Eliot Engel

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee), the author of this bill.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 432) condemning the attacks on peaceful protesters and supporting an immediate peaceful transition to a civilian-led democratic government in Sudan, as amended.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, let me first thank Representatives Kildee, Bilirakis, and McGovern, our Speaker pro tempore, for their hard work on this measure. I was glad to join as an original cosponsor, as well. Sudan is at a critical moment, Mr. Speaker. Three months ago, when the Transitional Military Council, the TMC, seized power, one of my top concerns was when the reins will be turned over to civilian authorities. Despite the possibility of a breakthrough between the TMC and the Forces of Freedom and Change, the FFC, I remain concerned that Sudanese security forces intend to tighten their grip on power once again and even more. The sad fact is, for the overwhelming majority of its history since independence, Sudan has been ruled by military dictatorships. This group, the TMC, has shown the world who they really are, and it is not a pretty picture. On June 3, they turned on the peaceful prodemocracy movement, committing a brutal massacre at the movement's sit-in site. Following that atrocity, the TMC shut the internet down in a blatant attempt to slow the momentum of antigovernment protestors and kill the prodemocracy movement in its infancy. Now that internet access has slowly been restored, the world is getting its first glimpses of deeply disturbing images: Sudan's citizens being murdered, tortured, or raped in Khartoum and across the country last month. These troubling developments start to make sense when we look at the cast of characters involved. The deputy of the TMC, General Mohamed Hamdan ``Hemeti,'' leads the Rapid Support Forces. We know them as the Janjaweed, and we know that they have on their hands the blood of the Darfur genocide. Now, they are turning their violent tactics against the broader Sudanese population. These are the same thugs responsible for the repression and economic mismanagement that characterized Omar al-Bashir's three blood-soaked decades in power. He is gone, but they continue to drive the country into the ground. Thankfully, the Sudanese people are resilient. They continue to fight for their country's future, even in the face of violence and repression. Their civil society and diaspora networks have helped to shine a light on what the people in Sudan are enduring. They have had enough, and the United States and partners around the world need to have their backs. This resolution underscores Congress' desire to see a civilian-led transition in Sudan, a transition free from violence and bloodshed. It is a good resolution. I am glad the House is considering it. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), the chairman of the Rules Committee and co-chairman of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing. Mr. Speaker, the horrific murder of Jamal Khashoggi demands accountability and justice. After the astounding evidence we have seen, it just cannot be business as usual; and since the administration is dragging its feet, Congress must step forward. So I urge my colleagues to join me today and support the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability Act, and I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski) for his leadership on this issue. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski), who is the author of this bill and a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to report the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability Act of 2019. I want to take this opportunity to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski) for his leadership, his thoughtfulness, and his vision in authoring this legislation. Mr. Malinowski came to this body with a long track record of fighting for human rights, and he arrived ready to tackle one of the thorniest issues: How do we ensure justice for those responsible for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi? How do we demand accountability when the President refuses? Jamal Khashoggi was a Washington Post contributing columnist and legal permanent U.S. resident. He was killed by Saudi Government personnel on October 2, 2018, during his visit to the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey. Circumstances surrounding his disappearance and death have been extensively reported on by media outlets, briefed to some Members in classified settings, and investigated by the United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings. We still haven't seen any real accountability for this heinous crime. The Saudis originally denied any involvement and then made the outlandish claim that this killing was an accident--yes, accidental killing by bone saw. Give me a break. The Trump administration said it would hold those responsible to account, but they have been dragging their feet. We still haven't seen any real action, so Congress must step in. This important legislation mandates a report from the Director of National Intelligence about those who were responsible for, complicit in, or played a supporting role in the murder of Jamal Khashoggi. The legislation then imposes a visa ban on those individuals. This bill, though, has a thoughtful off-ramp. In an effort to reshape our relationship with Saudi Arabia, which is a very important U.S. partner, the legislation says that if Saudi Arabia releases the journalists and activists currently imprisoned in the kingdom, fully cooperates in the investigation of the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, and reforms its systems to value human rights, those visa bans will not be imposed. If Saudi Arabia is looking for a way to reset the U.S.-Saudi relationship, I invite them to look at this legislation. I hope they do. The Saudis are an important security partner, but we cannot just look the other way when they ignore international norms and basic human rights and when they murder a journalist in broad daylight in a diplomatic facility. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time. House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC, July 9, 2019. Hon. Jerrold Nadler, Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing to you concerning H.R. 2037, the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability act of 2019. I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary. I acknowledge that the Committee will not formally consider H.R. 2037 and agree that the inaction of your Committee with respect to the bill does not waive any future jurisdictional claim over the matters contained in H.R. 2037 which fall within your Committee's Rule X jurisdiction. I will ensure that our exchange of letters is included in the Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this legislation and look forward to continuing to work with you as this measure moves through the legislative process. Sincerely, Eliot L. Engel, Chairman.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio).

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 2744.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, let me start by thanking my friend from Texas once again, the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. McCaul, for his hard work on this measure. I am glad to be a cosponsor. Mr. Speaker, our development efforts around the world accomplish so much. Whether it is helping build a road that links a small village to a trade hub, working with governments to make their justice systems more transparent and accountable, assisting communities to get clean drinking water, or expanding access to broadband internet in rural areas, American development work is making differences you can see in people's lives. It is also projecting our country's character of compassion and generosity. So when I travel around the world and I see the USAID logo--it is that recognizable seal of two hands clasped in friendship--on the front door of a new school or a wastewater treatment facility or a pallet of food on its way to refugees, it makes me proud. It really does. The people benefiting from that assistance should know where it is coming from, too. We should signal to the world our commitment to development is a core pillar of America's global engagement. This legislation reaffirms the obligation to brand our foreign assistance while continuing to provide needed flexibility to ensure we are not putting our partners or aid recipients at risk. It requires a long overdue audit to ensure that USAID projects are appropriately branded in the field. This is something Mr. McCaul and I have been working on closely together. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a letter on this issue that Mr. McCaul and I wrote to the USAID administrator, our former House colleague, Mark Green. House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC, July 15, 2019. Mr. Mark Green, Administrator, U.S. Agency for International Development, Washington, DC. Dear Administrator Green: We write to you today to reiterate the Congressional intent behind HR 2744, the USAID Branding Modernization Act, which we have introduced in the 116th Congress. Providing foreign assistance around the world demonstrates the generosity of Americans, and furthers our foreign policy objectives. Branding foreign assistance is always the first preference, to ensure that those receiving assistance know that support comes from the American people. As such, the Congress believes, and has affirmed, that in general, foreign assistance provided using U.S. taxpayer dollars should be branded, as appropriate. This demonstrates U.S. commitment to assisting those in need, be it through food aid after a drought, job training to empower women entrepreneurs, or life-saving vaccines to eradicate polio. That said, Congress acknowledges the need for discretion and flexibility in branding in some instances to ensure the safety and security of both implementing partners and beneficiaries. This bill in no way amends that understanding, or any authorities, which would impact the ability or need for USAID to provide branding waivers or exemptions as appropriate, with input from and ongoing communication with implementing partners. As referenced in the legislation, 22 USC 2401 asserts that programs ``shall be identified appropriately overseas''. Federal Register rules and regulations under 2 CFR Part 700 provide waivers to ensure that branding does not put partners or beneficiaries at risk, and USAID internal guidance regarding marking and branding policies remain at the discretion of the Agency. Finally, this bill requires an audit, conducted by the Inspector General for USAID, on the compliance with relevant branding and marking requirements. This is not intended to re-litigate branding decisions regarding waivers or exemptions that are already in place. Rather, this audit is intended to provide a more comprehensive picture for USAID, its implementing partners, and Congress, of the challenges to successful branding and marking, and how to better communicate, provide guidance, and implement, branding and marking requirements. We appreciate USAID's ongoing efforts to save lives, reduce poverty, strengthen democratic governance, and help people emerge from humanitarian crises, to advance a free, peaceful, and prosperous world. We look forward to continuing to work with USAID on effective foreign assistance. Sincerely, Eliot L. Engel, Chairman. Michael T. McCaul, Ranking Member.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I am glad we will be moving ahead with this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2744) to authorize the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development to prescribe the manner in which programs of the agency are identified overseas, and for other purposes.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, for the purpose of closing. Mr. Speaker, it is an outrage that, after all these years, there still hasn't been justice for the AMIA bombing victims and their families. This resolution today is a message to the Argentine Jewish community, and to marginalized, victimized communities around the world, that the United States will not forget them and will continue to push for justice. I am glad my colleague mentioned the prosecutor, Alberto Nisman, because what happened to him, to be murdered a day before he was to present his work, is absolutely a disgrace. Some in the government even tried to say that it was a suicide, but we know it was not. I hope that we get to the bottom of the truth and that Mr. Nisman is honored, which he should be. It is just an absolute disgrace that he was murdered. Again, I thank Mr. Deutch for authorizing this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting it, and I yield back the balance of my time

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 97) to amend the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956 to authorize rewards for thwarting wildlife trafficking linked to transnational organized crime, and for other purposes.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 2615.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Providing opportunities for the most vulnerable individuals from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras is common sense, and working to address the root causes of child and family migration is a long-term solution that we should all be able to agree on. It is the right thing to do, but it is also in our own interest. And while U.S. foreign assistance is crucial, it is not a gift. It must come with strong conditions. Our legislation puts in place such conditions for our assistance to the Northern Triangle and includes tough, smart, targeted sanctions to combat corruption. By passing this bill today, Congress can send, and will send, a loud and clear message that we stand with the people of the Northern Triangle countries to make their countries safer and more prosperous so they aren't forced to make the dangerous trek here. We can also send a message to China and Russia that the U.S. will not abandon our friends and partners in Central America. Let me conclude by thanking Mr. McCaul for his partnership on this measure. We truly worked on this together. We were together in Central America when we got the word of the potential cutoff of funding, and we worked closely together in a bipartisan way to make sure that that wouldn't be the case. So I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I thank Mr. McCaul again, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding to me. Madam Speaker, we all remember where we were on that fateful day of Tuesday, September 11, 2001. Today, we finally make permanent our Nation's commitment to care for the heroes of 9/11 and their families. We all know that within the first few seconds of the horrific attacks on the World Trade Center, our brave first responders rushed toward the wreckage to help their fellow Americans. As has been said before, many of the 9/11 first responders and the survivors are now living with serious illnesses due to toxic pollutants that filled the air surrounding Ground Zero. Many of those friends and advocates are no longer with us. Congress created the Victim Compensation Fund in 2001, which committed to those Americans and their families that we will take care of those who rushed to the scene. I was proud to be an original cosponsor of the initial bill and its subsequent reauthorizations in 2010 and 2015. Today, H.R. 1327 keeps Congress' promise to our 9/11 responders and survivors. I have never seen the New York delegation work this hard and together as we did for this bill. I thank Mr. Nadler, Mrs. Maloney, and all the people for the hard work and their leadership on this. We hope it gets passed soon in the other body.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Chair, I rise to support the amendment offered by Mr. Malinowski. I'm horrified that the humanitarian crisis in Yemen-- the worst such crisis in the world, according to the United Nations-- has gone on this long. The crisis has been exacerbated by the ongoing conflict between the Saudi-led coalition and Iranian-backed Houthi rebels. Since 2015, the Saudi-led coalition has undertaken 18,000 airstrikes, and far too many of these have killed innocent civilians. In fact, more Yemeni civilians are killed or wounded in their own homes than anywhere else. That is why I am co-sponsoring this amendment, to prohibit the sale of all air-to-ground munitions to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates for one year. It is our obligation to make sure the United States is not enabling civilian deaths. I thank the gentleman for his leadership in offering this amendment.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I always view military policy as a measure of last resort in our foreign policy. When the American military is engaged anywhere in the world, it often comes at the cost of American lives and the lives of innocent civilians. These are the most tragic costs of war, one reason why we can never, ever be reckless in the use of military force. Civilian casualties are a tragedy. They also give extremist groups fodder to radicalize and recruit new fighters. We need to do everything in our power to reduce the number of civilian casualties. The Pentagon has made progress in this area thanks in part to new requirements Congress put in place. My amendment would build on this progress in a number of ways. First of all, it would help fill in the blanks when it comes to our own planning and reporting about civilian casualties. Right now, there tends to be a big difference between what the Defense Department estimates in terms of civilian casualties before a military strike and what the Department reports after and, again, a big difference between our official reporting and what NGOs report. My amendment would require a new analysis of these disparities to help figure out why we are getting it wrong ahead of time and why there is such a wide range of reporting after the fact. Secondly, while the Pentagon has done good work developing sound policies in this area, more must be done on implementation. My measure would improve consistent standards across all the combatant commands. Thirdly, this amendment will help improve the way we gather information about civilian casualties. It will establish new criteria and methods to assess allegations of casualties, and it will make sure we work more effectively with local populations. Lastly, we need to understand that the Defense Department needs to keep learning and adapting. My amendment would require standards for incorporating lessons learned so our policies and practices will continue to improve as time goes on. Because this is a learning process, I will say that this amendment won't give us a perfect policy. We need to keep working toward more comprehensive, responsible ways of preventing and addressing civilian casualties. We need to keep giving the Defense Department the tools it needs to do so. This measure will provide a few more of those tools, and I am glad the House is able to consider it today. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton).

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, may I inquire as to how much time I have remaining.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, then let me split it. I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating), a well-respected member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and one of our subcommittee chairs.