Eliot Engel

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman and I could not put it any better. To me this amendment is simply an amendment, frankly, to pander to the militias and to pander to people who have loony conspiracy theories about Waco and the Weaver case in Idaho. I do not think we need to bash Federal employees. If there are Federal employees that did something wrong, then those Federal employees ought to be drummed out or prosecuted, but do not tarnish a whole group of people because there may be a few rotten apples. It is like saying if a Member of Congress does something wrong, does that cast negative views on all 435 Members of Congress? Why penalize people who were not there? The underlying attitude here of somehow conspiracy theories or somehow we have to pander to the militias I think is very, very dangerous. This is a dangerous amendment and it ought to be rejected.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, would it be in order to ask unanimous consent to modify the agreement so that each side could have the same amount of time?

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, what have our Republican friends done since they have taken over Congress? They said they would give tax breaks to the rich. They kept their promise. They said they would increase defense spending boondoggles. They kept their promise. They said they would help the rich and powerful and told them that they would continue corporate welfare. They kept their promise. But what have they done to the rest of us? They told senior citizens they would not touch Social Security or Medicare. They broke their promise. They told the students that they would not touch student loans or aid to education. They broke their promise. They told our veterans they would not harm their COLA's and their veterans' health care benefits. They broke their promise. They told the middle class they would not hurt the middle class. They broke their promise. They told the Nation's schoolchildren they would not rob school lunches, take them out of their mouth. They broke their promise. In short the Republicans kept their promises to the rich and powerful. They just broke their promise to everyone else. I say to my colleagues, ``Wait until you see what they're going to do to Medicare.''

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Would the gentleman be able to yield an extra minute? We had a vote in the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, would it be possible to ask unanimous consent for an additional 1 minute? We have two colleagues here that would like to speak. I would like to give them each 1 minute.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California [Mr. Rohrabacher].

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, let me say most respectfully to my friend, the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Callahan], that this bill which we have previously debated all night long contains many statements in policy, which we in Congress have seen fit to put in, involving human rights violations all over the world. And, certainly, when we talk about human rights violations all over the world, Kosova ranks up there, unfortunately, with the best, or should I say with the worst. On a trip to Kosova a couple of years ago with my colleagues, the gentleman from New York [Mr. King], the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. Molinari], and the gentleman from New York [Mr. Paxon], we were all appalled at what we saw. Truly, people under occupation. And it is certainly something I think that we cannot turn a blind eye to, particularly when we are making statements throughout this bill on human rights violations all over the world. Mr. Chairman, I might also add that we have had extensive hearings on Kosova in the Committee on International Relations, previously the Foreign Affairs Committee. We have had witness after witness from the administration tell us that they would not lift sanctions on the Belgrade regime until the human rights situation in Kosova improved. Yet, we see a slipping back of those solemn promises made by Secretary of State Christopher and other administration officials. So I think it is very, very important at this point in time that we stand up very, very strongly, as this Congress has on this bill in many other places all around the world, and say that the United States is not going to stand for human rights violations. We have witnessed the tragedy in Bosnia. We have witnessed what happens when aggression goes unchecked. We have witnessed what happens when the world turns a blind eye. We do not want it to happen in Kosova. There are 2 million ethnic Albanians living in Kosova. They have been denied the basic principles of freedom. They do not have schools. They cannot speak their own language. They cannot do what they need to do. People are summarily fired because they are Albanian, and there are elements in the Serbian regime that would like nothing more than to drive a million or a million and a half ethnic Albanians out of Kosova, out of the border into Albania or over the border into Macedonia and again making what happens in Bosnia look like a tea party by comparison. I urge my colleagues to stand up. Again, the chairman of the committee, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman] is in full support of this amendment. This amendment mirrors legislation that he has, the chairman of the committee, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman], has submitted this year; the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. Molinari], my colleague, and I for many years have cosponsored such legislation; and other members of the committee such as the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Smith] and the gentleman from California [Mr. Rohrabacher] and the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran] have all supported this. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as she may consume to my colleague and friend, the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. Molinari].

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire how much time I have remaining?

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds to answer the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Callahan]. The administration has also lobbied this Congress against lifting the arms embargo and this Congress has voted overwhelmingly on a couple of occasions to lift the arms embargo. I do not think that the administration is proposing effective solutions at all in this area and I think it behooves us in Congress to state very, very strongly that we will not stand for human rights abuses in this part of the world. Perhaps if we had been showing a little gumption over the past few years, the Serbs would not be acting the way they are acting in the Balkans. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Olver].

Mr. ENGEL. I yield to the gentleman from Maryland.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, for too long ethnic Albanian citizens of Kosova, who comprise 90 percent of the province's population, have been dominated and repressed by Serbia. Today I rise to offer an amendment which will demonstrate support for Kosova and serve America's interests by helping prevent a regional spreading of the Balkan conflict. The people of Kosova voted overwhelmingly for the independence of their state in September of 1990 and chose Ibraham Rigova, a professor of literature, who recently met with Secretary of State Chirstopher, to be the first President of the newly declared republic. Serbia, however, has not seen fit to recognize these valid and legitimate acts of self- determination. Belgrade has prevented the new government from meeting in the capital of Pristina and strictly from meeting in the capital of Pristina and strictly controls the media and all speech. The human rights situation in Kosova is grave and worsened with the July 1993 expulsion of international monitors according to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Ethnic Albanians are denied access to education, health care, and legal process solely on the basis of their ethnicity. I might say, by the way, Mr. Chairman, that with the events happening in Bosnia, we can say that those events will look like a tea party compared to what might happen in Kosova if Belgrade gets its way. The security situation in Kosova is also very troubling. If Serbia escalates its aggressive behavior in Kosova the Balkan conflict may expand into Macedonia, drawing in Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, and possibly Turkey. I support statements by the U.S. Government threatening a stern American response ``in the event of conflict in Kosova caused by Serbian action.'' In recent months, however, negotiations with Serbia have progressed to the point where the international community has offered to ease sanctions against Belgrade if it recognize Bosnia. While this policy may produce some positive results in Bosnia, it will turn over all leverage we have on Kosova. I fully agree with President Clinton when, on January 4 of this year, he wrote to the gentlewoman from New [[Page H 6757]] York [Ms. Molinari] and myself and said, ``There are a large number of issues, including Kosova, that must be addressed before Belgrade should be freed of U.N. sanctions.'' The amendment I offer today would condition the lifting of sanctions against Serbia upon improvement in human rights in Kosova. Until Milosevic, the leader of Serbia, gives Kosova the right to self- determination, ends human rights violations, allows international monitors to return, and permits the elected government of Kosova to carry out its mandate as representatives of the people of Kosova, we should not lift sanctions on Belgrade. Considering the intensified persecution of the ethnic Albanian majority in Kosova, I strongly believe that sanctions should remain in place until the situation in Kosova improves. I urge Members to support this important amendment. I might say that the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman], the chairman of the Committee on International Relations, is fully in support of this amendment. It has very deep bipartisan support. Let me finally add, in view of the actions of the Serbs in Bosnia today which led to U.N. and NATO air strikes on them, is it any wonder that they continue to thumb their nose at the world and continue to think they can slide away from the international sanctions that have been imposed on them? We must not let this happen. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.

Mr. ENGEL. I would ask for an additional minute. We have two Members who would like to speak for 1 minute each, and I only have 1 minute.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran].

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Smith].

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, yesterday I inadvertently missed two rollcalls. On rollcall vote No. 463 I would have voted ``aye,'' and on rollcall vote 464 I would have voted ``no.''

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Menendez amendment and rise in opposition to the Wilson substitute. Mr. Chairman, I support foreign aid to Russia. I think foreign aid to Russia is very important. I think that the relationship between the United States and Russia is a very, very important relationship. But, Mr. Chairman, one cannot turn a blind eye to the conduct of Russia. One cannot turn a blind eye to what we have seen come out of Russia during the past several months. One cannot turn a blind eye to Chechnya, one cannot turn a blind eye to the selling of nuclear reactors or nuclear technology to Iran, and one cannot turn a blind eye to Russian help in terms of Cuba completing this nuclear powerplant. Mr. Chairman, the issue here is not merely the Cuban dictatorship, although it has been a brutal dictatorship and has been a dictatorship that I have never supported, and certainly I think that the Cuban people would be much better off with democracy and political pluralism and look forward to the day when Cuba does have democracy. The issue here is also about the safety of American citizens. I have in front of me the GAO report, the U.S. General Accounting Office report to the chairman, Subcommittee on Nuclear Regulation, Committee on Environmental and Public Works of the U.S. Senate. They express tremendous reservations about this nuclear powerplant. There are subdivisions, I would like to read some of them: Safety concerns raised by former Cuban nuclear power officials; allegations of problems and defects in construction; allegations of inadequate simulator training; assertions of adherence to safety rules; United States prefers that reactors not be completed; United States policy and concerns of United States officials about the safe construction and operation of Cuba's nuclear reactors; NRC officials concerned about allegations of safety deficiencies; Department of Energy official concern about quality of reactor's construction and components; assessment of risks from earthquakes and radioactive pollutants. It goes on and on and on. The gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez] mentioned all the States, one-third of the American population, that could be put in jeopardy for this. I think it is very, very important that we support the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez]. My worry about my good friend from Texas, his substitute, is what this would simply allow is, it would allow Russia to take our money, manipulate the funds through the back door, continue to build the powerplant and continue to have our money. I do not think that is what we want. We talk about the dignity and self-respect of Russia, and I am sensitive to that. What about our own dignity and self-respect, that we could have a calamity 90 miles from our shore and it could be built with the help of American money? That is adding insult to injury. I support the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Menendez]. I think this is something we ought to put into this bill. We ought to stand up and take notice.

Mr. ENGEL. Well, I think that would be a step in the right direction, but I would like them to couple that with an announcement that they will not help Cuba build this nuclear powerplant. If they did that, then I would certainly be opposed to cutting off funds.

Mr. ENGEL. No, I think that when Russia is active in helping countries that are our adversaries, like Iran and like Cuba, increase their nuclear technology, I think it is very appropriate that we in turn pull out dollar-for-dollar that they are putting into building those powerplants.

Mr. ENGEL. That is not the amendment that is being done here. If I could just say, I pointed out Iran as showing that this is a behavioral pattern on the part of Russia with Iran and with Cuba.

Mr. ENGEL. I mentioned Russia helping Iran in building nuclear technology and I know that our administration, our Government has made a plea with them not to continue. I know that they have said that they would look at it again, but they have not unequivocally stated that they will not help Iran in attaining nuclear power.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to me. I love our country and I love our flag, and several years ago in this body I voted for a law, a statute, that would have made it illegal to desecrate the American flag. I would vote for such a statute again, but the Supreme Court in its wisdom declared such a law unconstitutional, and may I point out that the Supreme Court appointees, conservative Republican appointees, appointees of Reagan and Bush, declared the law unconstitutional. So the question we have now is should we amend the Bill of Rights for the first time in American history? Should we tamper with our Constitution, which is sacred, to do something which really is not a threat to the Republic? The idiots that burn the American flag, and I hate them, are not that many. Why highlight them? They are no threat to the Republic. This is what they want. I do not think we should tamper with the Constitution. I do not think we should amend the Constitution. Several years ago, someone before mentioned Nazi Germany, Nazi Germany had a statute to make it a crime to desecrate their flag. I do not think we want to follow in their footsteps. While we abhor what these idiots do, we should not desecrate our Constitution. Vote ``no.''

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, Dr. Bujar Bukoshi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Kosova, recently gave an important address to the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. In his speech, Dr. Bukoshi spoke eloquently about his homeland and the people of Kosova. While lamenting the past, including the number of Kosovars who have been killed, wounded, arrested, tortured, and otherwise subjected to inhumane treatment, Dr. Bukoshi gave reason for hope in the future by laying out his vision for protecting Kosova from further injustice. I urge my colleagues and members of the European Union to strongly consider Dr. [[Page E 1341]] Bukoshi's positive, forward-looking solutions as the United States and Europe consider how to proceed in the former Yugoslavia. The text of the speech follows: Ladies and gentlemen, it is an Honor for me to have been given the opportunity to address an important audience that is actively seeking to identify conflict situations and prevent them before they become unmanageable. In this context, let me congratulate you on the good task you have started, in the hope that the FORUM will have its impact in breathing a sense of reality into the asphyxiated, and crisis-ridden international fora. Let me begin by quoting one of the greatest Albanian writers, Ismajl Kadare, who has on one occasion stated: ``The word `Kosova' is spoken always with hesitation, in a low voice, almost in a whisper--the way ancient people spoke some words in a low voice when they talked of `evil spirits' ''. Although hesitantly, Kosova is always mentioned whenever there are evident signs of the escalation of the former Yugoslav crisis, and always in the context of a wider Balkan conflict. In the case of the last escalation in Bosnia involving UN hostages taken by Serbian forces, a clear act of international terrorism, western leaders have pointed out again the possibility of a wider Balkan war rightly stressing that such a war would firstly encompass Kosova, then Macedonia, in order to include Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and possibly Turkey. Just 200 kilometers southeast of Sarajevo lies the Republic of Kosova, in danger of becoming another Bosnia, but even worse. The Balkans imbroglio suggests that Kosova may be next in the succession of victims in the face of Serbian ethnic cleansing and oppression. Kosova with its 90-percent Albanian population is already a Serbian victim. Kosova lost its autonomy six years ago, when Serbia, unconstitutionally and by use of police and military forces, abolished the Parliament of Kosova, dismissed the government and its administration, and closed down television, radio and the daily Albanian-language newspaper. Systematic structural repression against the Albanians of Kosova, enacted martial law, has reached tragic proportions each passing year. Serbian apartheid manifests itself in discrimination that started with rigged political trials before civil and military courts; isolation and confinement of hundreds of intellectuals, scientists and economic experts; massive prison sentencing of Albanians, killings of peaceful demonstrators; expulsion of hundreds of university professors, thousands of teachers and administrators; dismissal of physicians and medical staffs and the complete abrogation of all human, civil and national rights. Our plight has been documented by Amnesty International, the United Nations Special Rapporteur, CSCE, and other human rights bodies and international organizations. In the first quarter of 1995, more than 3,000 Albanians were subjected to all forms of mistreatment by the Serbs. Two were shot dead; seven wounded; 34 were convicted; 125 were subjected to arms searches and harassment; 1,157 were arrested; 985 tortured; 973 families subjected to weapons raids; 589 summoned for police interrogation; 204 suffered political persecution; 114 youth were punished for not joining the Serbian army; 8 were convicted by military courts; 9 Albanian families were evicted from their apartments. The above constitute only the most drastic forms of repression. It should also be noted that many cases are never reported. Thus far, Kosova has reacted to this repression with peaceful resistance. We have been firm, we have established a functioning government and economy, we have held together in solidarity with one another. We have demonstrated incredible patience, restraint, and judgment in the face of daily brutality, harassment and intimidation. Numerous delegations have visited Kosova and have witnessed the appalling situation. They have visited the storefront clinics, spoken with patients, listening to the doctors. They have witnessed the classrooms in homes where thousands of Albanian students are doing their best to preserve their education, and they have reported on massive violations of human civil and national rights of the Albanians. Also many delegations from Kosova, including the leadership of Kosova have repeatedly informed governments of western democratic countries and the general public about the ever deteriorating situation that can lead to a conflict with unpredictable consequences. In parliaments around the world, legislators have spoken with resolutions of support. For illustration, let me mention that the European Parliament has condemned repression against the Albanian population in eight resolutions. At the same time Albanians have been praised for their peaceful restraint. Yet, the situation has only kept worsening while repression continues. The international community cannot continue to ignore the untenable situation in Kosova. As much as we are determined to remain patient, no one can guarantee that the Albanians can sit idly by for decades, watching their personal and collective resources disappear while their families and friends are subjected to barbaric treatment by cruel and inhuman occupying forces. To avert this calamity the European Union and the international community must become engaged in helping solve the Kosova part of the Balkans problem. We need their involvement in the following ways: First: While talks on the future of Kosova remain an uncertain reality, it is necessary that preventive forces be deployed to Kosova. Since Kosova presents a threat to regional peace and stability, the UN Security council should declare Kosova a safe area in the meaning of Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Second: NATO must prepare contingency plans for intervention in Kosova in the worst possible scenario. Its credibility can only be restored if, as Manfred Worner has said, ``it is ready to punish the aggressor if necessary and also consider using force to achieve political and diplomatic solutions''. Third: Keep sanctions in place and increase international pressure to Serbia. Recent attempts to force Serbia to recognize the borders of Bosnia, a bargain for lifting of sanctions, is a doomed effort not only because of the request that a non-entity accepts what is now already a UN member. [The] Belgrade regime may be forced to accept this demand, which will most probably be another Serbian farce, but nothing will change on the ground and the peoples of former Yugoslavia will not find themselves closer to an acceptable solution. Although sanctions were introduced because of the Serbian active role in the war, they should never be lifted before a global solution of the former Yugoslavia crisis is achieved. (In this regard, we welcome the tough stance of EU Commissioner for Central and Eastern Europe, Mr. Hans van den Broek, that international sanctions should be linked to a solution of the Kosova issue.) Fourth: Immediately return a long-term, expanded OSCE monitoring mission to Kosova. A handful of then-CSCE observers were posted in Kosova until July 1993 when Belgrade expelled the delegations. Although few in number, the monitors served the purpose of at least chronicling the cases of human right abuses across Kosova. Since their departure, incidence of violence, beating, plundering and murder has escalated dramatically. Fifth: Support mediated dialog with the Serbs in the presence of international mediator. We have repeatedly offered to meet with the Serbs to discuss our difference without preconditions except one: an international mediator must be present in the talks. We are prepared to meet anywhere at anytime to talk about our differences and sincerely try to resolve them. Sixth: Reactivate the Kosova Group of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia. The Working Group which was established in London in August 1992 and which has been moribund ever since, has achieved absolutely nothing. Now is the time to breathe new life into the process and create a new mechanism to begin the task of fulfilling the legitimate rights of the Albanians to life, liberty and self-determination. Seventh: UN get involved for the restoration of democratic institutions to Kosova. This would prove to be a powerful deterrent of conflict and, therefore, instill hopes of a return to normality in Kosova. Events of the last months demonstrate that a new reality is setting in among those concerned with the Balkans. We firmly believe that until the world deals with the major cause of the aggression, the problem will fester, the bloodshed will continue, and there will be no place in the Balkans. The current Yugoslav crisis is not the result of an abrupt decision of its peoples to part company. It is the realization of the right of peoples to self-determination; it is a free expression of their national identities, hitherto suppressed by Serbian hegemonism. In this context, the independence which we have proclaimed for Kosova, and we are pursing to institute, is but an adaptation to political realities and moderate approach to our goals. In conclusion, let me point out the Kosova issue has been wrongly ignored until now. Whether this has been done because of the Serbian Myth, was place in the service of aggression, or because of the `evil spirits', inaction in Kosova may prove costly. There is still time to save Kosova, and we still believe in peace, therefore we have not resorted to violent means. However, if it comes to conflict, for which Kosova Albanians can never be blamed, they have no other option but to defend themselves. Bad Judgments of the past must not be repeated. It is time for courageous leadership and commitment to principle, southeast of Sarajevo and throughout the Balkans.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I have, with all due respect, seen a lot of bonehead amendments in the years that I have been here, but this one ranks up at top. The elevator operators on the House side work very hard. They are scared to death about this. They are scared to death about losing their jobs. And, frankly, we need them. Those of us who are in the Longworth Building, many times we run down the steps because the elevators are so difficult to get in that building. Without the elevator operators, we would probably miss half the votes. So, I can think of nothing more that is so silly. The savings is next to nothing. All it is doing is making a lot of loyal government employees, who work hard and are not paid much, frightened to death and making it impossible for Members to vote in a timely fashion. If there was ever a vote that did not make sense on the merits, this is it. It does not make sense from a monetary point of view. It saves us nothing. It does not make sense from an efficiency point of view. I very, very strongly urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to defeat this amendment. It may play great with the folks back home, saying we have cut out fat. This is not fat. This is necessary. I urge defeat of this amendment.