Tammy Duckworth

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Madam President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, from police reform to anti-Asian hate crimes, Americans across the Nation are pushing, pulling, and tugging with all their might to make sure that the United States lives up to our founding ideals of equality and justice for all. At the same time, the Biden administration is charged with the immense responsibility of restoring confidence and integrity to the U.S. Department of Justice. Donald Trump's political appointees undermined the Department's mission and demoralized its dedicated career civil servants through years of gross mismanagement and improper politicization. We desperately need leaders with integrity, honor, and just basic competence to restore morale at the Department of Justice and empower the Agency to meet the moment. Fortunately, I am confident that both Vanita Gupta and Kristen Clarke are among the most qualified and prepared public servants to take on the daunting challenges that lie ahead. For far too many people in this country, equal protection under the law is not a reality. All across this country, there are communities that believe--and for good reason--that the law is not on their side. Individuals fear coming forward to report that they have been a victim of a hate crime, or, even worse, law enforcement fails to identify and report racist violence and discrimination. And the senseless killing of unarmed Black and Brown Americans at the hands of law enforcement has become an all-too-common occurrence. Just a few days ago, the country was shocked by video footage documenting local law enforcement officers brazenly threatening and assaulting an Army second lieutenant who was in his military uniform and simply asking to know why he had been pulled over. If this is how the Windsor Police Department, while knowing it is being videotaped, treats an Army officer in uniform--a man who swore an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States with his own life, if necessary--one wonders if such misconduct represents a systemic pattern or practice of abuse. This incident simply reinforces why our Nation must have a strong and proactive DOJ Civil Rights Division. Additionally, the promise of the ADA is still not a reality for far too many Americans with disabilities. After years of disability rights being neglected or, at worst, undermined by partisan efforts, it is time for the DOJ to step up and ensure that the rights of Americans with disabilities are fully recognized, enforced, and protected. I look forward to working with Kristen Clarke and Vanita Gupta to fulfill the promise that America made to people with disabilities, including myself, over 30 years ago. We need Ms. Gupta and Ms. Clarke's leadership at DOJ to energize and inspire the Department as it refocuses on its mission of ensuring the fair and impartial administration of justice for all Americans. As a former head of the U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights Division and leader of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, which is one of the largest civil rights organizations in the Nation, Ms. Gupta's record shows that she is committed to advancing the rights of all Americans. Her decades of effective leadership and advocacy are why her nomination has garnered widespread support not only from civil rights groups but also from prominent law enforcement organizations like the Fraternal Order of Police. Likewise, Ms. Clarke is widely respected and admired as one of our country's leading legal experts on civil rights. She has proven her effectiveness in defending the civil rights of all Americans as a Federal and State official, as well as a leader of the NAACP, and, most recently, as the president of the national Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. Representation matters. Confirming these barrier-breaking women, who would both be the first women of color to formally occupy the positions to which they have been nominated, sends a clear message we are committed to having our Federal Government's leadership look like the country that it serves. There should be no doubts about these nominees' qualifications for these critical DOJ leadership positions, and I urge my Senate colleagues in joining me to confirm Vanita Gupta and Kristen Clarke. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Thank you, Georgia.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Madam President, I rise today in celebration of the George Washington University's bicentennial. As a proud alumna of this great institution of higher education, I would like to recognize the GW's achievement in reaching this historic milestone. Founded as a modest Columbian College 200 years ago, there was no guarantee that the George Washington University would succeed. Ultimately, it was the dedication, ingenuity, and hard work of many generations of world-class faculty, impressive students, and accomplished alumni over the past two centuries that accounts for why GW evolved into the preeminent, global research university it is today. Aspiring citizen-leaders worldwide attend the George Washington University precisely because of the opportunities GW provides its students to not only learn inside the classroom from leading thinkers and researchers, but to grow by applying this academic knowledge outside the classroom in a wide-range of settings throughout our Nation's Capital. In fact, the George Washington University's vast network of world- class academic opportunities, partnerships, and policy-research initiatives is not only responsible for educating our future leaders, but also for advancing technological innovation, driving improvements in public health and policy, and developing a greater understanding of both our world and humanity in ways that have made an impact on millions of lives. At this moment, GW faculty are conducting pioneering research to fight global poverty, HIV/AIDS, cancer, climate change, terrorism and many other urgent challenges. Many of GW's researchers, doctors, and public health officials have been at the forefront in responding to the deadly Coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. As the George Washington University celebrates its bicentennial, it is a good time to reflect on the incredible legacy established by thousands of distinguished GW alumni. Graduates include current and former heads of state from around the world, scores of dedicated public servants, and leading experts that have accumulated a vast record of accomplishments across many academic fields. Last, but certainly not least, and a point of great personal appreciation for this GW alum, is GW's longstanding commitment to U.S. servicemembers, veterans, and military families. Indeed, the very first recipient of the original Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944--more commonly known as the GI Bill of Rights--was Donald Balfour, a GW student. Today, GW is consistently recognized as one of our Nation's best institutions of higher education for veterans and military- affiliated students because it recognizes the invaluable leadership experience and unique perspectives these men and women bring to the classroom. As GW enters its third century, I look forward to watching as the George Washington University builds on its 200-year legacy of academic excellence and ground-breaking research by attracting, educating, and inspiring future generations of leaders who will make a positive impact on the world.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, this amendment is a direct attack on the Midwest and America's hundreds of thousands of farmers. Capping the price of biofuel credits at 10 cents per gallon would stifle the RIN market and destroy the Renewable Fuel Standard Program. When my good friend the Senator from Texas last proposed this 10 cent cap in 2017 and 2018, it was opposed by the National Corn Growers Association, the American Soybean Association, and the American Farm Bureau, to name just a few. Now, farmers get up pretty darn early in the morning, but, even tonight, I did not bother to call any of these associations to get their response on this amendment. So I will quote the National Farmers Union's previous president, who, in 2017 and 2018, said that not only is a RIN cap harmful to American agriculture, it is a sellout of America's farmers and a handout to refiners. America's corn and soybean growers have suffered for years under the Trump administration's anti-biofuel policies.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. I urge all my colleagues to oppose this amendment. (Applause.) Vote on Amendment No. 871

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. In 2004, I packed up my rucksack, laced up my boots, and deployed to Iraq, ready to sacrifice whatever was asked of me, all because I love this Nation--willing to sacrifice my life, if needed, because I believe in the sanctity of our electoral system, which had declared George W. Bush my Commander in Chief. I earned my wounds proudly fighting in a war I did not support on the orders of a President I did not vote for because I believed in and I still do believe in the values of our Nation; because I believe in a government of, by, and for the people, where voters--voters--choose who leads them, not the other way around. I have spent my entire adult life defending our democracy, but I never--never--thought it would be necessary to defend it from an attempted violent overthrow in our Nation's own Capitol Building. Well, I refuse to let anyone intent on instigating chaos or inciting violence deter me from carrying out my constitutional duties. You know, when my Army buddies and I raised our right hands, when 45,000 troops in Arizona raised their right hands and swore to protect and defend the Constitution, we did not qualify our oaths by saying that we would follow orders only when the Commander in Chief was someone whose election we were happy with. Just like when every Senator in this Chamber was sworn into office, we didn't mutter under our breath that we discharge our duties only when it served our political interests or helped us to avoid the wrath of a petty, insecure, wannabe tin-pot dictator on the precipice of losing power and relevance. No, there is no ambiguity here--Joe Biden won the election with a record number of votes. Republican officials nationwide confirmed those results, including in Arizona, as has judge after Trump-appointed judge. Even Trump's Attorney General admitted that the U.S. Department of Justice had not found widespread fraud that would have affected the outcome. Yet still many of my Republican colleagues are asking us to ignore all of that. With no evidence of their own, they are asking us to ignore court rulings, ignore Republican-elected officials, and even worse, ignore the will of the people across this vast, great Nation by trying to overturn this election. They are placing more trust in Reddit conspiracy theories than the Constitution, proving that appeasing Trump is more important to them than protecting the most basic tenet of our Republic--the adherence to free and fair elections. If there is one thing I know, it is that my troops didn't sign up to defend our democracy in war zones thousands of mile away only to watch it crumble in these hallowed halls here at home. Yet that is what this effort amounts to--an attempt to subvert our democracy. In the process, it is threatening what makes America American, because in this country--in this country--the power of the people has always mattered more than the people in power. That is the ideal that this Nation was founded upon. That is why a few patriots threw some tea in Boston Harbor, why Washington crossed the Delaware, why suffragists were arrested a century ago, and why my friend John Lewis crossed that bridge in Selma in 1965. It is why millions spent a Tuesday in November standing in line, braving a pandemic to make their voices heard. Listen, this administration has always had an adversarial relationship with the truth. Trump always cries conspiracy, always foments chaos whenever something doesn't go his way. But today, we here in this Chamber have the opportunity to prove that here in this country, truth matters, that right matters, that the will of the people matters more than the whims of any single powerful individual. I have no tea to throw in Boston Harbor tonight, and I regret that I have no rucksack to pack for my country, no Black Hawk to pilot, nor am I asking for any grand gesture from my Republican colleagues. All I am asking of you is to reflect on the oaths that you have sworn, on the damage done to our Union today, and on the sacrifices made by those who have given so much to this Nation, from the servicemembers at Arizona's Fort Huachuca and Marine Corps Air Station Yuma to the marchers who bent America's moral arc a little bit more toward justice with every single step that they took, every bridge that they crossed. Then ask yourself whether the democracy they were willing to bleed for, the country that each of us in this Chamber has sworn to defend, is worth damaging in order to protect the porcelain ego of a man who treats the Constitution as if it were little more than a yellowing piece of paper. I think we all know the right answer.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to my dear friend and colleague, Deirdre ``Dee'' Wallace, who retired this year after 36 years of Federal service. A true civil servant, Dee served our country and its citizens with humility and empathy for decades. Since taking the vow to serve and protect our Nation as a soldier in the U.S. Army, Dee has never stopped fighting for the American people. After 5 years of military service, Dee dedicated her life to making government work for the people during decades of service with the Army National Guard and the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs. Never discouraged, Dee embodies the type of caring spirit and can-do attitude that we should all strive to emulate. As my chief of staff at the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, Dee worked tirelessly to bring awareness to servicemembers battling posttraumatic stress disorder and veterans facing homelessness. In our time together, I learned that no stone will go unturned with Dee around. She will always find a way to care for America's heroes. Her service to her community is remarkable and her story inspiring. I stand here today to applaud my dear friend and to honor her extraordinary work. Dee, I wish you the best of luck in retirement and thank you for your service.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, a 5-foot-1-inch giant, Ruth Bader Ginsburg changed this Nation--and the potential of my own life--time and again, seeing no challenge too big and finding no cause too small to fight for. A woman with the softest voice, yet the most powerful words one could ever imagine, she made it her life's work to lift up the voices of others who all too often had been silenced or ignored. With every case she argued, with every ruling she issued, with every dissent she penned, Justice Ginsburg helped push our country toward that more perfect Union our Founders once wrote of in the Constitution she believed in so fiercely. Our democracy may have been founded in the 18th century, but it wasn't fully built when the ink dried on the Declaration of Independence. It was shaped and strengthened, forged and formed, not just by those whose faces loom large on Mount Rushmore but by someone who was often the smallest, quietest person in nearly every room she ever walked into. It is because of Ruth Bader Ginsburg's brilliance and resilience that so many of us have the rights we too often take for granted, and it is because of her that who I am today is possible. Long before she was a Supreme Court Justice, she was a relatively unknown law school professor who altered the course of history when she argued that the equal protection promised under the 14th Amendment didn't just mean equal protection for men. Her legal genius was captured in her first landmark victory and reflected in her choice of a male plaintiff to demonstrate that discrimination on the basis of sex harms every American, male and female alike. Suddenly, thanks to this idealistic, young lawyer who spent her own law school years having her place questioned because of her sex, it became illegal to discriminate against women because they happened to be women. That same tenacity, that same trailblazing intellect, that same woman also helped pave the way for me to succeed in my career as a woman in the military. In 1973, she made sure that the equal rights for women she had helped to secure extended to the women who were seeking to defend our Nation, arguing and winning her first case in front of the Supreme Court-- getting the Justices to rule in an 8-to-1 fashion that the military could not give a female servicemember fewer benefits than her male counterparts. Her life, her position, and her title changed over the next couple of decades, as we all well know, but her convictions did not. It was 23 years after standing in front of the bench of the highest Court in the land to argue that our Armed Forces could not discriminate against a woman in their ranks that Ruth Bader Ginsburg herself sat on that very same bench and issued a ruling that changed everything for countless women who dreamed of serving their country in uniform. She struck down the State-funded Virginia Military Institute's male-only acceptance policy, granting women the ability to learn and train alongside men at one of the top military academies in the Nation. In a ruling I plan to read out loud to my little girls some nights instead of their usual bedtime stories, she wrote of potential female VMI students, arguing: ``Generalizations about `the way women are,' estimates of what is appropriate for most women, no longer justify denying opportunity to women whose talent and capacity place them outside the average description.'' I can't begin to imagine the number of women generals and flag officers and servicemembers she paved the way for with those rulings, but I do know the story of one, not a flag officer--just me, myself. As I was a couple years into the Army when she wrote that decision, Ruth Bader Ginsburg helped make my career in the military possible. She helped make my hope of one day serving in a combat role regardless of my gender, of one day commanding a unit--despite most of my crew being men--achievable. It was because of her that my dreams had the opportunity to become a reality. You know, yesterday, I told my 5-year-old, Abigail--named for Abigail Adams, another feminist--that we were taking a field trip instead of our usual homeschooling routine, and I took her and her younger sister, Maile, to the steps of the highest Court in the land. I didn't expect to get emotional, and I didn't expect to tear up, but with Maile in my lap and Abigail by my side, I started to cry. I was crying because it was not just my military career Ruth Bader Ginsburg helped to make possible but my family too. I may never have been able to become a mom if it were not for Justice Ginsburg. Without her, without what she did to safeguard healthcare and reproductive freedoms, I might never have been able to get pregnant through IVF. I might never have been able to have my two little girls; never would have been able to watch Abigail place a bouquet of white roses on the steps of the Supreme Court if Ruth Bader Ginsburg hadn't spent decades in that very same building, defending my rights. She changed--no, she gave me the opportunity to achieve my life as it is today. Her passing isn't just heartbreaking for me and for countless other women across this country; it is a loss for our entire Nation. It is a loss for justice, a loss for equality. While today I will continue to mourn everything we lost when she passed last Friday, I promise that tomorrow I am going to roll up my sleeves and honor her in the way I believe to be most true to how she lived her life--by fighting like hell for what is right and for all of our rights. My daughters might be too young to remember going to the Supreme Court to pay our respects to RBG, but they will know her legacy, and already, every day, they are living proof of its power. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I come to the floor today as a Senator, a veteran, and apparently, according to Donald Trump, a ``sucker'' and a ``loser.'' Perhaps my presence here is uncomfortable for him. After all, according to a number of reports, he thinks nobody wants to see wounded warriors like me who have lost limbs fighting to keep other Americans safe. Unfortunately for him, I am here, and I am here because the ethos of the U.S. military is the exact opposite of the selfish, craven, ``me first'' mentality that Trump has shown every hour of every day of his life. In the Army, part of our soldiers' creed was to never leave a fallen comrade behind, and the only reason I am speaking today, the only reason I am breathing today--alive today--is that, on November 12, 2004, after Iraqi insurgents fired an RPG through the Black Hawk I was copiloting, my buddies embodied that creed. They thought I was dead, yet they risked their own safety to bring my body back home to my family, only realizing I was still breathing when they got me to the rescue aircraft. Then these heroes, wounded themselves, refused care until the medic attended to me first. If it had been Donald Trump in that dusty field with me, or in any other battlefield, our wounded like me would have never made it home at all. But he never would have been in Iraq that day because Trump fundamentally cannot understand the notion of sacrificing for your Nation. He can't comprehend the true meaning of courage, the idea of fighting for something greater than yourself, greater than your bank account or your poll numbers. He doesn't understand service, so he doesn't understand America's servicemembers, the heroes--most of them anonymous to all but those who love them, who have allowed him to sleep soundly in his gold-plated Fifth Avenue Tower throughout his privileged, gilded life. Instead, Trump has reportedly called those who have died or have been wounded in battle ``suckers'' and ``losers,'' while just today it was reported that he used the most demeaning of terms to refer to the military leaders he thinks of as his generals, echoing comments he has made publicly time after time when he slandered war heroes like John McCain and Gold Star families like the Khans, acting, yet again, as if bleeding to defend your Nation is something to be ashamed of rather than a badge of honor, too ignorant to understand that he is the one who should be ashamed. I spent this weekend reflecting on the words of another Republican President, who in the midst of crisis reminded those sitting before him at Gettysburg the duty our Nation has to those killed serving our country. In that address we all know so well, he declared that it is for us, the living, to dedicate ourselves to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced; that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion. That cause was a new birth of freedom in this Nation, the bettering of our democracy, bringing our Union closer to perfection, even though we know we can never achieve it. What Lincoln understood--and what Trump never will--is that to be contemptuous of American warriors is to be disrespectful to the whole of the American people. When those lucky enough to serve in Congress-- or in the White House--raise our right hands and swear to faithfully serve this Nation in these ornate hallowed halls, it is on us to keep faith with those who have raised their right hands and sworn to serve this Nation in the most dangerous war zones imaginable. There is an implicit contract between our country's leaders and our warriors: They and their families have entrusted us with their care, their training, and the decision to send them to war. That responsibility is a grave one. They will march to do our bidding on command. They will cross the line of departure and begin killing the enemy at our behest, with no regard for their personal safety or the toll on their mental health. If our leaders regard our heroes as ``suckers'' and ``losers,'' what damage will be done to America's sons and daughters who comprise the terrible swift sword? I can tell you right now, it endangers every single one of them, and it endangers our Nation's safety. If you care about nothing else, if you care nothing about basic decency or troop morale, it is bad for troop readiness as well. When a warrior goes into combat, they need to know that their buddies to their left and their right will follow that creed to never leave a fallen comrade behind; that no matter what, no matter how, their buddies, their Nation, will get them out of there, even if it is just bringing their body home to rest at Arlington. It is because our servicemembers uphold the values of the military-- in the Army, those are loyalty, duty, respect, selfless service, integrity and personal courage--that they are willing to sacrifice everything for this country and that we have the greatest fighting force on the face of the Earth. Donald Trump, by contrast, has shown active disdain for each of those values in his 4 years in office. He has shown the exact opposite of every one of those traits, displaying no sense of duty, a laughable sense of loyalty, integrity and courage--no, not to be seen. He has no respect for those in uniform, and selfishness is his trademark rather than the selflessness of our troops. But if Trump's toxicity starts to break down those values within the military, if we start to question why we care about those who have been wounded or killed for us, if we start leaving folks behind, then people will begin to think twice about signing up to serve. Families will reconsider supporting their loved ones' decisions to enlist. Those few, few Americans who were ready to take on that mission--that burden--will start to hesitate because they will not know if their own crew will risk their lives like mine did to carry their limp body back to safety, but this coward-in-chief in the White House today is too ignorant in matters of both common decency and national security to get that. He doesn't deserve to be Commander in Chief of this military for another 4 minutes, let alone another 4 years. So, yes, I am disappointed that my Republican colleagues will be objecting to passing my Senate resolution honoring our troops, veterans, and Gold Star families and that they will not be condemning Trump's disgraceful behavior that denigrates military service that has dishonored the office of the Presidency. Does any Senator actually oppose affirming the part of what makes America not only great but good is the service of Americans who have always placed the mission first, never asking what is in it for them? Does any Member actually object to the Senate resolving to always respect the sacrifices and bravery of those who became prisoners of war or went missing in action? I am confident that no one here actually opposes the Senate declaring that we will always care for service-disabled veterans who have borne the battle in defense of our Nation, recognizing that wounds of war are earned by patriots who put America's interests before their own. So what is the problem? If Senate Republicans actually agree with everything I just listed, why would they oppose my resolution stating the same? I know some may dismiss the resolution out of hand, claiming it is nothing more than just a partisan jab at Donald Trump. To those people, I would simply ask that they not rewrite recent history and stop pretending that outrage over Trump's disrespect of the military is something new or one that just originated with the Democrat Party. After all, some of the very first public officials to speak out against it were Republican Senators who continue to serve in this very Chamber today. When then-Candidate Trump claimed the late Senator John McCain was not a war hero because Trump ``like[s] people who weren't captured,'' it was the Senator's friend from South Carolina who wrote: ``If there was ever any doubt that [Trump] should not be our commander in chief, [this] should end all doubt.'' Again, it was the senior Senator from Florida who said much of the same. I can only say that it is shameful that no one on the other side of the aisle has stood up to condemn this President for the comments he has made, for the fact that he did not make his way to that cemetery to honor those veterans of Belleau Wood laying at rest in that foreign soil, who were there not just for us but for our allies, for everyone that they may never even know. Today, I am here to ask, as if in legislative session, unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. Res. 685, which was submitted earlier today. I further ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, all I can do is to implore my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to reassert their independence, actually put principle before party and support this resolution, which simply recognizes a basic reality. Trump's denigration of military service is even more disgraceful today than it was 5 years ago, as he is now at least supposed to be our troops' Commander in Chief. Former chief of staff of the Army General Weyand once wrote that the American Army really is the people's Army in the sense that it belongs to the American people. When the Army is committed, the American people are committed. The Army is not so much an arm of the executive branch as it is an arm of the American people. He may have been talking about the Army, but the sentiment holds true for every military branch, every one of which belongs to the American people. It is made up of their sons and daughters, mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers, all of whom have dedicated their lives to serve in the Nation they love on behalf of the people they love. When Donald Trump mocks our troops, he is mocking every American in every part of this country. When he derides wounded warriors, he is just providing further proof that to him the word ``sacrifice'' is so foreign it might as well be in another language. When he makes fun of those who have fallen in battle, he reveals not only his ignorance of national security but his own personal cowardice and insecurities as well. To him, service will never mean anything other than someone else serving him. Trump may not want to see me here today. He may not like to see visible proof of my war wounds, but he will keep seeing me here because it is my duty to honor the heroes who saved me by using my second chance, using every extra minute, every extra moment that I have to look out for our troops and veterans from here in the Capitol. I will take advantage of every extra breath I get to breathe because, unlike Donald Trump, our men and women in uniform know what courage, sacrifice, and service truly mean. With that, I note how grateful I am for my Democratic colleagues who are here with me today to show support for our troops, veterans, and Gold Star families.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. I object.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. I cannot support the incomplete Senate Republican resolution for a simple reason: We are not honoring the service and sacrifice of members of the U.S. Armed Forces, veterans, and Gold Star families in this Republican resolution. We cannot do that if we stay silent and meek when confronted with President Trump's disgraceful denigration of military service, prisoners of war, and military families continue. We can't control the offensive comments and actions of the President, but the Senate can make a clear statement that our Chamber rejects such disgraceful sentiments. Republicans' refusal to criticize President Trump speaks volumes when you remember that the outrage over Donald Trump's disrespect of our military is not a new concern. It actually originates with Republican Senators who were among the very first public officials to speak out against his denigration of military service and prisoners of war. I remind you that the senior Senator from Florida spared no outrage when, in responding to Candidate Trump's claim that Senator McCain was not a war hero, he stated: ``It's not just absurd, it's offensive. It's ridiculous. And I do think it's a disqualifier as Commander in Chief.'' The Republican resolution is incomplete if it does not condemn this President's comments denigrating our troops. That is why I am disappointed that Republicans won't join me in passing my resolution that recognizes the sad truth that Donald Trump never changed and his denigration of military service and sacrifice is as disqualifying today as it was years ago. I yield to the senior Senator from Illinois.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I am speaking tonight on behalf of the millions of Americans living with disabilities, and on behalf of the many more who, whether they know it or not, are just 1 day, one accident, one devastating medical diagnosis away from acquiring a disability as well. I come to the floor on their behalf because I came to the floor by rolling through the Capitol's corridors in the wheelchair you see me sitting on now, and I could come to the floor because 30 years ago, Congress passed the Americans with Disabilities Act, granting millions of Americans like me better access to the full, independent lives we deserve. That landmark legislation only passed because of the dedicated activists who proudly crowded in front of this building in 1990 to demand that their country finally give those with disabilities the basic rights the Constitution provided. It only became law because dozens of them got out of their wheelchairs, set down their crutches, and crawled up the 83 steps of the Capitol Building--because Jennifer Keelan, an 8-year-old with cerebral palsy, pulled herself to the top of the steps, saying, ``I'll take all night if I have to,'' and because those around her refused to leave a fellow American behind, offering Jennifer support when she needed it, one step, one shoulder to lean on at a time. Thirty years ago, these activists changed Senators' hearts, minds, and, most importantly, votes. Thirty years ago, this legislative body said that people like me mattered. But last week, Republicans in this Chamber proposed a bill that said we don't. I speak out of a sense of frustration as I watch my Republican colleagues, including the ones who once championed the ADA, attempt to reconstruct, brick by brick, the shameful wall of exclusion that Congress sought to tear down three decades ago. Less than a week after celebrating the 30th anniversary of a Republican President declaring that the ADA would bring us ``closer to that day when no Americans will ever again be deprived of their basic guarantee of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,'' Senate Republicans have put forward legislation that threatens to deprive our community of those same fundamental rights. Many interpreted the timing of the HEALS Act as confirmation of an alarming fact: The GOP has declared war on the disability community and the ADA. I truly hope this is not the case and that the timing was a deeply unfortunate coincidence, but at the end of the day, actions speak far louder than words. If Senate Republicans want to demonstrate that they value life, that they value the civil rights of all Americans, they must join Democrats in supporting two measures that would show the disability community that their party actually gives a darn about them. First, we need to save lives by preventing mass institutionalization. Placing individuals with disabilities into congregate care facilities where the risks of serious illness or death are high is reckless and unacceptable. To achieve this goal, we must increase the Federal Medicaid Assistance Percentages, the FMAP, by 10 percent for Medicaid Home and Community-Based Services. Republicans and Democratic Governors alike desperately need this change. The House already passed this 10 percent FMAP increase months ago, and the Senate must follow suit in any COVID-19 relief deal that is reached. Real-world experience has tragically demonstrated how vulnerable congregate care settings are to deadly superspreader events like COVID- 19. We know from existing data that Americans with intellectual and developmental disabilities are killed at far higher rates than other Americans when infected with COVID-19. So investing in State efforts to provide Medicaid services to vulnerable populations in the safety of their own homes is just a commonsense policy that would save countless lives. Second, Senate Republicans must abandon efforts to gut the ADA, once and for all. Disability rights are human rights, and these civil rights must never become optional benefits that can be taken away whenever it is convenient or cheaper for employers or those who are in power. Allowing businesses to exclude employees with disabilities from reopening plans is exactly the type of discrimination that the ADA sought to abolish. Yet the GOP HEALS Act seeks to relegate millions of Americans back to second-class status, sending the offensive message that our community can be cast aside if the cost to companies are too high. But the harsh reality is that these efforts are anything but new. Decades ago, when my friend Judy Heumann passed her exams to earn a teaching license, she was nevertheless denied the license by the school board all because of so-called concerns about legal liability in the workplace They said that because Judy used a wheelchair, she represented a fire hazard and could not safely teach in a classroom. Do these types of concerns sound familiar? The passage of the ADA was supposed to relegate such workplace discrimination stories to the history books. Those outrageous examples of injustice were supposed to represent the nightmares of yesterday, not the reality of tomorrow made possible by a Republican proposal today. Yet here we are in 2020, and Senate Republicans are shamelessly using a deadly pandemic as cover to gut the ADA and hoist that brick wall of exclusion right back up. No one is asking for special treatment. What we are asking for is to not take away the basic rights the Constitution promised all those centuries ago and this Chamber affirmed three decades ago under a Republican President. So as we debate this next relief package, the questions that every Member of this body must ask are simple: Are we going to leave Americans with disabilities behind? Are their lives worth saving? Are their jobs expendable? For anyone with a conscience--for anyone with any ounce of compassion or even just a lick of respect for the rule of law, the answer to those questions should be obvious. You know, in the Army our Soldier's Creed included never leaving a fallen comrade behind. I am alive today because my buddies in Iraq risked their lives to recover my body because they thought I was dead and refused to leave me behind. The activists who crawled their way up the Capitol steps did much the same for each other: helping one another make their way up inch by inch, closer to the Chamber I am sitting in right now, refusing to let any one of them struggle--to let any one of them fall behind. I am on the floor tonight because of those two acts of courage from two different groups of people continents away and a decade and a half apart. Now, as a Senator, my North Star is paying that debt of honor forward and trying to live up to the sacrifices they made for others. So today and tomorrow and the tomorrow after that, you better believe I am going to keep fighting to hold the Senate accountable for living up to the motto of the Nation we serve: ``E Pluribus Unum,'' Out of Many, One, because this country was born on that idea. It was born from the phrase ``We the People.'' And it grew out of the belief that there is nothing more powerful than the will of the citizenry when the citizenry works with each other and for each other. Our response to this pandemic is a test of our faith in that Founding doctrine. If we focus on the ``we''--if we think about uniting the many into the one--then we can save lives and move past this national trauma together. But it is up to each one of us to act in a way that protects all of us, to act in a way that ensures no one, nobody, disabled or otherwise, will be left behind. With that, I yield the floor.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I come to the floor today appalled by what appears to be a total betrayal of troops by the man who is supposed to be their Commander in Chief, a man who swore an oath to support and defend our Constitution from our Nation's enemies. This weekend, news broke that Russia offered bounties to Taliban- linked militants for the murders of U.S. troops and other coalition forces in Afghanistan--bounties that have reportedly led to the death of at least one American servicemember, and there may have been more. Yet, while numerous news outlets have confirmed that Donald Trump was briefed on the matter months ago, his administration still hasn't taken any apparent steps to push back against Russia's blatant and provocative act of aggression. In fact, far from authorizing any normal, reasonable, expected retaliation, Trump has actually refused to issue even a cold word about the foreign adversary colluding with terrorists to kill Americans in exchange for cash. Instead, he has continued to heap praise on Russia and the tyrant at its helm, describing the ``great friendship'' between our countries as recently as last month, long after he reportedly learned about the bounty scheme. Despite many independent news reports claiming otherwise, the White House spent the weekend denying that Trump was ever told of this intelligence. Well, saying that Trump administration officials are prone to lying is like saying they are prone to breathing, but there are two possible scenarios before us. Both are damning for the man who is supposed to be in charge. The first is that Trump was never actually looped in. In this case, ignorance isn't exculpatory. ``I didn't know that our adversary was helping kill American troops because no one told me'' is not an excuse for the Commander in Chief of the greatest military on Earth. It is, in fact, a confession of incompetence. If he was truly never told, then that means that his own staff either believes he is so compromised by Russia or they consider him so counterproductive to the running of the country that they thought it necessary to hide critical information about our national security from him. If it is true that those who knew of this threat to American lives failed to tell the President, then we should expect a President with such an affinity for firing senior officials to have no qualms about acting swiftly to remove Cabinet officials who failed to share this critical information with him. The second and far more likely option is that they are covering for him; that Trump knew--that of course Trump knew--yet he still did not act; that this ``America first'' President went right on placing Russian interests ahead of American lives, kept on acting as Putin's lackey, trying to score Russia an invite back into what would be the G8, even as he learned that they were working with terrorists to target our troops. Then, when the news finally broke on Friday, he decided to lie about what he had known all along, focused more on protecting his own personal reputation than protecting the troops sacrificing for our country overseas on his orders. Well, at least one American servicemember is reportedly dead as a result of these bounties. While he spent his weekend golfing, lying, and making sure the buck stopped anywhere but with him, our troops in hotspots around the world were forced to wonder whether they might be next, whether a bounty might be placed on their head tomorrow, and whether President Trump would even care enough to respond if that was the case. Once again, Donald Trump has abdicated any semblance of real leadership. Look, even if we somehow swallow the pill that the Trump administration is so incompetent that no one ever told Trump that a foreign power conspired to commit acts of terror against our troops, it still wouldn't explain his response now that he does know. Not once-- not once--since the story broke has he expressed his sorrow for those who lost a loved one or expressed awe at the bravery of the servicemembers who are in harm's way because they love their country so much that they are willing to go to a war zone for her. He has had time to call Joe Biden names, however. He has had time to retweet a video promoting White power. He has had time to promote conspiracy theories and bolster Russia propaganda by questioning the American intelligence experts who work for him. Not once--not once in the past 72 hours has he found the time to express outrage that American service men and women are dead. We, the American people, should be outraged by what he is choosing to prioritize instead. I am racking my brain for any justifiable reason for Trump's reaction. Does he think that maybe there are good people on both sides of this debate too--in the debate between killing American troops and protecting them? Does he think that the word of Vladimir Putin is just as good as the dedicated public servants and intelligence officers who put themselves at great risk to make sure he has the best, most accurate information to make national security decisions? Does he think that not retaliating will help bury the issue and that by burying the issue, it will help keep his poll numbers from sinking any lower? Make no mistake--not responding here is a response in its own way, and it is a response that further endangers our national security. Just as he did when he pandered to another tyrant and announced he would sweep our troops out of Syria last fall, just as he did when he wanted to look tough by ordering the assassination of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani last year, he has put Americans in war zones in even greater danger than they were in already--in greater danger than they needed to be. By refusing to call out this wrong, by decrying the reports as fake news, by being so incompetent in matters ranging from foreign policy to common decency, Donald Trump is making it more likely that other hostile powers will work with other terrorist networks to exchange other American lives for stacks of cash. He has made it more likely that more spouses will be widowed and more moms and dads will turn into Gold Star parents. Listen, I ran for Congress so that when the drums of war started beating, I would be in a position to ensure that our elected officials fully considered the true cost of war--not just in dollars and cents but in human lives. If that war must occur, then of course I will support it, but what I never ever imagined was that I would have to come to the floor of the Senate to point out that the American President should be angry--even furious--when another nation puts a bounty on the heads of our troops; that I would have to be here to point out for our President that the Commander in Chief of the most powerful fighting force the world has ever known should act like a Commander in Chief. Those troops deserve to know what the administration is doing to protect them and why Trump has, so far, failed to take any action to protect them. That is one reason why I am demanding a Senate hearing to hear testimony from the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of State, the Director of the CIA, and others so we can get to the bottom of this once and for all. Donald Trump has never understood what words like ``sacrifice'' or ``courage'' mean, so how dare he let his own personal cowardice, his inability, or--even worse--his disinterest in standing up to Vladimir Putin lead to a reality where those Americans who are actually brave enough to put on a uniform and serve are put at greater risk. How dare he let his own personal insecurities and failings endanger our national security. In the face of all he has done, all he continues to refuse to do, how dare he still call himself the Commander in Chief. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, if you walk outside this building and take a few steps toward the White House, you can almost hear the cries for justice still ringing out through the air; you can almost still smell the tear gas lingering over our Nation's Capital. Listen closely and you might still be able to catch the echoes of the peaceful protesters chanting the name of Breonna Taylor, who was killed in her own home after police executed a no-knock warrant; or the name of George Floyd, who was forced to beg for his life until he couldn't beg any longer, held down under the knee of a police officer who swore an oath to protect and serve; or Rayshard Brooks, who was shot in the back just 11 days ago, even as this moment of national reckoning over police brutality was already under way. For nearly a month now, Americans have been lying down, standing up, kneeling, marching, and mourning in the streets. They have been tugging at and prodding our country, trying to drag it forward until it lives up to the words of its Pledge of Allegiance that in this Republic, there is ``liberty and justice for all.'' So far, this Nation has failed to make the promise a reality for Black Americans. It has failed the families of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and Rayshard Brooks. It has failed every Black child who knows that playing on a jungle gym could be a death sentence. It has failed every Black parent who kisses the top of their child's head before school each morning as their heart breaks with the knowledge that this time could be the last. I know that I would never be able to fully comprehend the fear and trauma that Black Americans experience every day. But what I do know is that the burden of this pain can't fall on them alone. The responsibility, the work of bending the moral arc of the universe toward justice can't just be put on the backs of those who have been feeling its weight this whole time. Rather, it is on all of us--Black, White, Asian, Latinx, you name it--to help those families and communities finally receive the justice they deserve. But I come to the floor today because my Republican colleagues are trying to force through a bill that barely even pays lip service to the crisis at hand. In some ways, it doesn't even accomplish that. In spite of its name, the JUSTICE Act wouldn't begin to bring any semblance of real justice to the victims from Minneapolis to Atlanta to Louisville and beyond. It should be obvious by now that the epidemic of police brutality will not be fixed by some bandaid bill. We need to reckon with the real, deep, uncomfortable realities and systemic biases that have marred our country for years. We need to bring systemic change to our law enforcement agencies. We need to force a seismic shift in how we root out and respond to police brutality, including banning choke holds and no-knock warrants in drug cases at the Federal level. My friend Senator Booker has introduced legislation that would do just that; the Republican bill would not. We need to hold accountable officers who break the laws they were trusted to enforce, ensuring that independent prosecutors review police uses of force and prosecute officers who act irresponsibly, recognizing that local prosecutors often have a conflict of interest because they rely on the same police departments to win other cases. I have written legislation to do just that, which has been included in the Democratic bill, but the Republican bill would not do anything close. We need to amend Federal law on qualified immunity so that officers can't just violate Americans' constitutional rights with mere impunity, and we need to mandate anti-bias Federal law enforcement training. Democrats have put forward policy that would do all of that. The Republican bill refuses any such attempt at accountability and wouldn't even ban racial profiling. It comes down to this: Real justice, real accountability requires these reforms. Yet the JUSTICE Act itself is silent on so many of them. The so-called ``reform'' bill aims more at reforming public opinion than actually reforming the policies that got us here. The families grieving today deserve better, as George Floyd's family made it clear when they themselves spoke out against the bill. They know that those who had a loved one stolen from them deserve more than just lip service. They deserve for their Senators, for the officials elected to represent them in what is supposed to be the world's greatest deliberative body to try to pass legislation that would actually address the issues in question and the crisis at hand. Look, next week our country will celebrate its Independence Day. What does freedom for any one of us mean if so many of our neighbors still are not free to walk down the street or sleep in their own homes without fearing for their lives? Until every Black American can breathe without a knee on their neck, no American should feel as if we are truly able to take a breath ourselves. The Republican bill that we are expected to vote on tomorrow isn't just a disappointment. It leaves Black Americans in unnecessary danger. And settling for lip service when lives are at stake isn't just inadequate. It is cruel too I yield the floor.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Madam President, earlier this month, Illinois lost a local legend after a courageous 5-year battle against cancer. A lifelong Illinoisan and a 50-year public servant, Larry Walsh, Sr., was known for his booming voice and big smile. He was a warm, welcoming presence in my life and the lives of his family, friends, and countless others. Larry, much like the communities he would come to represent on the local, county, and State levels, embodied the spirit and ethos of Illinois. He was born in Elwood, into a family with deep roots in the farming community. Dedicating his early life to the family trade, he graduated Joliet Junior College, class of 1968, earning his associate's degree in agriculture. In 1970, at only the age of 21, he made his foray into politics, winning an election to the local school board. Just 3 years later, he was elected as Jackson Township supervisor--a position he took great pride in and continued to hold until December of 2004. He was first elected to the Will County Board in 1974--a county he would ultimately lead as county executive for the last 16 years of his life. Will County is a great cross-section of Illinois. It is where the farmlands of Central and Southern Illinois converge with the industry of Chicago and Joliet. It is not only home to over 100,000 acres of farmland, but it is also a booming transportation hub anchored by North America's largest inland port, the CenterPoint Intermodal Center--a project that Larry helped to land. Larry was one of the few Illinois politicians who could credibly represent and be an advocate for both Illinois's farming community and understand the region's need for industrial expansion. Throughout his career in public service, he was steadfastly committed to bipartisanship--an absolute must for a leader who would help guide Will County's development into the fastest growing county in our State. Before he returned to the county board in 2004, Larry served in the Illinois Senate, representing the 43rd District. In Springfield, he befriended a fellow freshman Senator and seatmate on the floor, Barack Obama. Their friendship would prove critical, as Larry helped introduce him to the farming community in Will, Kankakee, and Iroquois Counties and then became the first State senator to endorse him in what was then considered a long-shot run for the U.S. Senate in 2004. Larry's list of accomplishments is quite long and spans a crucial time in Will County's development. During Larry's time in the State senate and his return to lead the Will County Board, the county experienced a 53-percent growth in size and now is the fourth largest county in the State. Throughout his 16-year tenure as Will County executive--the longest Will County executive tenure ever--he redoubled his commitment to bipartisan, responsible community development. In addition to helping land CenterPoint Intermodal, he helped establish the Midewin National Tallgrass Prairie Reserve, championed the construction of a new Will County sheriff's office law enforcement center, and broke ground on the new Will County Courthouse that will open this fall. Beyond elected service, he remained deeply rooted in and dedicated to his community. He was a member of the Joliet Exchange Club, the Elwood Lions Club, Friends of Hospice, and many local chambers of commerce. He passionately contributed to local charities, like MorningStar Mission, Make-A-Wish Foundation, Boy Scouts of America, and Cornerstone, among many others. He was a lifelong parishioner of St. Rose of Lima Catholic Church in Wilmington. He attended daily Mass and was a Eucharistic minister and a member of the Knights of Columbus. I can't begin to do justice to the legacy that Larry leaves behind, but to his wife, Irene, of 50 years, his six children, and all the rest of his loved ones, please know how much we all cared for and how much we all respected Larry and how greatly he will be missed. Thank you I yield back.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Madam President, I continue with the reading of the letter from Birmingham jail, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Yes, they have gone to jail with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and fellow ministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant. Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment. I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have no fear about the outcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives at present are misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. Before the pilgrims landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence across the pages of history, we were here. For more than two centuries, our forebears labored in this country without wages; they made cotton king; they built the homes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation--and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop. If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands. Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping ``order'' and ``preventing violence.'' I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department. It is true that the police have exercised a degree of discipline in handling the demonstrators. In this sense they have conducted themselves rather ``nonviolently'' in public. But for what purpose? To preserve the evil system of segregation. Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make it clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends. Perhaps, Mr. Connor and his policemen had been rather nonviolent in public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia, but they have used the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice. As T. S. Elliot has said: ``The last temptation is the greatest treason: To do the right deed for the wrong reason.'' I wish you had commended the Negro sit inners and demonstrators of Birmingham for their sublime courage, their willingness to suffer, and their amazing discipline in the midst of great provocation. One day the South will recognize its real heroes. They will be the James Merediths, with the noble sense of purpose that enables them to face jeering and hostile mobs, and with the agonizing loneliness that characterizes the life of the pioneer. They will be old, oppressed battered Negro women symbolized in a seventy two year old woman in Montgomery, Alabama, who rose up with a sense of dignity and with her people decided not to ride segregated buses, and who responded with ungrammatical profundity to one who inquired about her weariness: ``My feets is tired, but my soul is at rest.'' They will be the young high school and college students, the young ministers of the gospel and a host of their elders, courageously and nonviolently sitting in at lunch counters and willingly going to jail for conscience' sake. One day the South will know that when these disinherited children of God sat down at lunch counters, they were in reality standing up for what is best in the American dream and for the most sacred values in our Judeo Christian heritage, thereby bringing our nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding founders in their formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. Never before have I written so long a letter. I'm afraid it is much too long to take your precious time. I can assure you that it would have been much shorter if I had been writing from a comfortable desk, but what else can one do when he is alone in a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts, and pray long prayers? If I have said anything in this letter that overstates the truth and indicates an unreasonably impatience, I beg you to forgive me. If I have said anything that understates the truth and indicates my having a patience that allows me to settle for anything less than brotherhood, I beg God to forgive me. I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil-rights leader but as a fellow clergymen and a Christian brother. Let us all hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow, the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty. Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood, Martin Luther King, Jr. I yield the floor

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Reserving the right to object.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, none of us in this body is naive enough not to understand the challenges the People's Republic of China represents to our country and to the world. But this bill, which threatens to further incite the tensions already tearing at the fabric of our Nation--this time targeting Asians and Asian Americans--is not the answer. Yes, we know about how the PRC has targeted our intellectual property and sought to benefit from the research excellence and technological insights developed by our universities and our companies--all for its own scientific and military advancement, all to support an authoritarian system that is dangerous both to living within and outside its borders. But taking advantage of this moment of fear and division in our country to stoke xenophobia and paint an entire people as guilty by association is not the right way to address this challenge. It is not the American way. If we have specific counterintelligence threats, let's have our intelligence and law enforcement communities target the threats. I have faith and confidence in their ability to do so if provided the right leadership. Rather than take that sort of discriminate approach, this bill just discriminates. Even setting aside that blanket moratoriums are the wrong way to deal with the situation at hand, the AAPI community is right to be suspicious that Senate Republicans aren't putting forth any bills today barring visas for nationals from our other adversaries, such as Russia. They are doing it only when it comes to China. If we need to work more closely with our universities to make sure they understand who they are engaged with--as students, in accepting donations--then we can do so without attacking an entire group because of their ethnicity or national background but with little other basis or rationale. We can do better. We as a nation must do better. We cannot and should not go back to the days when there were signs that said ``No Irish Need Apply'' or when we had quotas for different races and religions at our major universities, let alone the days of the Chinese Exclusion Act. That is not the right direction for America, and it is not the America any of us should be seeking to build. Unfortunately, there are too many today who would rather see us fractionalized as a nation--who would rather see us divided, not united. In fact, few things would make the PRC happier than to see this sort of legislation go forward because it achieves their end. So let's take a serious approach to the challenges that we face with the PRC, with safeguarding our universities, our intellectual property, and our scientific research. But let us also take an approach that is consistent with our values as a nation. We can do both. We can and will do better. I object.

Ms. DUCKWORTH

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, as if in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Judiciary Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. 1938 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration; further, that the bill be read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, first he said ``I can't breathe.'' Then he called out ``Mama'' for his late mother. Last Monday, in broad daylight, George Floyd was slowly, publicly killed by someone whose responsibility it was to protect and serve. Officer Derek Chauvin, who has since been rightfully fired, spent about 3 minutes ignoring Floyd's cries of pain, refusing to move his knee from Floyd's neck, refusing to let up, to get up, even as the man under him begged for life and lost consciousness. Then he spent roughly another 6 minutes after Floyd had fallen silent ignoring the number of growing of witnesses who begged him to see the obvious--that the man under his knee was unresponsive, that he was dying. As a mom, there are not words to describe the visceral, gut-wrenching feeling of hearing someone cry out for their mother in a moment of such desperation. George Floyd's death was unnecessary and heartbreaking. It was a tragedy, but horrifyingly, it was not an anomaly. From Eric Garner, who told us 6 years ago that he, too, could not breathe, to Tamir Rice, who never made it to his 13th birthday, the senseless killing of unarmed Black Americans at the hands of law enforcement has become an all-too-common occurrence. The horror of the moment, then the outrage and sadness and, yes, anger that follow have turned into a pattern that too many people appear to believe is normal. It is not, and we cannot--must not--let ourselves become numb to the reality in front of us. George Floyd was someone's son who with his dying breath called out for his mother who had previously passed away. He had a 6-year-old daughter who will not only grow up without a father but knowing that she, too, would face the same danger every day just because of the color of her skin. George Floyd was born in a country built on the belief that we are all created equal, but he died in a country that still has not fully realized that we must all be treated equally as well. It is long, long past time for action. We needed it before George Floyd; we needed it before Breonna Taylor, before Laquan McDonald, and before countless others were killed too. We need real leaders who listen to Americans' cries for help and give those fighting for justice a platform to be heard. But sadly, although unsurprisingly, Donald Trump has done just the opposite over the past few days, trampling First Amendment rights by ordering Federal law enforcement to assault those who stood in the way of his photo-op, exploiting our military and disrespecting our troops by using them as a cudgel to silence our neighbors and further divide our country. Donald Trump may be our Commander in Chief, but tear-gassing peaceful protestors is not leadership; it is cowardice. Threatening military force against Americans exercising their constitutional right is not Presidential; it is tin-pot dictatorial. You know, in moments like these, it is more important than ever to recognize the privilege that many of us have. I will never be forced to sit my daughters down and have the same talk with them that Black mothers have with their children--especially their sons--about how exactly to move and speak when interacting with police officers to preemptively reassure them that they pose no danger; or about the fundamental racism that mars our society that will question their motives and their right to be somewhere just because of the shade of their skin; or about the systemic biases that lead too many Americans, including those in positions of power, to view unarmed Black children as more threatening than White adults holding semiautomatic rifles. I know that I will never be able to fully comprehend the fear that those parents must face every time their child steps outside, every time they dare to walk to school or play on the playground or buy some Skittles while Black. But what I do know is the burden of all this pain and trauma cannot fall and should not fall on those families alone. The responsibility, the work, the bending of the moral arc of the universe toward justice cannot just be put on the backs of the very people who have been feeling its weight this entire time. The systemic injustices in our country are not going away by themselves, and they will not be solved if too many good, decent Americans remain silent. If we choose to avoid difficult realities and tough conversations simply because they make us uncomfortable, we are failing to do our part in achieving anything close to a more perfect union. Those of us who have benefited from the privileges we have been afforded by society, we have a duty to recognize the costs borne by those who have been denied those same privileges for generations. I don't claim to have all the answers, but I do know that we must do more. On a personal level, for me, that has included spending time with both of my daughters, discussing what true justice and equality means and how to practice it so that if they grow up to become police officers themselves, they don't reflexively treat Black Americans as more dangerous than anyone else; so that when they see a young Black man shopping, their first thought would never be that he is shoplifting; so that no matter what they do in life, they judge people by the content of their character and not the color of their skin. My girls may be just 5 and 2, but it is never too early for us to talk to our kids about treating others how we want to be treated because our neighbors, our American brothers and sisters, need more vocal allies in this fight. I hope to raise two of those allies in my two girls. Today, I hope to find 99 fellow allies in my colleagues here in the Senate. It is on each of us lucky enough to serve under this great Capitol dome to use this moment to fight for justice and accountability for those families like George Floyd's who had someone so cruelly and needlessly stolen from them. So I have come to the floor today to request unanimous consent on S. 1938, the Police Training and Independent Review Act, the second bill I ever introduced into this august body more than 3 years ago. This bill would demand that local law enforcement agencies change use-of-force policies and that every American receive fair treatment under the law-- commonsense policies that I believe responsible law enforcement officers would welcome so they could better protect and serve their communities. It would establish a new grant program so States can implement racial bias training at police academies to help officers deescalate tense situations. It would also encourage States to establish a transparent system where independent prosecutors review police uses of force and prosecute officers who break the laws they were entrusted to enforce, because local prosecutors do have a bias. They rely on the same police departments to win other cases, which is why it is so critical that we let outside independent prosecutors do the investigating and prosecuting of our law enforcement officers who do not follow the law themselves instead. For me, it comes down to this: We cannot let ourselves accept that, in the United States of America, in the year 2020, Black men are still being publicly executed without judge or jury. For about 9 minutes last Monday, somebody's son and somebody's father was forced to know he was dying and forced to beg for his life until he couldn't beg anymore. George Floyd cannot breathe anymore. So it is on those of us lucky enough to still be here today, to still be breathing, to use every breath we have to fight for the justice that he was robbed of on that street in Minneapolis last week. I know I will, and I hope every other American will join me. I yield the floor.