Eliot Engel

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 714. Let me start by thanking my colleague from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega) for authorizing this resolution. I also thank him for his many years of distinguished service here in Congress. This is especially moving for me because Eni and I were both elected to Congress on the same day and started to serve that first day. We were elected in November of 1988, and we both served starting January 3, 1989. As the jargon is here in Washington, we are classmates. We sat next to each other on the Foreign Affairs Committee for all those years and had a good chance to travel together and have our families get to know each other, especially our wives. It really has been a pleasure to be a friend and a colleague of Mr. Faleomavaega. We are going to miss him, but I know he will grace our presence and come back and visit. So this is really a tribute. This is an important resolution. It is important for its substance, but it is also important because I look at it as a tribute to Eni Faleomavaega, my colleague, my friend, a really great human being, great American, and great person representing American Samoa for so many years. Thank you, Eni. As both the chairman and the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific throughout the years, Mr. Faleomavaega was focused on U.S. policy involving the Asia-Pacific region. He was focused on this policy long before anyone decided we need a ``pivot'' or ``rebalance'' to the region. Eni always knew--and knows--that Asia is important, and that the United States, as a Pacific power, has a vital role to play. The measure we are considering today reaffirms our strong support for a peaceful resolution to disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea. It calls on all parties to reduce tensions, manage disputes peacefully, and adhere to international law. It encourages our own government to keep working with allies and partners, helping expand their ability to keep an eye on their own maritime domains. The United States, as I mentioned before, is a Pacific power. We have a vital interest in freedom of navigation and overflight in these disputed areas, which are vital to economic security and lawful commerce in the region. These are universal rights, not rights granted by some states to others and not rights that China thinks it can dominate and be aggressive in terms of claiming the seas as its own, even though many of those seas are literally thousands of miles away from mainland China. Tensions in the East and South China Sea have been steadily increasing for the last several years. Provocations have become bolder and more frequent, and little progress has been made on a code of conduct in the South China Sea to establish rules of the road among claimants. When I went there more than a year ago with Chairman Royce, we were told by the government of the Philippines and Japan that they were very, very concerned with what China has been doing and claiming. The United States does not take sides in these disputes. We believe that they should be resolved diplomatically and without force or coercion. Territorial claims--and arbitration of those claims--should be based on international law. There have been some hopeful signs. Japan and Taiwan have worked out an agreement relating to fishing rights. China and Vietnam have began discussions on how to reduce tensions between their respective navies. In advance of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, called APEC, and bilateral meetings, Japan and China decided to ``agree to disagree'' on the issue of the Senkaku Islands. They are now looking for other ways to expand their diplomatic, political, and security ties, despite their differences. In addition, the President announced during his recent visit to Beijing that the United States and China agreed to a range of maritime confidence-building measures. We will continue working to expand this cooperation into airspace next year. These developments are positive and should continue in earnest, but they are not enough. H. Res. 714 urges all parties to stay focused on this progress and to continue working for a peaceful resolution of maritime disputes in areas that are vitally important to the continued economic development, peace, and security of the Asia-Pacific region. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Guam, Representative Madeleine Bordallo.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I am going to close now. In closing, I would like to underscore the importance and timeliness of this resolution. It is imperative that disagreements in the East or South China Seas be resolved peacefully, without force or coercion, and in accordance with international law. Anything less than this jeopardizes the interests of the United States, of our allies and partners, and the continued economic development, peace, and security of the Asia-Pacific region. I urge all my colleagues to support this important resolution, H. Res. 714.

Mr. ENGEL. I yield to the gentleman from American Samoa.

Mr. ENGEL. I thank the gentleman, and I want to just say, I think we all have relatives that live in Ileana Ros-Lehtinen's district. And if we don't, we want to go to her district in the wintertime. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure and honor to yield 5 minutes to the Representative from American Samoa, Mr. Eni Faleomavaega.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio, Marcy Kaptur, who has been a leader in Ukraine freedom and other issues involving Eastern Europe.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of H. Res. 758. Mr. Speaker, after the cold war, we all hoped that Russia would emerge as a modern power, governed by democratic norms, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. Regrettably, things didn't turn out that way. It is time to recognize the fact that Russia, under the leadership of Vladimir Putin, is a threat to European security and to U.S. interests in the region. We must be clear that our concerns are not directed toward the Russian people. In fact, as Putin tightens his grip, his own citizens are among those suffering the most. Basic freedoms are under attack. The media has become a mouthpiece for Putin and his cronies, and as Russia continues its aggression in Ukraine, international sanctions are hitting home, dragging down Russia's economy. Nevertheless, we have high hopes for those inside Russia who seek an alternative, who want a brighter future for their country and for their children, so this resolution encourages the establishment of close and cooperative ties between the people of the United States and the people of Russia. It pains me that Putin has effectively destroyed democracy in Russia. We must let the Russian people know that we stand by them against this tyrant. We need to keep supporting those in Russia who are struggling against tough odds to keep the media and civil space open, to share ideas that originate beyond the Kremlin's walls, to shine a light on the corruption in Moscow and the misinformation on the airwaves. I think this resolution sends an important message, and I would like to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger) for taking the lead on this important issue, but I also think we should be doing more, and I am pleased to be working with Chairman Royce on new legislation to support Ukraine and further penalize Russia for its continued trampling of Ukrainian sovereignty. I am also pleased that this resolution lays out Congress' strong opposition to France's sale of two Mistral warships to Russia, a key priority of mine over the last several months. We should all thank France for indefinitely suspending transfer of the ship to Russia, but I think we can go even further, with NATO buying or leasing the ships. I believe that this would be a win-win-win: a win for NATO, which would acquire these powerful ships; a win for France, whose legitimate financial interests would be addressed; and a win for the countries in Eastern Europe, which would be further threatened if Russia, indeed, had these vessels. Among those countries under Moscow's pressure are Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, where Russia continues to stoke separatism. There was a vote recently in Moldova which rejected Putin and his nonsense, and I was happy to see it. In the Baltic States and elsewhere, Russian propaganda fills the airwaves, spreading deceptions about the West. Across Eastern Europe, millions wait with apprehension to see what Putin will do next. They have good reason. We know that he is willing to flout international law and trample his neighbors' sovereignty, so better to stand up to a bully now than to try to reverse his future gains. When Putin talks about going into Crimea to protect ethnic Russians, it sounds to me a very lot like Hitler in 1938 who said he was going in to Czechoslovakia to the Sudetenland to protect ethnic Germans. During the cold war, the United States stared down the Soviet Union at the height of its power and refused to blink. We sided with those behind the Iron Curtain who stood up for their universal rights. Today, those rights are once again under threat; so, my colleagues, let's pass this resolution, and let's keep working to meet the challenge of Russia's growing aggression. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. In closing, let me again stress the importance of this resolution. It is strong and it is comprehensive. It says what needs to be said, namely, that the United States stands firmly with Ukraine as it faces Russia's aggregation, period, plain and simple, and it condemns that aggregation in unambiguous terms. But this resolution also keeps the door open to improved U.S.-Russian relations should Mr. Putin cease his aggression against Ukraine and observe the rules and norms that undergird the international order. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. It is very important. It is very timely. It is important that we act now. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York, Mrs. Nita Lowey, who is the ranking member of the Appropriations subcommittee which deals with all of these important issues.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Ted Deutch, one of the authors of this bill.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, in closing, let me say that I am very proud to help send this bill to the President's desk. This is really significant and important. The United States stands with Israel during these challenging times, and deepening our ties with Israel will only help strengthen our mutually beneficial relationship. Let me say that again, ``mutually beneficial relationship.'' It benefits both countries to have the kind of relationship that we have with Israel. It benefits both countries because we have shared values and care about democracy. It benefits both countries because we share intelligence and do so many things together as closest allies. This is a very important piece of legislation, and I urge everyone to support it. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I want to send a message of support to the Iranian people that they build a better future for themselves and their children. Today this House exposes the gross violations of human rights by the Iranian regime. The Iranian people deserve better. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of H. Res. 754, a resolution condemning the Government of Iran for its gross human rights violations. When President Hassan Rouhani was elected in June 2013, he came to office with a reputation as a so-called ``moderate.'' Some hoped that the human rights situation inside Iran would improve. A year later, we know that was a false hope. In fact, on so many fronts, things have gotten worse. It is interesting when people say Rouhani is a moderate. No moderates were allowed to run for President in the Iranian election. There were six hard-liners at the end who were allowed to run. Rouhani may be the most moderate of those six hard-liners, but he is still a hard-liner, and I think we are seeing it time and time and time again. In fact, we don't even really know that he has the power to make decisions. Supreme Leader Khamenei is the one who really makes all of those decisions. So, while we can hope for certain things, I think we have to deal with things, unfortunately, as they are and not as we wish they were. For example, Iranian authorities have dramatically escalated the number of executions of Iranian citizens. This is from the so-called ``moderate'' Rouhani regime. According to the U.N., there were 852 executions between July 2013 and June 2014. Last month, Iran executed Reyhaneh Jabbari. She was convicted of killing a man whom she apparently stabbed in self-defense while she was being sexually assaulted. That evidence wasn't allowed to be a part of her trial. While she was in prison, awaiting execution, she was tortured. We all remember the massive protests, as the chairman mentioned, after the fraudulent 2009 Iranian elections. We all remember the images of tens of thousands of Iranians--brave Iranian citizens--taking to the streets, and we all remember how the Iranian government responded-- sending the Basij militia to brutally beat peaceful protesters. The leaders of that Green Revolution remain under house arrest to this very day. Religious minorities also face constant danger in Iran. This is especially true for members of the Baha'i faith. The Baha'i people are frequently detained and interrogated by Iranian security forces. Since 1979, hundreds of Baha'i leaders have been executed. The United States has helped to shine a light on Iran's human rights violations. We have pushed the U.N. Human Rights Council to continue the work of the Special Rapporteur on Iran. Now, I have been one of the strongest critics of the Human Rights Council and its outrageous bias against Israel, but this Rapporteur has done important work to reveal the scale of human rights abuses in Iran. Since 2010, the administration has sanctioned 19 Iranian officials and 18 Iranian entities. We have gone after them for their involvement or complicity in serious human rights abuses or in restricting the basic freedoms of the Iranian people. I am proud of the role that Congress has provided in putting forth these sanctions. The most recent designation was for Morteza Tamaddon. He was the governor-general of Tehran Province. On May 23 of this year, we singled him out for his involvement in censorship and other activities that limit the freedom of expression and the freedom of assembly of Iran's citizens. This designation occurred even while the P5+1 is negotiating with Iran on its illicit nuclear program. Even as those negotiations continue, we cannot and must not turn a blind eye to the horrific abuses taking place in Iran every single day. The resolution we are now considering urges the administration to use every tool at its disposal to target, expose, and punish those who violate the human rights of the Iranian people because, at the end of the day, Mr. Speaker, despite the sharp differences between our governments, we have no ill will toward the people of Iran, to the citizens of Iran. They are, unfortunately, oppressed by a government that calls itself their government, but it is really a brutal oppressor of the Iranian people. On the contrary, I believe the people of our two nations should be natural friends. Iran would be the natural U.S. ally in the region, but because of the Iranian regime, this of course cannot happen and will not happen as long as they are in power. I hope that this resolution will demonstrate to the people of Iran, who are our friends--not the government, but the people of Iran--that we join them in seeking a future for their country based on respect for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. I thank the chairman, as always, for his cooperation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).

Mr. ENGEL. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I want to first of all, again, thank Chairman Royce for working closely with us on all these pieces of legislation, and thank Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for her hard work and her collegiality as well. The legislation that we are passing now and the three pieces of legislation that we passed beforehand makes me very, very proud to be the ranking member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. I think we do good work on the committee. I think we do good bipartisan work on the committee. It is on issues like this that it is really very crucial and very important for the powers that be all over the world to see that foreign policy in America is bipartisan, that we are strongest when we work together, that we are strongest in tackling foreign policy issues when we do it in a bipartisan nature--and we have done it in the Committee on Foreign Affairs. So I want to tell the chairman how proud I am to work with him. Mr. Speaker, humanity will never reach its full potential until all children, especially girls, are given the opportunity to get an education. Educated women and girls make critical economic contributions, stabilize whole communities, and serve as bulwarks against extremism. This important legislation would ensure girls and women be given at least 50 percent of the scholarships we provide in Pakistan, a nation that continues to face enormous challenges, including the threat of terrorism. Again, I want to thank everybody. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3583, the Malala Yousafzai Scholarship Act, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I would like to begin by thanking my good friend, the chairman of the Middle East Subcommittee, Congresswoman Ileana Ros- Lehtinen, for her commitment to girls' education and for authoring this bill. Ileana works hard at everything she does, and I am very proud of her, as usual, for her good work in this bill. I also want to thank Mrs. Lowey for the hard work she has put into this through the years. She has always been a good force on the Appropriations Committee with earmarks pushing for these very, very important things that we are putting forward here in this resolution. I want to also thank my fellow New Yorkers, Grace Meng and Jerrold Nadler, who are cosponsors of this bill, as well as Nita Lowey, as well. Mr. Speaker, some of the most effective programs we funded in Pakistan in the years since 9/11 are those that support education, and particularly education for girls. The legislation before us today ensures that at least 50 percent of the scholarships that USAID provides in Pakistan are made available to girls and women. As the President has said, if a country is ``educating its girls, if women have equal rights, that country is going to move forward. But if women are oppressed and abused and illiterate, then they are going to fall behind.'' The World Bank's top economist has said that financing women's education yields the highest rate of return of any investment in the developing world. But there is another compelling reason for the U.S. to support female education in Pakistan and in other countries around the world. Educated women and girls are proving to be some of the most powerful weapons in the fight against radicalism. Take the example of Malala, the courageous young woman. We all know about her. She was recently awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. As a teenager, Malala became a vocal advocate for all girls to have the right to an education at a time when the Taliban in Afghanistan prohibited access to education for girls. When she wouldn't follow their orders, the Taliban shot her in the head for defying them. After recovering--thankfully--from the violent attack on her life, Malala's passionate calls for universal education inspired millions--I know she inspired me--and spurred action around the world. In the speech she gave at the U.N. in July of 2013, Malala said of the Taliban: They thought that the bullets would silence us. But they failed. And then, out of that silence came thousands of voices. Mr. Speaker, the positive impact of these voices will only continue to grow in Pakistan and around the world as more and more girls are given the opportunity to get an education. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I thank Chairman Royce once again for working with us and for being a vocal voice in all these important resolutions, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to again thank the chairman and thank Mr. Chabot. Getting children registered at birth helps to get them off to a good start. This bill encourages governments to enact laws and policies that give all children, including girls, a chance to be full participants in society. So I strongly support this bill and urge my colleagues to do so as well. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I will close now, and I will urge my colleagues to vote for this important bill. I thank the chairman, Mr. Chabot, Mr. Smith, and Ms. McCollum. This is a bipartisan, important piece of legislation, and I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support it. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of H.R. 3398, the Girls Count Act of 2014. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would like to thank Representative Chabot and Representative McCollum for authoring this important legislation. It is very good legislation, it is very important legislation, and I am proud to be a part of it. Around the world, nearly 230 million children under the age of 5 have never had their birth registered or been issued a birth certificate. Most of these unregistered children are girls, and all of them face serious vulnerabilities. The lack of birth registration makes it much harder to get official documentation and, as a result, these children often become targets for child labor, abuse, human and sex trafficking, child marriage, recruitment into militant groups, and other forms of exploitation. Unregistered children are often prevented from access to health care, including necessary child immunizations, and from enrolling in school. Down the line, many of these children will be unable to inherit land or money, start a business, or even open a bank account. This sort of marginalization often hits women the hardest. Unregistered women are more likely to be confined to their homes and invisible to the outside world. Lack of registration limits their choices and opportunities and impedes the long-term development of their communities. H.R. 3398 will enhance efforts to get more children registered. It reaffirms our strong support for programs aimed at addressing the undercounting of girls in the developing world. It encourages countries to support programs that expand the rights of women, especially property ownership and Social Security rights. The legislation authorizes the Secretary of State and the Administrator of USAID to support important civil registration and vital statistics programs focusing on birth registration, and allows them to work with local government ministries to ensure equal access to these programs. This complements the work of organizations around the world that are engaged in the important work of protecting vulnerable children and puts pressure on other governments to act. While improving birth registration systems helps the most vulnerable populations, it has positive ripple effects across a whole society. Governments with better records can provide better services, tailor more effective policies, and bring more people into full participation in their economies. This basic practice can help make entire countries stronger. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation. I, once again, thank Chairman Royce for his cooperation and bipartisanship. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of H.R. 5681. This legislation approves an amendment, as the chairman said, to the United States-United Kingdom Mutual Defense Agreement. I want to begin by thanking Chairman Ed Royce for his bipartisan leadership on this legislation, which I am proud to cosponsor. Since 1958, the U.S.-U.K. Mutual Defense Agreement has underpinned cooperation between our two countries on defense-related nuclear technology. The U.K. is the only country with which we share this sensitive nuclear technology. It reflects the special relationship that binds our countries together. Every 10 years, this agreement has been extended to stay up to date with new technologies and build new areas of cooperation. Now, normally, these extensions go into effect automatically 60 legislative days after the updated agreement is submitted to Congress. However, this agreement will lapse on December 31, before we reach that 60-day mark. If that were to happen, the revised agreement would have to be resubmitted in the next Congress, the 60-day clock would reset, and, most importantly, there would be no legal authority to continue defense-related nuclear work with the U.K. for some period of time. What would that mean? First, the regular scheduled transfer of nuclear material between the U.S. and the U.K. would grind to a halt. Secondly, ongoing work on submarine propulsion would be interrupted, which would affect the deployment of our ally's nuclear deterrent. Thirdly, exchange of sensitive information that benefits both of our nations would be delayed, including information related to threats from other countries. Mr. Speaker, we cannot allow this agreement to lapse. Passing this bill will protect these critically important defense programs with one of our closest allies. I urge my colleagues to support this important bill. I just want to reiterate the importance of passing this bipartisan, noncontroversial legislation to ensure that there is no lapse in the U.S.-U.K. Mutual Defense Agreement. I thank the chairman, as always, for his cooperation. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.