Eliot Engel

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 156) calling for accountability and justice for the assassination of Boris Nemtsov, as amended.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, in closing, let me say, it is critical that we speak out against strong men and dictators throughout the world. We need to demand justice for those unable to do so themselves. As we have mentioned, Boris Nemtsov was brutally murdered for bravely standing up to Putin and his corrupt regime. The Kremlin is being complicit in covering up the assassination and failing to conduct a proper investigation. By passing this measure, we show Putin, his cronies, and dictators throughout the world that the U.S. Congress is watching, and we will not stay silent. Madam Speaker, I strongly support this resolution. I urge my colleagues to join me, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 156, as amended, a resolution calling for accountability and justice for the assassination of Boris Nemtsov, currently under consideration.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. I am proud to have authored this measure with the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), my colleague and the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee. The measure before us today condemns the assassination of Boris Nemtsov. Nemtsov was a brave advocate for democracy in Russia, calling for free elections and an end to the massive corruption at the Kremlin. I remember when he visited here and I had him in my office. We took pictures. Just the other day, we were looking at them. He certainly was a champion of freedom in Russia and, for it, met his demise. The fact that he was calling for free elections and an end to the massive corruption in the Kremlin put him right in Vladimir Putin's crosshairs. Now, he joins a long list of brave journalists, human rights activists, and political opponents murdered by Putin's henchmen in their quest to silence all criticism of the Kremlin and stamp out any perceived threat to Putin's authoritarian regime. When I met Boris Nemtsov here in Washington in my office, he talked about his vision for Russia, free from Putin's grip on power, with open, fair elections, independent media, and a strong civil society. In the words of John McCain, Boris Nemtsov ``would not be oppressed by unjust laws or violence or by violence and fear . . . he lived for love and justice and truth.'' He was incredibly brave to take on these issues in a country where opposition to Putin often amounts to a death sentence. Just a few months after our conversation, as I mentioned before, he was murdered in cold blood in Moscow. Now, it has been 4 years since his death, but there has been no proper investigation of his assassination and the coverup and zero accountability for those responsible. That is certainly an outrage. This resolution condemns the Kremlin's systematic targeting of its political opponents and calls on the administration to impose sanctions on those responsible for Nemtsov's murder and coverup. It also requires the administration to deliver to Congress a thorough report on Nemtsov's assassination. That is a critical part of this legislation because, sadly, the administration, in my opinion, hasn't done nearly enough to stand up to Russia and call out Putin's thuggery. So it is up to Congress to assert American leadership on this issue. I strongly support this bipartisan, bicameral measure, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Committee on Ways and Means, House of Representatives, Washington, DC, March 11, 2019. Hon. Eliot L. Engel, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Engel: I am writing with respect to H. Res. 156, ``Calling for Accountability and Justice for the Assassination of Boris Nemtsov.'' As a result of your having consulted with us on provisions on which the Committee on Ways and Means has a jurisdictional interest, I will not request a sequential referral on this measure. The Committee on Ways and Means takes this action with the mutual understanding that we do not waive any jurisdiction over the subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and the Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as the bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may address any remaining issues within our jurisdiction. The Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate conference involving this or similar legislation, and request your support for such a request. Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter confirming this understanding, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be included in the Congressional Record during floor consideration of H. Res. 156. Sincerely, Richard E. Neal, Chairman.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski), who is a very new and valued member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 596, the Crimea Annexation Non- recognition Act, as amended, currently under consideration.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, in closing, let me say that we need to take a strong stand against Vladimir Putin and his aggressive behavior in Eastern Europe. This legislation would reaffirm in American law that Russia's annexation of Crimea is illegal and that the United States will never recognize its legitimacy. I hope the other body will act on this measure soon after we pass it, and I hope the administration will signal its willingness to sign this legislation. There are too many questions swirling around when it comes to Russia, too many times that we don't seem to be calling Vladimir Putin out for what he has done. I think that it is something that we really need to look at very carefully, and I would hope the White House would do that. Signing this bill will not put these concerns to rest, but it would help show that the United States won't just roll over and accept Russia's land grabs and egregious violations of international law. I thank the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly) for his work on this bill, and I thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot) for his work on the bill. I am happy to support it, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I am going to vote ``yes'' on this measure today, but I do have concerns about how we are dealing with these issues. Obviously, all forms of hatred and bigotry are intolerable and we should go on the record as saying so. I am voting for this because when I read the resolution, I agreed with everything it says. But let me say this to the criticism that the Democratic majority won't condemn anti-Semitism. A few weeks back we took the virtually unprecedented step of accepting a Republican motion to recommit, the procedural tool the majority never supports because it condemned anti-Semitism. We were proud to set aside precedent to condemn anti-Semitism then, and in today's resolution, we are doing so again today. So contrary to what some are saying, that is twice in the course of a month that the Democratic majority is condemning anti-Semitism on the floor of the House. But I must say, the words spoken by our colleague from Minnesota last week touched a very real, very raw place for me. My desire for the House to go on record again, specifically condemning anti-Semitism, wasn't a desire to single the gentlewoman out or to stifle debate on U.S. policy towards Israel, but it was a desire and need to say that certain words, no matter who utters them, have no place in our public discourse and, indeed, can be very dangerous. When a Member of our body speaks the way the Representative from Minnesota spoke, then we need to single it out and say we will not tolerate it. In the last week, these problems have been compounded. Since the comments that sparked this controversy, the gentlewoman from Minnesota has become the target of vile, racist Islamophobic smears and threats. One begets another. And we have got to put a stop to it now. That is horrific. Islamophobia has no place in this body or anywhere in the United States, and anti-Semitism certainly doesn't either. I wish we had had a separate resolution about anti-Semitism. I think we deserved it. I think it was wrong not to have it. I don't think we should mix everything. But I want to say very clearly and very loudly that anti-Semitism will never be tolerated by me, never be tolerated by this body, and no Member of Congress should be making anti-Semitic statements. No Member of Congress should be saying hurtful things and then not apologizing for them. So I hope we can put everything together to support this resolution. It condemns all kinds of hatred, whether it is Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, any kind of hatred that is what we need to do. And any time that anti-Semitism rears its ugly head, we need to stop it. This resolution is a fine resolution, and I will support it. But I am very disappointed that we weren't able to have a separate resolution to specifically condemn anti-Semitism and what our colleague said that really was a very hateful term. I hope we can put everything together in this House. I know we can. I know people on both sides of the aisle want to work together. We want to stomp out any form of hatred, particularly anti-Semitism. I will continue to work with anybody who wants to do that.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 525, the Strengthening the Health Care Fraud Prevention Task Force Act of 2019. This bipartisan bill would authorize the Healthcare Fraud Prevention Partnership, and improve and expand the task force's ability to fight waste, fraud, and abuse throughout our healthcare system. The Healthcare Fraud Prevention Partnership is a public-private partnership between the Department of Health and Human Services, insurance companies, Federal and State law enforcement agencies, and State healthcare agencies. The partnership aims to improve the detection and prevention of healthcare fraud by facilitating the exchange of data and information between the public and private sectors on fraud trends and successful antifraud practices. The legislation we are considering today would authorize the partnership, require the partnership to report regularly to Congress, and give the agency new tools to enhance and expand its capabilities. We must continue to work on a bipartisan basis to enhance our fraud detection capabilities. I support this legislation and I urge my colleagues to continue to work together to find meaningful solutions to root out fraud, waste, and abuse in our healthcare system. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. House of Representatives, Committee on Ways and Means, Washington, DC, February 25, 2019. Hon. Frank Pallone, Chairman, Energy and Commerce Committee, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Pallone: In recognition of the desire to expedite consideration of H.R. 525, Strengthening the Health Care Fraud Prevention Task Force Act of 2019, the Committee on Ways and Means agrees to waive formal consideration of the bill as to provisions that fall within the rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. The Committee on Ways and Means takes this action with the mutual understanding that we do not waive any jurisdiction over the subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and the Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as the bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may address any remaining issues within our jurisdiction. The Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate conference involving this or similar legislation. Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter confirming this understanding, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letter on this matter be included in the Congressional Record during floor consideration of H.R. 525. Sincerely, Richard E. Neal, Chairman.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to work together to find meaningful solutions to root out waste, fraud, and abuse in our healthcare system, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 525) to amend title XI of the Social Security Act to direct the Secretary of Health and Human Services to establish a public-private partnership for purposes of identifying health care waste, fraud, and abuse.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 525.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 501.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 501, the Poison Center Network Enhancement Act. This bill, which I have coauthored with the gentlewoman from Indiana, Congresswoman Susan Brooks, reauthorizes for an additional 5 years the national network of poison control centers, known as PCCs, which play a critical role in the fight to end the opioid crisis. Our country's 55 poison centers are staffed by trained toxicologists, pharmacists, physicians, and nurses who are available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year to provide real-time lifesaving assistance via a national toll-free number, which is 1-800-222-1222. Some 330 million people are served by these critical centers, while handling 2.6 million cases. In 2017, someone called a poison center roughly every 12 seconds in our country. More than 90 percent of those calls were due to poison exposure in someone's home, and more than half of all cases involved children under the age of 12. That is why speedy access to poison centers is such an invaluable resource, especially for parents. Poison centers also save hundreds of millions in Federal dollars by helping to avoid the unnecessary use of medical services and shortening the length of time a person spends in the hospital, if hospitalization due to poisoning is necessary. It is clear that these centers are a smart public health investment, but they are also an integral part of our response to the opioid epidemic. Since 2011, poison centers handled nearly 200 cases per day involving opioid misuse. Data from poison centers helped to detect trends in the epidemic, and experts helped educate Americans about the crisis in ways that could potentially save the lives of their loved ones. The Upstate New York Poison Center, for instance, used the New York State Fair to educate New Yorkers about proper use of naloxone, the overdose reversal drug. This bill would make sure that activities like this can continue. Mr. Speaker, I had the privilege of coauthoring the last poison center reauthorization signed into law in 2014, and I am pleased to have worked on this important bill. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Brooks for partnering with me on this legislation, as well as Congresswoman DeGette and Congresswoman Herrera Beutler for being original cosponsors. Let me also thank Chairman Pallone and Ranking Member Walden for their assistance in bringing this bill to the floor today. As I mentioned earlier, in Westchester County, New York, much of which I represent, 124 people died due to opioids in 2016. In the Bronx, part of which I also represent, more New Yorkers died of overdoses than in any other borough in New York City. We must do more to end this epidemic, and I am pleased to see this legislation moving forward as part of that effort. Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 501) to amend the Public Health Service Act to reauthorize and enhance the poison center national toll-free number, national media campaign, and grant program, and for other purposes.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our majority leader. (Mr. HOYER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This is an important moment for the House, Madam Chair. For years, under administrations of both parties, the Congress has handed away our authority and abrogated our responsibility when it comes to foreign policy, particularly the questions of how and where our military is engaged around the world. Article I of the Constitution gives Congress the responsibility to declare war, yet we have given Presidents of both parties a virtual blank check to send our brave servicemembers into harm's way while we have stood on the sidelines. With the measure we are considering today, we take some of that power back, and we do so to restore a sense of American values and American leadership to the worst humanitarian catastrophe in the world. For the last few years, we have all seen horrific images of the civilian casualties in the Yemen war: starving children, millions displaced, outbreaks of deadly disease. Madam Chair, 85,000 children have starved to death. Fourteen million are on the brink of famine. More than a million suffer from cholera. And the ongoing military operations are bringing us no closer to a resolution. The only way out of this mess is for parties to sit down and work toward a political solution. The United States can and should play a role pushing for that solution, pushing parties to make a commitment to negotiations. This measure, introduced by Mr. Khanna, will help us do exactly that. Let me explain why this is so important and why I support passing this resolution right now. In the last few years, the Saudi-led coalition has carried out 18,000 airstrikes. A full one-third of those strikes hit nonmilitary targets. This is absolutely reckless. I am not naive, Madam Chair. I know we have critical strategic interests in that region. The Houthis are a problem. They get support from Iran. They launch missiles into Saudi territory and international waterways, threatening Saudi civilians. They are starving the Yemeni people, diverting assistance, and holding civilians hostage to their political demands. But we cannot just give the coalition a blank check when so many innocent lives are being lost. And if the administration won't demand any sort of accountability from the Saudis and Emiratis, it is time for Congress to act. I want to acknowledge my friend from Texas, the ranking member on the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. McCaul. I believe that he also wants to see Congress reclaim our prerogatives on foreign policy, though I understand we have an honest difference of opinion on the approach we are dealing with today. I am glad that we moved this measure through regular order, that we had a hearing with experts and a markup, and that the gentleman from Texas and I could make our cases before the Rules Committee. It allowed me to hear the arguments from all perspectives on this issue. I think, during this debate, we will hear my friends on the other side call this resolution misguided. I think because this resolution has to do with our security agreements with the Saudis and Emiratis, we will hear them question what impact this may have on other security agreements. It is a fair question, to be honest. That is why this measure is tailored so specifically to deal with just this situation. This is not a broad, blanket policy that is going to tie the hands of the executive branch. There is no dangerous precedent being set here, just an attempt to stop a war that is costing far too many innocent lives. I think we will hear my friends question whether this measure would even do anything because this measure withdraws American forces engaged in hostilities, and the Pentagon says ``hostilities'' only applies to situations where American troops are firing weapons at an enemy. I have two reactions to that. First of all, this measure would specifically define ``hostilities'' to include aerial refueling of warplanes carrying out airstrikes against Houthi militants. Now, I understand the Defense Department has stopped refueling as a matter of policy, but policies can be reversed, so this resolution would cut off refueling as a matter of law. My second point is broader and gets at the heart of today's debate. This body is not subject to the definitions conjured up by the Defense Department. We don't ask permission to exercise our Article I authority. Of course, the Pentagon will try to define things in a way that consolidates the power of the executive branch, but Congress, with authority over war powers, need not accept that definition. The Congress has lost its grip on foreign policy, in my opinion, by granting too much deference to the executive branch, by failing to examine the decisions, determinations, and definitions that are used to justify sending Americans into harm's way. Our job is to keep that branch in check, not to shrug our shoulders when they tell us to mind our own business. Lastly, I think we will hear my colleagues on the other side ask: Isn't this just all politics? No, Madam Chair. Politics is what the former majority did to this resolution twice during the last Congress. Politics is stifling debate on national security issues because we are uncomfortable with the message it might send or we don't want to take a tough vote. Politics is walking away from our constitutional responsibilities, as Congress has done for far too long; and frankly, we have done it for far too long, Congresses in both parties with a majority and Presidents in both parties. Our Article I responsibilities are things that we cannot just simply turn the other way. We are a coequal branch of government, and we have not had a declaration of war, for instance, since 1941. We are content to just tell whatever administration is in, go ahead, you handle it. We don't have any responsibility. I hope that that stops this afternoon. The other body has already weighed in on this measure. It passed with bipartisan support. Today, the Members of the House get our chance to go on record finally and say where we stand. I joined this resolution as an original cosponsor because I think it will lead to a sort of reckoning for our government. What is our role in the conflict in Yemen? What is Congress' voice in our foreign policy? How will we exercise American leadership and American power? What will we provide and what will we withhold to push warring parties toward peace? I want to thank Mr. Khanna for his hard work and for his leadership in shining the light on this issue. I want to thank our members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee who have contributed so far to a valuable debate. I want to thank Mr. McCaul, who has made his opposition to this about the policy, not about the politics or the personalities. We are going to have a lot more debates; sometimes we will be on the same side and sometimes not, but I hope we can always grapple with these challenges in a substantive way. Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Bera), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee's Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee, a very valued member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Ted Lieu), a very well-respected member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I accept this resolution, and I agree with everything that Mr. Kustoff just said. Anti-Semitism is a scourge. It is a scourge on humanity; it is a scourge on this country; and it has to be fought just the way prejudice of any kind has to be fought. I think that this entire House should support this and say, once and for all, with a united voice, we will not tolerate anti-Semitism in any shape or form. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Chair, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), the author of this joint resolution.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), a new member on the House Foreign Affairs Committee who is already making his mark.