Eliot Engel

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, some major news organizations have been reporting current developments in Russia, directed by the Kremlin, that clearly undermine democratic institutions in that country. The latest initiative, a measure just approved by the Upper House of Parliament, further consolidates political control in Vladimir Putin's party and reduces any opportunity for opposition parties in future elections. It also greatly limits outside groups from monitoring or observing vote tabulation and reporting in national elections. This week, my colleagues heard directly from a prominent ``victim'' of Mr. Putin's effort to purge political opposition. In an appearance before the Helsinki Commission, Mr. Leonid Nevzlin, who is a major share holder in the YUKOS Oil Company, discussed his situation and the political deterioration in Russia. When he visited Washington three years ago, Mr. Nevzlin was Deputy Chairman of the Upper House International Relations Committee, and advisor to the government on Middle East Policy, and head of the Russia Jewish Congress. Today, Mr. Nevzlin is forced to live in exile in Israel because he, like his long time associate and friend, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, dared to oppose the forces within the Kremlin. Mr. Speaker, Leonid Nevzlin's statement before the Helsinki Commission clearly states the current situation in Russia today. I ask that it be included in the Record at this point. Statement to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe ``Helsinki Commission'' (By Leonid Nevzlin, July 13, 2005) Mr. Chairman, I welcome the opportunity to appear before the Helsinki Commission to discuss the current situation in Russia and the concerns of all of us about the Putin government and the future of Russia. First, I wish to emphasize the value of the Commission's mandate and stated criteria to promote compliance with the fundamental standards of civil society in Russia and the other former Soviet republics. Second, those of us who have witnessed first-hand the travesty of justice in Russia much appreciate the concerns expressed by the co-chairmen about the improper handling of the Yukos trial and the sentencing of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and his colleagues by Russian authorities. Your formal statement to the world's press that the ``case appears to the world to be justice directed by politics'' and that the ``selective prosecution such as appears to be the case here will wreak havoc on Russia's legal system'' reflects that the chairmen of this commission have an accurate view of the Khodorkovsky trial and the weakened state of the legal system in Russia. Third, it is vitally important that the Helsinki Commission continue monitoring the implementation of the provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords as they relate to Russia and report its findings to the public. While the U.S. Administration and Congressional leaders must necessarily balance many variables in the bilateral relationship, the Helsinki Commission has a clear mandate to insure that human rights and basic freedoms are maintained in the countries under its jurisdiction. Mr. Chairman, it is my opinion that the rule of law is the cornerstone of civil society because it serves to protect the rights and freedoms of all citizens. What we have witnessed this past year in Russia is a legal system that differs very little from the Soviet days. The state prosecutor is an instrument of the Kremlin and the judiciary is not truly independent. When the finest lawyers in Russia cannot get a fair and just trial for their clients when the whole world is watching, no one in Russia can expect to obtain justice. The lives of many hundreds or even thousands of people have been harmed forever as a result of the abuses of the Russian government, which has violated basic human rights and its own laws again and again. Many of those cases do not receive wide attention, but some do, and human rights groups have begun to document them. They are worthy of your attention and your future labors. I am most familiar with the cases involving Yukos. Beyond Mr. Khodorkovsky and myself, Alexei Pichugin, a mid-level Yukos executive, has been sentenced to 20 years in prison in a secret murder trial conducted entirely behind closed doors. Mr. Pichugin has been drugged, interrogated without his lawyers present, kept from his wife and denied independent medical treatment--even after he lost nearly 70 pounds while in the custody of the FSB. My colleague, Platon Lebedev, who is suffering from liver ailments and who was arrested in his hospital bed, has also subsequently been denied independent medical care. He was tried in the same cage with Mr. Khodorkovsky in a show trial in which Russian and international legal norms were repeatedly violated. He, like Mr. Khodorkovsky, has now been sentenced to 9 years in prison. The scope of the attack on those associated with Yukos has been broad in scope and terrible in its tactics. For example, Svetlana Bahkmina, a young Yukos lawyer, was arrested in December. She has been interrogated by FSB or other Russian officials to the point where her lawyers report that she has lost consciousness. She has been isolated from her children, ages 3 and 7. In the meantime, Russian government officials have said that Ms. Bahkmina will be released when her boss, Yukos' chief in-house lawyer, returns to Russia from England, where he is effectively a political refugee. Other Yukos employees have had to flee Russia, too, and have found refuge in the democracies of the world. In a stark example of how the world now recognizes Russian ``justice'' for what it is, the Bow Street Magistrate's Court in London rejected a Russian extradition request for two such Yukos employees charged in the anti-Yukos campaign. Having heard all of the evidence, and noting President Putin's personal involvement in the cases, the judge concluded that no Russian court could be expected to withstand the Kremlin's political pressure such that it could provide a fair trial to these men. Subsequently, the British Home Office has given political asylum to a half dozen additional Yukos ``refugees.'' Beyond Yukos, just recently, it was reported that Russian prosecutors have opened a criminal case against former Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov. Mr. Kasyanov was dismissed by Mr. Putin last year and has been critical of the administration since then. He has specifically criticized the handling of the Yukos case and has expressed his own higher political aspirations. The Kasyanov case has all the earmarks of another Yukos-style campaign, in which the powers of the FSB and Russian federal prosecutors are misused by the Kremlin to destroy a political opponent. The West, and particularly America, is rightfully concerned by the Kremlin's co-opting of Russia's criminal justice system as a tool to crush political opposition. The West is further properly concerned because, in the Yukos case, the Kremlin's campaign attacked what had become a model for corporate governance and transparency. No one should doubt for a minute President Putin's motive in the dismemberment of the Yukos Oil Company and the state take-over of its major production unit. Energy is both very profitable and, given that major industrial companies depend on imports for their energy needs, inherently political. It is the Kremlin's aim to control Russia's energy sector to insure its dominant role in the world energy market. This will most certainly enhance President Putin's standing given that Europe and other countries become more dependent on Russia as a major supplier. The respected Count Lambsdorff of Germany warned last week that his country was on a perilous course by increasing its dependence on natural gas imports from Russia. On civil society, whatever progress was made in developing democratic institutions during the Yeltsin years have all but disappeared under the current regime. The major tenets of democracy, as we know them, barely exist in Russia today. While there may be a degree of freedom and liberty, the institutions that protect those rights have been usurped by forces within the Kremlin. The government now owns or controls all media outlets, the courts are not truly independent, there is no viable political opposition, and the list goes on. It is increasingly apparent that former KGB and FSB officers are now dominant in the Kremlin and whatever transparency existed a few years ago is not in evidence today. The result is an emerging form of corruption at the highest levels in the Russian government. This corruption threatens to corrode the foundation of the Russian government to a degree that could put at risk Russian security and stability as well as the long-term economic well-being of the Russian people. I fear this will be Vladimir Putin's legacy. This current view of Russian authorities is not confined to me or to opponents of the Kremlin. Valentin Gefter, the Director of the Human Rights Institute in Moscow said to your committee just a few short weeks ago that ``very often, political, corporate and even personal reasons prevail over the rule of law [in Russia].'' I absolutely agree. Michael McFaul, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and executive director of the Council's Task Force on Russian American Relations, headed by former U.S. Vice Presidential nominees Jack Kemp and John Edwards, said that ``Four or five years ago, there was a debate about whether Putin was a democrat. The debate is now over. The question today concerns the nature and extent of Putin's authoritarianism.'' Finally, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that the Russian government's handling of the Yukos case ``shook people's confidence,'' and that Russian officials must demonstrate that laws and regulations are fair and applied ``consistently over time, applied over various cases.'' It is not just Yukos that is under persecution by Russian authorities. As reported by Irina Yasina, the head of the Open Russia Foundation, a non-profit organization established by Mr. Khodorkovsky, myself and our colleagues to promote a democratic Russia, non-governmental organizations have been under ``direct pressure and threats from the Ministry of Interior Affairs, Public Prosecutor's Office and Federal Security Services.'' This year, the Ministry of Justice has suspended the activity of the Nijny Novgorod Society of Human Rights and frozen the accounts of the Society of Russian- Chechen Friendship. The Kremlin has also thought to dismantle and put pressure a number on of international civil society organizations, including the Soros Foundation, the National Democratic Institute & British Council. Mr. Chairman, I regret that Russia is moving in a direction that is contrary to Western values and traditions. This must be troubling to America as well. The question is what can America and other Western democracies do about it. Obviously, what does not work are casual refrains and diplomatic overtures. Given that the hardened and cynical forces in the Kremlin understand and respond only to sanctions that threaten their own interests, I offer two thoughts: I applaud Senators McCain and Lieberman and Congressmen Lantos and Cox for their sponsorship of the G-8 Resolution. In examining the criteria for membership, it is clear Russia meets neither the economic nor democratic requirements for a seat at the G-8 table. Making clear that Russia's continued membership depends on its adherence to democratic principles and the rule of law will gain the attention of a leader who clearly relishes his position in the G-8 Club. At least America and other G-8 members should not allow Vladimir Putin to head the group given the circumstances in Russia today. Russia aspires to be in the World Trade Organization for understandable reasons. But is it possible that a major country that uses extralegal means to seize control of private assets, selective prosecution, businessmen, renationalizes private enterprises, harasses companies with bogus tax charges and fails to erect a legal system that protects investments, shareholders and commercial contracts, deserves membership in the WTO? Capital outflows and the decline in investments are clearly due to perceptions inside and outside Russia that it is not safe for investment. If responsible nations ignore these trends and do not take effective action to combat them, it will only encourage Russian authorities to continue down the path of authoritarianism. Finally, Mr. Chairman, I wish to make it clear I want to see an open, uncorrupted, prosperous and free Russia. On my last visit to Washington in June 2002, I was Deputy Chairman of the Russia Federation's International Relations Committee, president of the Russia Jewish Congress, a major shareholder in Group Menatep, the holding company of YUKOS oil, and heavily involved in education and philanthropic causes. Today I am a proud citizen of Israel, the country whose democracy protects me from false accusations of undocumented crimes by a prosecutor who is on a political witch hunt. My sins, as viewed by the Kremlin, were to work with Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Yukos to promote greater freedom, an open civil society, business transparency and democratic values in Russia to help the Russian people. This is a dark time for those of us who cherish freedom and embrace democracy. If the Russian people had a greater faith in democracy and recognition of their power to demand it, there would be an uprising in the country. But their experience is too limited. Our only hope is that America, the author and inspiration of democracy, will use its prestige to convince Mr. Putin to change his ways. Again, I thank the Helsinki Commission for maintaining its commitment to democratic values and willingness to confront Russia and other nations whenever those values are put into jeopardy.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to call attention to the commemoration of the 16th annual National Recovery Month this September. National Recovery Month serves as an important reminder of the benefits of treating alcohol and drug use. It promotes the message that recovery from alcohol and drug use disorder in all its forms is possible and lauds the collective effort that goes into achieving such recovery. Substance abuse and substance dependence create substantial health risks not only to the individual, but also to other community members in that individual's life. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, as many as 63 percent of Americans admit that addiction to alcohol or illicit drugs has had an impact on them at some point in their lives. This may include either their own personal addiction or that of a friend or family member. In 2003, an estimated 22.2 million Americans age 12 or older were considered in need of treatment for an alcohol or drug use disorder. Substance abuse is not only linked to chronic health problems, but also with other problems such as unemployment, crime, homelessness, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. These disorders can be treated, and the treatments leading to recovery are as successful as treatments to other medical conditions such as high blood pressure or asthma. Recovery, or the process of initiating and maintaining abstinence from drug use, requires persistent and often multiple courses of treatment, including behavior based therapies and for some, medication. Unfortunately, many people who are in need of treatment do not receive it. National Recovery Month 2005 heightens awareness of the need to improve the process of assessing abuse problems and referring people to appropriate treatment. It is imperative that families are provided with the support services they need, that appropriate treatment is affordable, and that access to treatment options are more readily available. Addiction is a real and complex disease, one which impacts the individual, family, and community. Our esteemed former colleague, Congressman Michael Forbes, was directly impacted by the substance abuse of a beloved family member, one of my constituents. Carrick Forbes of Hastings-on-Hudson is a courageous young woman who overcame her addiction problems and successfully rebuilt her life. Her recovery serves as an example of the importance of treatment and the need to support more programs and initiatives to help our friends, family, and members of our community.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post today noted that the nicest thing that it could say about the comprehensive energy bill is that it could've been a lot worse. That's the sentiment that many of my colleagues and I feel today--that while clear improvements have been made in conference--a tribute to Chairman Barton's leadership--that H.R. 6 essentially preserves the status quo. There is no doubt that the underlying bill is a vast improvement on the bill we marked up this spring in committee and on the floor. Two of the most egregious provisions, liability protection for MTBE polluters and drilling in the pristine Arctic wilderness are out. We are also finally enacting electricity reliability standards and I was pleased to have worked with my colleagues Mr. Towns and Mr. Fossella to preserve New York's high reliability standards strengthening the underlying electricity title. New York has unique needs that necessitate this provision including having a high concentration of load in a small geographic area. Additionally, nearly 40 percent of the State population lives in NYC and close to three-fourths work there and 3 million New Yorkers use the underground subway system every day. Finally, New York is home to the NYSE and other critical financial institutions. Although, we should have done this years ago in response to the rolling blackouts of 2003, I am proud to be a part of the inclusion of such an important policy development. However, I am deeply disappointed that this bill neither reduces our dependence on oil nor addresses climate change. The Energy Information Agency has stated that under the Energy Policy Act, by 2025, U.S. oil consumption is projected to increase to 28.3 million barrels per day and our country would increase its imports of foreign oil by 85 percent. It even found that gasoline prices under the bill would increase more than if the bill was not enacted. What this country critically needs, but is not in this bill, is a policy to reduce our addiction to oil through the promotion of alternatives and clean renewables, improve automotive fuel efficiency, and reduce greenhouse gasses. Further, it is a travesty that this bill will open up our coastlines and wildlands to destructive oil and gas activities and evade environmental and consumer protections. I wish the conferees had included more funding for smarter, cleaner, safer, and cheaper energy policy in this bill that puts innovation and technology to work. While I am pleased that the Energy Policy Act includes $5 billion in tax breaks and incentives for energy efficiency and renewable energy programs, the number pales in comparison with the $9 billion earmarked for oil, gas, electricity and coal. Even our esteemed U.S. Energy Secretary, Sam Bodman, opposed the inclusion of such measures, stating, ``these industries don't need incentives with oil and gas prices being what they are today.'' We must target scarce Federal dollars wisely. Our energy policy is intricately tied to our national security and our economic well-being. We must be vigilant in opening dialogues between diverse groups of policy experts like the Set America Free Coalition and National Commission on Energy Policy as we continue to build and improve on current energy policies. As the co-chair of the Congressional Oil and National Security Caucus, I know we need to diversify our energy sources, reduce our dependence on unstable oil sheikdoms, and create skilled jobs while reducing energy costs. We must create policies that will protect the environment and our consumers. While there is improvement in this conference report, on balance, our goals cannot be achieved under this Energy Policy Act, and so regretfully I must vote against it.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the bill, which will hurt workers and cost jobs. I am opposed to the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), because if enacted, it would have severe economic and social consequences. CAFTA virtually turns back the clock on labor and environmental standards. Many factory workers in Central America are underpaid and overworked, and CAFTA's weak labor provisions will not effectively force the Central American governments to enforce their labor laws. If CAFTA is enacted, goods produced by industries that overwork their labor force and abuse the environment will have an unfair advantage over products manufactured in the United States. Additionally, CAFTA threatens the livelihood of U.S. sugar producers and refineries, including Domino Sugar in my district in Yonkers. CAFTA would open the U.S. market to sugar from CAFTA countries which need not comply with the robust U.S. labor and environmental protections. Thousands of people in Central America have protested against CAFTA. These people worry about their jobs, their health, and their families. They deserve an agreement which would improve their livelihoods and promote economic stability. I would prefer to see reasonable, fair trade agreements which contain adequate labor and environmental protections with our Latin American neighbors. Mr. Speaker, I have supported free trade agreements in the past when there have been adequate labor and environmental standards. But CAFTA does not measure up. I believe CAFTA would not serve the best interests of the nation, and I urge my colleagues to vote no.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, the so-called Small Business Health Fairness Act is anything but fair. Congress should not be in the business of promoting the reduction of healthcare benefits and coverage and that is exactly what this bill does. Proponents of H.R. 525 argue that health insurance will be cheaper under this bill, but the devil is in the details. Healthy people would enjoy low premiums under association health plans because the plans are exempt from State consumer protections and minimum quality requirements, and therefore meaningful coverage. Without consumer safeguards, association health plans would be largely unregulated and unlikely to cover such benefits as mammography screening, cervical cancer screening, well-child visits, mental health services and diabetic supplies. While this might appeal to healthy people, it will be devastating to those who actually need medical care. Those who are sicker would remain in non-association health plans and would have to pay higher premiums to compensate for those individuals who are siphoned off into the association health plans. It is also troublesome that this legislation exempts association health plans from State solvency standards. Many States have strict solvency laws that protect workers from insurance fraud and abuse. Any meaningful insurance company should have to adhere to adequate standards of protection. We should reject this anti-consumer proposal in favor of the Kind/ Andrews substitute. This measure would create a Small Employer Health Benefits Plan, SEHB, similar to the Federal Employee Health Benefit Plan and would offer coverage to all small businesses with fewer than 100 workers. Significantly, this legislation works with existing State laws and does not preempt State mandates regarding health care coverage. This substitute very clearly commits Federal funds to aid small businesses in offering insurance to employees. True health insurance coverage offers meaningful benefits with appropriate solvency safeguards. Our constituents deserve no less. I urge my colleagues to reject H.R. 525 and pass the Kind/Andrews substitute today.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this time. Mr. Chairman, I voted for the first PATRIOT Act, and I strongly supported the creation of the Homeland Security Department and have voted for every large increase in intelligence, homeland security funding, and defense funding. But I am very troubled here. I am very troubled by the fact that we are eliminating the sunsets. I am very troubled by the fact that the administration and the leadership here are just going full steam ahead without listening to the very sincere problems that many of us have with the erosion of civil liberties. I do not think we should be trying to save our freedom by killing the safeguards that keep our liberties. These are very serious issues. The FBI can get a court order to demand confidential medical and financial records and gag their doctor or banker from telling them. They can even search people's homes and not tell them until weeks or months later. We have had many colleagues talk about the problems with library records and bookstore records. These are very serious civil liberties problems. And it is not on the abstract. There are people like me who support a strong defense. There are people like me who support strong intelligence and homeland security funding. But this is a balancing act, and my fear is that we have gone too far. The administration should listen to us, have a moderate bill, have sunsets, and then we could all vote for this bill.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I would just add again this language was unanimously passed by the Committee on International Relations with bipartisan support and no dissension. It was part of an en bloc amendment, and it is not controversial. With all due respect to the gentleman from Arizona, this is not something that should be overturned.

Mr. ENGEL. I yield to the gentleman from North Dakota.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose the Franks amendment. The language that was adopted was adopted unanimously by the Committee on International Relations in a bipartisan way; and with all due respect to my colleague from Arizona, his amendment addresses a problem which does not exist. The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks) is trying to strike a reporting requirement. This has nothing to do with the financial status of Kosova, Serbia, Montenegro, or anywhere else. As the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) said right now, consular and visa services are not offered at the United States office in Pristina. The section the Committee on International Relations bipartisanly and unanimously adopted merely asked the State Department to submit a report describing the possibility of providing consular and visa services at the United States offices in Pristina, Kosova to the residents of Kosova. That is all it does. It is very hard for people who live in Pristina and in Kosova to go to other countries, particularly old people, to get a visa. And as far as Kosova or Kosovo, there are 12 other provisions, and I have them here, in United States law that mention Kosova with an ``a.'' So for the gentleman from Arizona to say that this somehow changes existing law is just not true. This body has passed 12 and has now signed into law parts of the law where it says ``Kosova.'' So I think we should not upset the apple cart and change the unanimous wishes of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to update you and our colleagues on the efforts to combat the worst forms of child labor in the cocoa industry. In the United States, we spend approximately $13 billion per year consuming over 3 billion pounds of chocolate. Most Americans are completely unaware that their chocolate is tainted with slave labor. Four years ago, the House overwhelmingly passed an amendment I offered to the FY02 Agriculture Appropriations to provide funds to the FDA to label cocoa products as being made free of child slave labor. I had learned about this heinous situation from a series of articles run by Knight-Ridder. With ease, reporters were able to locate children working the fields of the Ivory Coast who had been trafficked in from Mali and Burkina Faso. In an interview, one of these boys, Aly Diabate, told how he was sold into slavery when he was barely 4 feet tall. He said, ``Some of the bags were taller than me. It took two people to put the bag on my head. And when you didn't hurry, you were beaten. The beatings were a part of my life. Anytime they loaded you with bags and you fell while carrying them, nobody helped you. Instead, they beat you and beat you until you picked it up again.'' One of the farmers, Dote Coulibay, explained that if a boy tries to escape ``If I let them go, I am losing money, because I spent money for them.'' Coulibay tells the boys ``If you try to escape, I'll catch you and beat you.'' I was so pleased and proud that my amendment passed, because I knew that it would lead to a great effort to end this horrible situation. I found a natural ally in my friend from Iowa, Senator Tom Harkin, who has for many years championed the rights of children around the globe. Working with Senator Harkin, we engaged in discussions with the world's cocoa industry--always holding out the prospect of even stronger legislative language. Those negotiations led to an agreement that has become known as the Harkin-Engel Protocol. It is a voluntary agreement, signed by the leaders of the cocoa industry, including Hershey Food Corporation, Nestle, Mars, and Archer Daniels Midland Company. Many called this an historic effort--an industry had agreed to take responsibility for the labor conditions on the farms, which they do not own. The Protocol set out a series of deadlines--aggressive ones to be sure--that industry needed to meet to live up to its obligations. Industry met deadlines to reach out to and sign working agreements with NGOs who have expertise in this area. Industry created a foundation, called the International Cocoa Initiative, which is just now beginning its work to support social protection programs in West Africa. However, the last deadline and most difficult will not be met. That deadline sought the development of credible, mutually acceptable, voluntary, industry-wide standards of public certification that cocoa beans and their derivative products have been grown and/or processed without any of the worst forms of child labor by July 1, 2005. However, this Friday an industry-wide child labor monitoring system will not be in place. Industry has taken some positive steps to address the worst forms of child labor in the cocoa industry. These include the creation of the International Cocoa Initiative foundation, which is now beginning to form partnerships with NGOs to provide social protection programs in West Africa. They have also begun to educate farmers about the proper role of child labor through the ``farmer field schools'' that are run to help farmers produce a better crop. Efforts have also been undertaken by the governments of the Ivory Coast and Ghana. The Ivory Coast is funding a small pilot child labor monitoring and protection program in Oume. Ghana has worked with the International Labor Organization and the West Africa Commercial Agriculture Program, WACAP, to Combat Hazardous and Exploitive Child Labor that identified more than 650 children working in the ``worst forms of child labor.'' WACAP covered less than 10 percent of the cocoa growing regions of Ghana--thus, tens of thousands of children could be in danger. Over the last four years, I and my partners in this effort have learned much. Most importantly, we learned that it is vital for there to be social protection programs in place when children are found in these terrible circumstances. If there is not, there is a strong possibility that the child will be trafficked into a different industry, such as domestic servitude or sexual slavery. Last week, Senator Harkin and I sat down with representatives of the cocoa industry. As a result of that meeting, I am comfortable that the industry is committed to moving forward even though I am disappointed that the original deadline was not met. Within the framework of the Protocol, I and my partners will work closely with industry to eliminate the worst forms of child labor. As we move beyond the original deadline, industry has assured me they will redouble their efforts to have a child labor monitoring system put in place and social protection programs as well. Industry has committed at least $15 million toward covering 50 percent of the growing areas of West Africa by the end of 2008. The sad fact is that this is an international problem involving millions of slaves today. The U.S. State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons estimates that 600,000 to 800,000 people are trafficked across international borders each year. They also estimate that as many as 15,000 people are trafficked into the United States. Thus, all the nations of the Earth continue to suffer this tragedy and we must all work together to see it finally put to an end. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I must report that we have made progress in combating the worst forms of child labor in the cocoa industry. However, we have much, much more to do.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to join my Democratic colleagues in support of protecting our Nation's intellectual property. For decades the theft of music and movies has been commonplace. But, with the explosion of the Internet, the theft of copyright material has become a crisis. Just today, the Supreme Court, in an unanimous decision, stepped forward and protected Intellectual Property. In MGM v Grokster, the Supreme Court struck a fine balance that must exist to ensure consumers' rights and protect music and video content. The Court clearly stated that ``the record is replete with evidence that from the moment Grokster and Streamcast began to distribute free software, each one clearly voiced the objective that recipients use it to download copyrighted works, and each took active steps to encourage infringement.'' Neither of these programs offered themselves as legitimate devices such as a VCR. A great majority of users knew and intended to subvert copyright and deny not just the record and movie companies' compensation, but take money out of the pockets of songwriters, studio personnel, camera men and make-up artists. We are also undertaking an effort to move to digital television. In the future, if the Congress does not act, copying and uploading a broadcast show will be all too easy. Many of us have worked on the ``Broadcast Flag,'' which is a technology that will allow consumers to continue to record a show for later viewing, but prevent the mass redistribution. The Federal Communications Commission had instituted a rule to this end, but the federal courts found the FCC lacked such authority. Thus, it falls on us in Congress to continue to update our laws in the digital era to stop copyright infringement. I hope we can do so quickly or, I fear, the best entertainment will be moved to cable and satellite and be unaffordable to some Americans. I thank Mr. Hoyer and Mr. Schiff for arranging this effort and applaud all of my colleagues' commitment to the protection of one of our Nation's most valuable assets.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 155, urging Albania to hold its July 3 parliamentary elections in accordance with international standards. I would also like to thank the lead sponsor, Chris Smith, for his work on this legislation. These elections are not only important as Albania works to develop its democratic system, but they will set the tone for the Balkan nation in the months and years ahead. The United States and Albania have strong ties that go well beyond government relations. For that reason, we believe it is very important to support the people of Albania and their right to choose their elected representatives freely and fairly. In the 15 years since Albania's brutal communist dictatorship came to an end, the country has struggled in its transition. While some elections have been problematic, there have been improvements over time, and now the country has a real chance to achieve the same international election standards that the United States, Canada and all of Europe adopted in 1990. Between now and election day, the real issue is whether the authorities, political parties and other stakeholders have the will to abide by the laws, regulations and a code of conduct. The active U.S. congressional interest expressed in this resolution can encourage all involved to do the right thing. A good election process will have enormous benefits for Albania. Domestically, it will enable the next government to take stronger measures to address the official corruption and combat the organized crime which together thwart stronger economic recovery. Internationally, it will enable Albania to take the next steps to joining NATO and the European Union. Supporting Albanian elections today will only strengthen our relations in the future. I will be in Albania for the July 3rd elections and will lead a National Albanian American Council delegation which will monitor that the polling and counting will be done in accordance with international standards. This resolution will help make the case for a good election. As the lead Democratic sponsor of this resolution, I urge my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 155.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 71, supporting the establishment of a Caribbean American Heritage Month. I urge the approval of this resolution to support the Caribbean Americans who have contributed immensely to American society throughout our history. They overcame slavery and colonialism to fight for their independence, and emigrated to American colonies as early as 1619. The countless number of influential figures in American history who are of Caribbean heritage indicates the need to set aside a designated time to celebrate their contribution to our country. Alexander Hamilton, a founding father of the United States and the first Secretary of the Treasury, James Weldon Johnson, the writer of the Black National Anthem, Colin Powell, the first African-American Secretary of State, Marion Jones, an Olympic gold medalist, Shirley Chisolm, the first African-American Congresswoman and first African- American woman candidate for President are only a few. These key figures in our history have left their marks on an array of fields; politics, art, music, business, government, and more. A large number of my constituents are of Caribbean heritage, including Haitian, Jamaican, Dominican, and others. Our community has benefited greatly from their presence and involvement. I advocate establishing a Caribbean-American Heritage month to highlight my own constituents as well as Caribbean Americans all over the United States. I support a month with appropriate ceremonies, celebrations, and activities for a people who have suffered through years of slavery in past centuries and who have come to America to share with the rest of the world their dreams of freedom. Mr. Speaker, this is an important resolution and I therefore strongly urge its passage.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I am offering this amendment and I will withdraw it because of a scoring problem, but I did want to bring this to the committee's attention. Today over 1 million individuals in the United States are infected with HIV, including about 406,000 with AIDS. New York City is one of the national epicenters of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, with over 110,000 people infected with HIV. Over 30 percent of those infected in New York City are women, and 75 percent are from minority groups. These devastating numbers are ones that my constituents are all too familiar with. Like many of our colleagues, I was deeply disappointed that the critical AIDS drug assistance programs, known as ADAPs, only received a $10 million increase in this year's Labor-HHS appropriations bill. There is no question of the need for ADAPs. They have become a cornerstone of the Ryan White CARE Act since advances in drug treatments like antiretroviral therapies have had a profound effect on extending the quality and length of life of those infected with HIV/ AIDS. Appropriate and consistent treatment results in near complete suppression of HIV as well as preventing the emergence of drug resistance. Yes, it is expensive, but every life saved is worth it. The President last year authorized a $20 million one-time emergency supplement to the ADAP program that will expire this September. Even with this emergency measure, as of May 12 of this year, almost 1,900 individuals were on ADAP waiting lists in 10 States. Nearly every ADAP State has already had to make incredibly tough choices on cost containment measures, such as closed enrollment, reduced formularities, per capita expenditure limits, lowered income eligibility, waiting lists, and increased client cost-sharing. Nine States even require individuals applying for ADAP to demonstrate HIV/AIDS advanced disease progression, at which point drug assistance has only a limited benefit. Now, Mr. Chairman, it has come to my attention that many States have Ryan White CARE Act funds appropriated to them in previous legislative years that are at risk for expiration. My amendment simply grants a 1- year extension to States to use expiring, unexpended CARE Act funds, rather than allowing the funds to return to the Treasury. I do not understand why this was scored the way it was, and I intend to fight for a change. The unspent funds typically result in delays in notice of grant awards from the Federal Government, timing issues relating to subcontracting of services, payroll savings due to State hiring delays or freezes, expenditure of other grant funds for similar services, or other unanticipated fluctuations in spending at the State level. This Congress, we will reauthorize and continue to improve the Ryan White CARE Act, which will likely address some of these financing issues. In the meantime, it is unfortunate that CBO scored my amendment as a new appropriation, as preserving these expiring, previously appropriated funds would have given States a new window of opportunity to help more people. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to urge that full funding for Title VII health professions programs be restored in the FY 2006 Labor- HHS Bill. The elimination of funding for valuable programs such as the Area Health Education Center (AHEC) and the Health Education and Training Center (HETC) would have an immediate, damaging impact on medical education, care, and research, especially in the State of New York. Title VII authorizes grants for important programs designed to address problems such as recruitment and retention of providers for health centers, shortages in nursing and allied health, and the under- representation of minorities in the health care professions. These healthcare training programs are the only federal programs designed to increase the supply of primary medical care providers and public health professionals in underserved areas, such as inner cities and rural regions throughout the country. In addition, these programs seek to train more health professionals in fields experiencing shortages, improve the geographic distribution of health care personnel, and enhance minority representation in the pool of practicing health professionals. New York has benefited greatly from Title VII health professions programs. In FY 2005, New York institutions received over $20 million in Title VII programs. However, continual annual budget cuts pose a great risk to health care in the state of New York. Without federal funding, the AHEC system will be greatly hindered in its ability to address the problems of access to health care, diversity of the health care workforce, and recruitment and retention of health care professionals in medically underserved areas. For these reasons I support the restoration of funding for Title VII health professions programs through the FY 2006 Labor-HHS Appropriations bill.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my amendment.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman for his attention.

Mr. ENGEL. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, for the balance of my time I would like my friend, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Regula), the chairman of the subcommittee, to engage me in a brief colloquy. Mr. Chairman, as I mentioned before, I intend to withdraw this amendment, but I hope this is an issue with which we can work as this bill moves through the process. Ryan White funds and the AIDS Drug Assistance Programs provide critical assistance to our communities and our States, and they need further flexibility to expend expiring Ryan White CARE Act funds. I would ask the chairman if he would work with me in this regard.

Mr. ENGEL. Yes.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate Jeffrey Reisenauer on his receipt of the Congressional Award Gold Medal. As you know, this distinction is the highest expression of national appreciation for distinguished achievements and contributions, and Mr. Reisenauer is a well-deserving recipient of this award. Through hard work and commitment, Jeffrey has become a leader in his community. Mr. Reisenauer, 19 years old, acknowledges the significant effect that the Boy Scouts has had on his life. Jeffrey has stated, ``The skills and values you learn can bring lifelong benefit[s].'' Jeffrey has certainly amassed a number of such skills, as a high school varsity athlete, and captain of his high school ice hockey team. He has also passed the benefit of his skills and work ethic along to younger athletes, by coaching youth roller hockey teams, and by assisting with player development clinics. Mr. Reisenauer has demonstrated his ability to tackle life's challenges by training for, and embarking on a 16-day backpacking trek through the southwestern United States. This experience, at the Boy Scout High Adventure Ranch in Cimarron, New Mexico, was best summed up by Mr. Reisenauer in his own words. ``You learn to go beyond what you think are your physical and mental limits. It was the most challenging and rewarding experience of my life.'' By applying the principles of dedication, hard work, and commitment, Jeffrey Reisenauer has become a shining example for others to follow. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring Jeffrey Reisenauer on his accomplishments and on his receipt of the Congressional Award Gold Medal.

Mr. ENGEL

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, the tragedy of September 11 casts a long shadow that still haunts our lives. Our buildings will be replaced, our streets repaved, the infrastructure repaired. But the people we lost, and the promise they had for us, can never be anything but a loss. They leave a vacuum in us that cannot be filled. John Collins was a firefighter when he died for us, a policeman who protected us before that, and always a generous and caring son, a loving brother, and a good friend, companion, and neighbor. He was also generous. He knew that when hard times came on someone, it was not always their fault and he would help in any way he could. He was a key part of the Skehill Foundation, an annual softball tournament that has raised more than $100,000 in scholarship money for several schools in the Kingsbridge/Riverdale area. As a police officer, friends tell of his often buying groceries for the people in his precinct or sneakers for their children. On a personal note, John was, like my father, an Ironworker, a group I have known, loved, and admired since I was a boy and my father took me to work. John Collins lived here and so it is appropriate that this memento of him be placed here. It is said that a man never truly dies as long as he is remembered. This small tribute will help us to remember that a true man, a hero, walked among us here, helping us in dozens of ways that, perhaps, we took for granted because he did it so effortlessly. I want to borrow some words from a remembrance of John Collins by Karen Donnelly that so eloquently tells of our grief: We all, have given pieces of ourselves to each other. We have taken from each other. This is bravery; this is courage. If we had not ventured out into life with both arms wide, we would not know this grief. If we had not courageously given, and taken, friendship from each other, we would have no memories of immeasurable joy and happiness. To know this sadness is our right. We have earned it. We are courageous enough to accept life's rewards, knowing we risk this almost unbearable, profound grief.