions in other government agencies like the Department of Transportation. But that does not make him qualified to be the Deputy Attorney General. Because my Republican colleagues used the nuclear option to change the Senate rules, there is now less time for the Senate to debate controversial nominees like Mr. Truncale, Ms. Vitter, and Mr. Rosen. But the American people see what is going on. They see the rush by President Trump and Senate Republicans to confirm nominees who are ideological or who lack the right qualifications for the job. I oppose these nominees. And I regret that the Senate's advice and consent process has become an exercise in Republican rubber stamping. This institution can, and should, do better. I see that my colleague from Texas is here on the floor, and I don't want to take any more time.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), the Senator from Hawaii (Ms. Hirono), and the Senator from Massachusetts (Ms. Warren) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I annnounce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker), the Senator from Hawaii (Ms. Hirono), the Senator from Minnesota (Ms. Klobuchar), and the Senator from Massachusetts (Ms. Warren) are necessarily absent.

Mr. DURBIN

Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker) and the Senator from Hawaii (Ms. Hirono) are necessarily absent.