Eliot Engel

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to two diplomats, Security Council Ambassador Kim Sook and Ambassador Byrganym Aitimova, the Permanent Representatives of Korea and Kazakhstan both of whom are ending their terms representing their respective countries at the United Nations. On September 16, 2013 I attended a special farewell reception and dinner in their honor hosted by my dear friends Ranju Batra, Chair of the Diwali Stamp Project and former president of the Association of Indians in America NY, and Ravi Batra, an accomplished attorney, Chairman & CEO of Greenstar Global Energy Corporation and Chair of the National Advisory Council on South Asian Affairs. It was attended by numerous UN Ambassadors, and members of the judiciary and local elected officials. Ambassador Kim has a long and honorable record of serving his country overseas. Among his many postings, we have been fortunate to have Ambassador Kim represent South Korea in the United States. Throughout his career he has worked to keep the US-South Korean alliance strong, enhance our alliance's public diplomacy, and maintain peace and security on the Korean Peninsula. Since May 2011 he has served as South Korea's ambassador to the United Nations and I am sad to see his term come to an end. I wish him and his family all the best. I would also like to wish Ambassador Kim a happy birthday, which he celebrated on September 19th. Ambassador Aitimova also has a long and distinguished career of serving her country. She has taken important leadership roles at the United Nations including serving as Vice-President of the Executive Board of UNICEF and as a board member of UN WOMEN. She has served as Kazakhstan's ambassador to Italy and Israel. Her public service at home has included serving as Deputy Prime Minister, the Minister for Education and Science; and of Youth Affairs, Tourism and Sport. She also served as the Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee of Youth Affairs and Senator of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan. She is ending her tour as the Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan to return home and once again serve her country as a Senator. I congratulate her on her distinguished career and wish her all the best.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 476, the Unfair Food Stamps (SNAP) Reduction Act, had I been present, I would have voted ``no.''

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, as the ranking member on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, I want to associate myself with the remarks of President Obama last night in his speech to the Nation. I, like everyone else, hope that a diplomatic solution can be found and that somehow, between Russia, Syria and the United States, we can find common ground where Assad will not have his weapons of mass destruction and will be put under international control. But if this is possible, I believe it was only possible because there is a credible threat of U.S. military might, and that causes the equation of both the Russians and the Syrians to think about the United States. And that's why I believe so strongly that if this falls apart, we need to strike in Syria to let Assad know that it is unacceptable to gas the civilian population. It is indeed a war crime. Many of us today watched pictures of children foaming at the mouth and dying and shaking, and it's just something that will live with me for the rest of my life. So I think what the President's proposing is balanced; it's moderate. I will vote ``yes,'' and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Azem Hajdari, an Albanian democratic leader and parliamentarian who was assassinated in 1998. Today, September 12, marks the 15th anniversary of his tragic death. Born in 1963 into a working class family, Azem Hajdari grew up in Albania's mountainous northern region of Bajram Curr. While he was a student in Tirana, Albania's capital, the collapse of the Soviet Union led to increased popular unrest in the communist states in Central and Eastern Europe. In Albania, thousands took to foreign embassies in an effort to escape the country. As political and social tensions continued to escalate, in December 1990, students began protests against their worsening living conditions. Azem Hajdari was committed to democratic change in Albania and quickly emerged as a leader of the student movement. The student demonstrations helped to precipitate the fall of the regime, and Azem then became one of the founders of the Democratic Party, the first non- Communist political party in Albania since the Second World War. He became the Democratic Party's first chairman and was elected in 1991 to the Albanian parliament, where he championed democratic reforms. In 1997, Azem was shot inside the Albanian parliament and severely injured, yet he refused to be intimidated. He persisted in his mission to build democracy in Albania despite several additional attempts on his life. However, on September 12, 1998, Azem was murdered as he stepped out of his party's offices in Tirana. Azem Hajdari's death shocked the nation and he was posthumously recognized as a martyr for democracy. Through his words and actions, he taught the people of Albania that freedom is not given--it must be won, through struggle, determination, and faith. During the conflict in Kosova, Azem also supported the Kosova Freedom and Independence Movement. He was a close friend of Kosova's President Ibrahim Rugova and dedicated significant time and energy to the Kosovar cause. Today, Albania has made great strides. It has a vibrant political system and is a member of NATO, and Albanians are able to travel freely throughout Europe. Kosova also is a free and independent country, aspiring to join the European Union. Both Albania and Kosova are building strong democracies, just as Azem dreamed. Azem Hajdari has received many awards after his death, including Albania's ``Order of the Flag'' on what would have been his 50th birthday earlier this year, the ``Honor of the Nation'' award, and the ``Gjergj Katriot Skenderbeu'' ("Skanderbeg's Order"), which was conferred by Albanian President Bujar Nishani and former presidents Alfred Moisiu and Bamir Topi. On the 15th anniversary of Azem Hajdari's untimely death, the Albanian people will once more honor a truly historic leader of Albania's democratic movement. On this day, September 12, Albanians from across the country and from around the world, including Albanian Kosovars, will gather to remember Azem and escort him to his final resting place in Tirana's Martyr's Cemetery. Mr. Speaker, Azem Hajdari was a stalwart champion of democratic values and hero to many Albanians. I respectfully ask that you and my other distinguished colleagues join me in recognizing Azem Hajdari for his historic contributions to building democracy in Albania.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I extend my congratulations to the Alpha Epsilon Pi International Fraternity on the celebration of its centenary. With more than 177 active chapters across the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, and Israel, and over 9,000 undergraduate brothers, there is certainly much to celebrate. The fraternity is celebrating the largest event in its history--the Centennial Celebration on August 8th honoring the first 100 years of its existence and its success in cultivating generations of Jewish leaders on college campuses across the world. The first 100 years are said to be the hardest, but the success of Alpha Epsilon Pi is a wonderful start. I wish the fraternity every success in the future and look forward to seeing more leaders from Alpha Epsilon Pi take their place in the world. AEPi was founded in 1913 at New York University, initially as a brotherhood of young men from similar backgrounds, but expanded in time with the goal of giving them the best college and fraternity experience. Since then approximately 100,000 men have been members of the fraternity. More important is the leadership training provided by AEPi. Its members include Wolf Blitzer, Mark Zuckerberg, former Florida Congressman Ron Klein, National Hockey League Commissioner Gary Bettman, James Brooks, a producer/director of The Simpsons, Paul Simon and Art Garfunkel, and architect Frank Gehry, plus numberless more. Celebrating a Centennial is a rare event. AEPi has contributed to the nation and the world for 100 years and if past performance is any indication, this will continue for many generations to come.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Before I yield back, I want to thoroughly embarrass my colleague and friend from New York because we found, in our cloakroom, this wonderful picture. This good-looking guy is Charlie Rangel when he was a soldier in Korea. And now you know why he was elected to Congress. Anyone who looks that good, everyone votes for. It's nice to hold a picture of a hero.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Concurrent Resolution 41, as amended, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me say, first of all, that I want to thank my colleague and friend from New York, Congressman Rangel, for his service to our country in the Korean War; also, for his long service in the House of Representatives and for offering this important resolution. If you grew up in New York, as I did, and you grew up in politics, everyone knows who Charlie Rangel is, anyplace in New York--New York City or New York State. And now we actually have adjoining districts, back-to-back districts. He obviously means so much to so many people, and I'm proud to call him my colleague and even more proud to call him my friend. So I want to thank Congressman Rangel, who sponsored this legislation. I want to thank our chairman, Ed Royce, for his leadership as well on this resolution. What this does is H.Con.Res 41 recognizes the historical importance of the Korean War, which ended 60 years ago this past weekend. The resolution also affirms the strong bonds between the United States and the Republic of Korea which were forged in blood during the Korean War. During that conflict, nearly 1.8 million American soldiers served in the theater to defend freedom and democracy. Sadly, almost 55,000 were killed, over 100,000 were wounded, and about 8,000 were listed as missing in action or prisoners of war. Just as I thank Congressman Rangel, my good friend, I want to also say that the House has other Korean War veterans in the House-- Representative John Conyers, Representative Sam Johnson, and Representative Howard Coble. Charlie Rangel and all the other Korean War veterans in the House I just mentioned all deserve our recognition and sincere thanks. From the ruins of that conflict 60 years ago, we've seen the rise of a strong alliance between the United States and South Korea, the emergence of South Korea as one of the major economies of the world and a leading trading partner of the United States. This past January, I visited South Korea with Chairman Royce, where we had an opportunity to meet South Korea's new President--and we also met her when she came here and spoke before the joint session of Congress a few months ago--and we also met with other senior officials when we were in Seoul. Based on these conversations, I can tell you that the U.S.-South Korea relationship has never been stronger. With the continued threat posed by North Korea, the U.S.-Korea alliance is needed more than ever to safeguard peace and stability in that region of the world. More than 28,000 American armed services personnel serve in Korea today, and Chairman Royce and I met many of those people when we were over in Korea. And just as Korean War veterans fought for freedom, so, too, do these current-day defenders stand ready to help protect freedom on the Korean Peninsula and throughout the region. So I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I might consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1897. I'd like to thank the sponsor of this legislation, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), and once again thank the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Royce, for their leadership in advocating for human rights in Vietnam. Despite Vietnam's transition to a more open economy in recent years, political and religious freedoms for the people of Vietnam remain severely curtailed. Just last week, President Obama hosted the President of Vietnam for a visit. I was there for the luncheon at the State Department, and I am pleased that he urged the Vietnamese leader to respect freedom of expression, freedom of religion, and freedom of assembly. At that very luncheon, I sat next to one of the Vietnam ministers and urged the same thing to him as well. As the United States and Vietnam build a closer and more cooperative relationship, we must continue to be candid in calling for more progress in protecting the human rights and civil liberties of the Vietnamese people. I certainly remember the Vietnam War, as I know many of my colleagues do, and it seems a bit strange that the United States and Vietnam are, in many ways, allied and working together. That's fine. But human rights is so important to us, and it's not something we can just sweep under the rug. This legislation, the Vietnam Human Rights Act of 2013, takes a step in the right direction by prohibiting an increase in nonhumanitarian assistance to Vietnam above fiscal year 2012 levels unless the Government of Vietnam makes significant progress on critical human rights issues. The bill makes it clear to Vietnam that the only factor limiting U.S. aid is positive action by the Vietnamese Government on political, human, and religious rights. The Government of Vietnam has an important choice to make: Will it protect human rights and provide religious and political freedom to its citizens, or will it shirk those responsibilities and forsake the closer relationship that it wants with the United States? Again, I think a closer relationship with Vietnam is something that I would like to see. But, you know what? We have principles, and the Vietnamese have to respect those principles. We respect them. They need to respect us. So I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Madam Chair, I rise in strong opposition to this bill. As far as I am concerned, this is just another attack on the EPA. Some of my colleagues have spent hundreds of hours this session attacking the EPA. May I remind them that Congress set up the EPA to regulate dangerous and toxic substances in order to keep our air and water clean. We must continue to support the EPA in this task. Who would not want clean air and clean water? I think the EPA does a fine job in protecting us. My district has one of the highest asthma rates in the country. It is one of the reasons that I championed clean energy and have argued for strong EPA rules to help protect our children. If this bill had been law already, the EPA could have been delayed or blocked from finalizing the Mercury and Air Toxics Standards, which set emissions limits for new coal- and oil-fired power plants for mercury and other toxic air pollutants. Why would anyone want to block the EPA from doing that? The EPA estimates that these new standards will save up to 11,000 lives and prevent 130,000 asthma attacks. That's good enough for me. There are many, many reasons to continue to support the EPA. This bill, unfortunately, does not do that, so I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill and to support the EPA in a goal we should all share of protecting our air and water.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remaining time. We have to look at things as they really are, not as we wish them to be. To my friends who say, What's the hurry? The hurry is we don't have time to wait. While we're talking, centrifuges are spinning and Iran is getting ever closer to having a nuclear weapon. By waiting, we're only aiding and abetting them. Mr. Rouhani is no moderate. Moderates were not allowed to run in this Iranian election. He may be the least hard-core of all the hardliners; but make no mistake about it, he was directly involved in efforts to deceive the international community when he served as Iran's chief nuclear negotiator. And he made clear during his campaign that he supports Iran's nuclear ambitions. This is a bipartisan bill, and for good reason we have over 370 cosponsors. I respectfully ask my colleagues to vote ``yes.'' I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. At this time I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutch), the ranking member of the Middle East Subcommittee.

Mr. ENGEL. I am pleased to yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Al Green).

Mr. ENGEL. I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Schneider), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. ENGEL. At this time, I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings) for the purpose of making a unanimous consent request. (Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the Democratic leader, Ms. Pelosi.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism.

Mr. ENGEL. I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. ENGEL. It is my pleasure now to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the minority whip, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself an additional 30 seconds. If Rouhani truly has the willing authority to make a bold gesture on Iran's nuclear program, like suspending enrichment, he has a small window of opportunity before this bill becomes law. I think all of us would welcome such a gesture, but I'm not holding my breath. In closing, I would like to reiterate that by strengthening sanctions we are not calling for an end of diplomacy. After many years of fruitless negotiations, it is clear that talks will only succeed if the regime feels pressure to change course. That is what we are trying to accomplish with this legislation today. I look forward to working with Chairman Royce to ensure that the strongest possible sanctions are enacted into law, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes. I rise in strong support of H.R. 850, the Nuclear Iran Prevention Act of 2013. It's been a pleasure working with Chairman Royce to craft this bipartisan legislation, which, by the way, passed unanimously in the Foreign Affairs Committee. Every Republican, every Democrat voted ``yes'' on this. It now has more than 370 cosponsors. We share the goal of preventing a nuclear-capable Iran, and I could not ask for a better partner than Mr. Royce in this effort. Mr. Speaker, I think all of us agree that a nuclear-capable Iran would pose a grave threat to the U.S., a threat to our allies in the region, and a threat to the future of the global nonproliferation regime. All of us are aware that Iran has violated numerous U.N. Security Council resolutions and repeatedly blocked IAEA inspectors seeking to investigate its nuclear program. After many years of deceit and stonewalling by the Iranian regime, I continue to hold out hope that we can achieve a peaceful resolution of the Iranian nuclear crisis through diplomatic means. But time is growing short. According to the IAEA, Iran is installing advanced centrifuges to enrich more uranium and continues to build a heavy water reactor that could produce plutonium. We must not allow the Iranians to play the same old game, engaging in endless negotiations with no results while continuing to advance the nuclear program. That's why we must continue to pursue a two-track approach to Iran, one that incorporates both pressure and negotiations. The legislation before us today will significantly ratchet up the pressure and hopefully give our diplomats the leverage they need to persuade Iran that its only viable option is to end its pursuit of nuclear weapons. Among other things, this bill seeks to cut Iran's oil exports by another 1 million barrels a day, a reduction of two-thirds from current levels. It also strengthens existing sanctions by authorizing the President to restrict significant commercial trade with Iran. In addition, the bill seeks to deny the Iranian regime hard currency by enhancing efforts to cut off Iran's access to euros. Finally, the legislation imposes new sanctions against Iranian shipping ports and expands existing sanctions against Iranian human rights violators. Mr. Speaker, some of my colleagues argue that we should delay sanctions until after the new President of Iran takes office. I respectfully disagree. I know they share the goal of preventing a nuclear-capable Iran, but I believe we should take a different approach. Our efforts to impose new sanctions should not be based on the Iranian political calendar. In my view, the paramount consideration should be the Iranian nuclear clock, the nuclear calendar, the amount of time it will take Iran to achieve a nuclear weapons capability. I have no reason to believe that the results of the recent Iranian election will fundamentally alter Iran's current course. The unelected supreme leader, the Ayatollah, remains the one true decision-maker at the pinnacle of the regime. And president-elect Rouhani, who was directly involved in efforts to deceive the international community when he served as Iran's chief nuclear negotiator, made clear during the campaign that he supports Iran's nuclear ambitions.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I agree with my colleague from New York. This bill has too many cuts, and I will oppose final passage. But it does have comparable funding levels between the House and Senate for the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, which administers distracted driving prevention grants to the States. This is an area where we need to do more. Every year thousands of accidents, many fatal, result from people texting or talking on their phones while driving. I'm not just talking about using a hands-free device. I'm talking about someone driving with one hand while talking on a cell phone or texting with the other hand. In 2011, 3,331 people in the U.S. were killed in crashes involving a distracted driver--up from 3,267 in 2010. And in 2011, more than 387,000 people were injured in an accident involving a distracted driver, and 416,000 were injured in 2010. In 2012, the last year of updated data, 10 percent of injury crashes resulted from distracted driving. It's clear that we must use every opportunity available to push for strong distracted driving laws, much the same as we did for drunk driving, which worked. So I encourage my colleagues to renew their commitment to address the deadly issue of distracted driving. My Districted Driving Prevention Act, H.R. 1664, withholds funding from States that do not make both texting and talking on a phone while driving a primary offense, and goes further than the U.S. Department of Transportation's efforts to raise awareness and provide grants. These are important efforts, and they should be funded adequately; but they don't go far enough. To date, only nine States make both texting and talking on a phone while driving a primary offense: my home State of New York, followed by California, Connecticut, Delaware, the District of Columbia, Nevada, New Jersey, Washington, and West Virginia. That's a start, but it falls short of establishing a national highway safety baseline that saves lives. In conclusion, let me say, when study after study shows us that distracted driving is just as dangerous as drunk driving, Congress cannot continue to ignore the problem when only nine States have taken action that meets a reasonable standard of safety. Anything less leaves our roads unsafe, our constituents in danger, and more unnecessary deaths as a result. I urge adoption of my amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.