Michael Enzi

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I see that my colleague and classmate is here on the floor. I got to hear his speech earlier today, and it was one of the best speeches that he has given and the best instruction that all of us should listen to. He has far more experience than just the time that he was a classmate with me, because he served in the House as well. He is Mr. Agriculture and has solved a lot of problems in those areas, and it has been a pleasure to be here with him. And I leave with him. He has done an outstanding job. We also like some of the same literature. The Budget Mr. President, it has been an honor to serve as the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee for the past 6 years. There is no question that these have been challenging times. They have culminated in the current pandemic that we continue to confront. Throughout all of these challenges, I am proud to say that the committee has played a key role in working to address the fiscal challenges facing our Nation. We put in place policies that helped grow our economy and improve the congressional budget process. Now I need to make a clarification for anybody who might be listening. The Budget Committee is not the spending committee. That is the Appropriations Committee. The Budget Committee does a roadmap that is supposed to provide some discipline for the people doing the spending. That is where we need to do a lot more work. I want to start off by telling you a little budget story. My youngest daughter and her family are strict budgeters. They follow Dave Ramsey's principles, and the whole family participates in monthly allocation of their resources. It has made a huge difference in their ability to pay off things and to enjoy life. A year ago, my older daughter picked up my granddaughters from their after-school activities and said: How would you like to go to McDonald's for dinner? Of course, they were thrilled. My daughter said: Well, maybe we ought to call your parents and see if they would like it too. At this point the older daughter, who I think was 11 at the time, said: Who is paying? And she said: I am. She said: Oh, OK, because we have already used our eating-out budget. That is family participation in budgeting. As a result, I also have the youngest granddaughter, who saved up for an Apple watch. Do you know how much restraint of spending that is so you can reach the goal that you want and buy what you really need? That is good budgeting. We can do good budgeting, but we have to have good appropriations to follow it up too. The committee has had some real successes over the past 6 years. We passed four budgets, including the first balanced 10-year blueprint approved by Congress since 2001. We also played a key role in helping pass the most sweeping update of our Nation's tax system in more than 30 years. The passage of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act started with the approval of the FY 2018 Senate Budget Resolution. That resolution started the process to construct legislation that reduced tax rates for millions of Americans and modernized our antiquated Tax Code. It also supported responsible energy development that will keep energy affordable and provide a long- term supply for American energy. Oversight was also a critical part of the committee's work. During my time as chairman, we worked to ensure the Federal Government was accountable to the public by boosting transparency, by improving Federal financial management, by identifying duplication of Federal programs, and by approving Federal information technology. Increasing the transparency of our congressional budget process has also been a major priority. After becoming chairman, I restarted the practice of publicly releasing regular scorekeeping reports--which we publish on our committee website--that show how we spent the money. More recently, we developed information on the budgetary effects of the various COVID-19 bills. We can get those online. Providing information like this on an ongoing basis is one more tool for committees and taxpayers alike to see how the current law stacks up against the budget we are required to adhere to. Scorekeeping reports operate just like regular checkups with the dentist or doctor to help identify risks and find solutions before more serious problems emerge. In 2015, we also began regular public oversight hearings with the Congressional Budget Office. This was the first CBO oversight hearing in more than 30 years. Because of our efforts, CBO now regularly publicly releases information, tracking its forecasting records, the accuracy of estimates and projections, and the data it uses in its work. While we have had some successes, there are still many serious challenges facing our Nation. Even before coronavirus came to our shores, our country was moving down an unsustainable fiscal path. The pandemic has only accelerated this, with Congress approving COVID relief legislation that would add more than $2.6 trillion to our debt so far. In the near-term this spending, necessary as it may have been, translated into an overall deficit of $3.1 trillion in fiscal year 2020, more than triple the amount recorded the previous fiscal year. CBO's most recent ``Long-Term Budget Outlook'' paints an even more dire picture of deficits and debt rising to unprecedented levels if current laws remain unchanged--and this represents the best-case scenario. For decades, CBO, the Government Accountability Office, economists, and Members of Congress have been raising the alarm that if we continued on this course, our debt would explode with potentially devastating economic consequences, leaving us unable to fulfill the promises of the past. That day always seemed a long time away. But time waits for no one, and tomorrow is fast arriving. By 2023, barely 2 years away, CBO projects that debt as a percentage of GDP will reach an all-time high of 107 percent. By 2050, debt could reach 195 percent of gross domestic product--which is the amount of actual production we do in the United States--and the annual deficit would reach 12.6 percent of GDP. That is where the tax money comes from. Spending as a percent of GDP will rise 31.2 percent by 2050, primarily due to--this is very important--due to rising Social Security, healthcare costs, and net interest spending. CBO projects that net interest spending will exceed all discretionary spending in 2043 and will exceed Social Security by 2046. By 2050, spending on interest will be larger than any single program. That is the interest on the debt. That doesn't pay down any debt. That is just the interest on the debt. By 2050, it will be the single largest program. Now, that is assuming we continue with the extremely low interest rates that we get now. We are not even close to the national average. We are way below the national average. The national average would be 5 percent. If that were to happen, the only thing we would be able to fund would be interest on the national debt. You didn't hear me mention Social Security or Medicare or education or military or any of those things. That is why I have been mentioning this so often. Interest will eat us alive. The amazing part of everything I just said is that this is the rosy scenario. Increases in spending or interest rates that are higher than the low rates assumed by CBO means that the outcomes are more severe than currently recorded. CBO expects rising deficits will have major negative economic consequences, including lower investment and output and a greater chance of a fiscal crisis. CBO notes that high and rising debt would also constrain policymakers' ability to borrow in response to future unforeseen emergencies, leaving the United States vulnerable in the face of potential disasters while also risking our national security. CBO is the Congressional Budget Office, and it is a nonpartisan office that helps to make these evaluations. As I mentioned earlier, we are actually holding them accountable by having them come in and explain what they projected and how it matches up with what actually happens. So we should pay attention to them. I actually think that they come up with fairly low numbers. I don't want to leave this body with nothing but doom and gloom. It is not too late to turn things around. We can be successful if we work together. Contrary to what most people believe about Congress and what is reported in the media, I know both parties can work together. I have seen it firsthand as a member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee and my work with Senator Ted Kennedy and, again, here on the Senate Budget Committee and my work with Senators Whitehouse, Kaine, Warner, King, Van Hollen, and others. Bipartisanship will be key as Congress works to tackle our fiscal challenges. Instilling the Federal budget process with regular action and predictability, active legislative oversight and spending transparency--that is all critical to strengthening our democracy and reducing our Nation's unsustainable spending and debt. Since taking the helm of the Committee, we have held more than a dozen hearings on the topic of budget process reform, soliciting expert testimony from a variety of sources, including economists, academics, State and local leaders, former chairs of the Budget Committee, and even people from other countries. This has been one of my top priorities as chairman, and we have had some early successes in this effort. This includes the committee's unanimous bipartisan approval of new budget rules that included budget process reforms, which have led to more orderly, meaningful, and transparent consideration of the budget resolutions in the committee. We followed those hearings by introducing and passing legislation, the Bipartisan Congressional Budget Reform Act, which represented the first bipartisan budget reform approved by the Senate Budget Committee since 1990. I want to repeat that. In a bipartisan way, we passed a Congressional Budget Reform Act, and it represented the first bipartisan reforms approved by the Senate Budget Committee since 1990. A key focus of budget process reform is to make congressional budgets easier to pass and harder to ignore, while encouraging regular order in the normal funding process. If budgets are going to be a useful governing tool, they must matter. Budgets are the foundation by which we govern, the way we establish what matters most to our Nation, and where we agree limited resources should be focused. We have seen time and again that when budgets are treated as an afterthought or as a wish list, our ability to legislate effectively and fulfill our most basic constitutional duties is made more difficult, if not impossible. To restore budgets to their proper role, they must be enforceable, and they should increase fiscal accountability in Congress. If lawmakers approve a budget, they should stick to it. To that end, my bipartisan budget process reform legislation would make a number of important reforms, including creating a new enforcement tool that could be used only for reducing the deficit. I realize that we may not get this bill across the finish line before I complete my service, but I hope others will take up the effort and ensure the key parts, including fiscal accountability, are included in future reforms. I have had the assurance from both Members on this side of the aisle and the other side of the aisle that that is a possibility and a priority. Next year, lawmakers will be confronted with the construction of a new budget and spending bills, and for the first time in almost a decade, it will be without spending caps. We have had some self-imposed limits on our spending before called spending caps, and it has been very irritating to people who want to spend money. But now they can do that because this will be the first time in almost a decade without the spending caps contained in the Budget Control Act. Of course, even under the Budget Control Act, Congress regularly ignored the fiscal limits it contained, but starting next year, there will be no budget caps to guide overall funding levels or to curb Federal discretionary spending--no limits. This could be and should be a cause for great concern, but it is also a chance for us to work together to find a way to begin the process to address our fiscal challenges. Of course, I mentioned that that is just curbing the Federal discretionary spending. That is the little dab of money that the appropriators actually get to make a decision on, and 70 percent of what we do is already passed without a single vote from this body. And that number-- we keep trying to shift discretionary things over to mandatory so people can be assured that the money will be spent, but seldom do we ever put any money with the new mandatory item. But beyond the annual funding fight, our country faces an even more daunting fiscal crisis: the rapidly approaching depletion of several Federal trust funds. That includes the Highway Trust Fund next year. It also includes Medicare's Hospital Insurance Trust Fund. We have 4 years on that, 2024. There is the Disability Insurance Trust Fund, 2026, and the Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund, 2031. Those are trust funds that are approaching depletion, running out of money. OK. In the CBO's latest baseline, total scheduled spending for all pending trust fund programs will exceed their dedicated revenues by $12.3 trillion over the next 10 years. This accounts for the majority of the $13 trillion in cumulative deficits CBO projects the Nation will run over this period--depletion of the trust funds. What happens when these trust funds run dry? Current law requires their spending to automatically be reduced to match their income. This means real cuts to crucial programs. I mentioned Social Security. It would have to go down to the amount of money that we actually receive going out to recipients of Social Security. That could be a big and immediate hurt. So, again, a real challenge awaits next Congress as my tenure comes to a close. I am proud of what the Senate Budget Committee accomplished. We helped to improve the fiscal health of millions of Americans by passing the most comprehensive tax reform in a generation. We have also committed ourselves to working to improve the congressional budget process so Washington and Congress can get a better handle on what we are spending and where it is going, including a new tool that could be used only for reducing the deficit. We have worked to boost fiscal transparency, improve Federal financial management, identify duplication of Federal programs, and improve Federal information technology. But there is much more that needs to be done, and now those challenges will be passed to the next chairman. While I have highlighted the problems, I am also leaving a roadmap with possible paths forward. I would ask all of my colleagues to work closely together to address these issues, as we can no longer push them off for someone else to fix later. We need to find the common ground. Tomorrow is here, and we have to start making those choices not only for ourselves but for our kids and our grandkids and our country I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Madam President, I thank the leader for his kind remarks and incredible research. I particularly appreciate the comments about Flip McConnaughey, whom I worked with for 40 years before he passed away from cancer. If there was ever anybody in the United States who had a municipal problem, he would work with me as we grew Gillette, and he was able to solve a lot of those municipal problems. So he was the go-to person on the Hill for all of that. I say to the Senator, I really appreciate those comments, as well as all of the other things you mentioned, particularly the ones about Diana. Without her, I would not have had the shoe store, I would not have been in politics, I would not have been here, nor would I have been able to do anything. I wouldn't have traveled around Wyoming. She does most of the driving so that I can work on speeches and legislation, and it is a chance for us to visit a little bit too. We don't get to do a lot of that here in Washington because of the schedules, again. But I particularly want to thank you for your leadership during this time. It has been phenomenal, like the research that you did on that speech. The strategy that you put into legislation is incredible. You get a lot done, in spite of the differences we might have with the House or with the other side of the aisle or occasionally with the President, but you keep us moving forward. It is a talent that is hard to do under the circumstances that we work, and I really appreciate it. So thank you for your comments. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum also be waived.

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. ENZI. I ask unanimous consent to start the vote now.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I just want to thank all the people who came and listened, and I hope there were other Senators who were watching on their televisions and taking notes on the 80-percent tool and other things that I mentioned. But I just appreciate the friendships that I have had here. I have no qualms about leaving because of the quality of people who will still be here, still solving problems for America. There is some great teamwork that never gets any publicity but that actually functions around here, and I can't thank my friends enough, particularly Senator Barrasso, who has been a part of this team and has helped to bring me along. I have learned a lot from him and gotten to do a lot with him, and he and his wife are good friends of ours. It is not all that common to be good friends with the other person in your delegation, but we have a strong delegation and get along well that way. I want to thank Senator Whitehouse for his comments and particularly his promise that he is going to get some reform done so that the committee is actually doing what everybody thinks it does--providing a budget that we will follow. Those were goods reform principles that we put together. I have always said that the only time we are going to have reform to the budget is if we can do it just before a Presidential election year because nobody knows who is going to be in the majority in the Senate and the House, and nobody knows who is going to be the President. Otherwise, we want to make sure that we can keep all of the control for our party that we can. I want to thank Senator Blunt. I actually remember trying to get some local food and running into Senator Blunt, who was also looking for local food overseas, and so we had local food together. That was our first year in Congress. I have known him for a long time, and I appreciate your comments. So thank you, everybody. Thank you, all the people from Wyoming. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, this morning we got to hear the farewell speech of my friend Lamar Alexander. He is a fantastic speaker and legislator. It has been an honor to serve with him and to learn from him. Now you get to hear from the accountant. I rise today to give my farewell speech on the floor of the U.S. Senate. It has been the honor of a lifetime to serve the great people of Wyoming in this position for the last 24 years. I have really enjoyed being a Senator--not for the title, not for the recognition, and certainly not for the publicity. I love solving problems for folks in Wyoming and America. I like working on legislation. It might shock those who know me, but I never intended to get into politics. While I always had great respect for those who served in public office, it wasn't my calling when I left college. But over 50 years ago, when I joined the young men's leadership training group known as the Jaycees, at a State convention in Cody I spoke about the value of leadership in communities. The keynote speaker was Al Simpson, who would go on to serve three terms in the U.S. Senate. After I gave my pitch on the importance of leadership training, Senator Simpson did his usual fascinating and humorous speech and then took me aside and said: I don't even know what party you are in, but it is time you put your money where your mouth is on this leadership stuff and get into politics. That town you live in, Gillette, needs a mayor. My wife Diana and I had only moved to Gillette a few years earlier. The town was facing a crisis as the discovery of oil, gas, and coal turned it into a boomtown. The population started to skyrocket, and city services were not keeping up. On the way home from that Cody meeting, while my wife was driving, I told her what Senator Simpson had said and that I was thinking maybe I should run for mayor. It must have come as quite a shock because she ended up swerving into the borrow pit and then coming back up onto the road. We ended up talking about it seriously for the 4 hours that it took to drive back to Gillette and thought of a lot of things that needed to be done to make a difference in our town. I was new to the community and just 29 years old, but I thought that Gillette was in need of a budget, agendas, and planning--not the most exciting topics to get people's attention. I ran anyway, and I did win. Nearly five decades later, having served as mayor, having served in the State house, having served as a State senator and then as a U.S. Senator, I still find myself motivated by the urge to help my community and my country. I also find myself still pushing those same three ideas that I did when I first ran for mayor: budgets, agendas, and planning. I keep finding myself wanting to help solve problems. Once you embrace that responsibility, it is hard to ever ignore it again. I have found that many of my colleagues in Congress tend to feel the same way. The Senate is a very different place than when I arrived in 1997, and it is a very different place than it was in 1789 when the very first Senate met. But over all those years, it has been a place for folks rising to the challenge of being a leader. We are looking to make our communities and country a better place. We might not always agree on what the solutions are, but we can respect each other for working to find one. Over the years, I have learned a great deal from those around me. Just like I listened to Senator Al Simpson all those years back, I have tried to keep an open mind to learning from others. Now that my time in the Senate is coming to a close, I would like to pass along some of the lessons I was taught--and some I learned the hard way--in the hopes that it may be useful for my colleagues working to get things accomplished in the Senate and for anybody who wants to be a leader in their community. In my office we have a mission statement. It reads: We have been given a sacred trust to work for our families, grandparents, and grandchildren. We will respect the wisdom of those before and the future of those to follow. We will discharge this trust through our legislative policy, our constituent services, and the way we treat each other, guided by these three principles: Doing What Is Right Doing Our Best Treating others as They Wish to be Treated These last three principles are advice my mom gave me often, and they remain my core values. Every member of my staff is given that mission statement when they start, and we rely on it to remind us why we are here and how we should act. It isn't just a saying. It is a way to work, a way to build trust, and a way to govern. These values are not always easy to live by. We are all human, and we all struggle to live up to these ideals we set for ourselves, but that is why we call them ideals. I believe these are values we can all agree on, and by remembering the values we share, we can work together to tackle tough problems and find shared solutions. ``Do what is right'' is a great slogan, but you might ask what it means at a practical level. People see a mess in Washington, so how do we actually make progress? I believe it involves focusing on common ground over compromise, especially when it comes to legislating. People sometimes think that compromise is the answer. I think it means that I give in to something I don't like, and you give in to something you don't like, and we both wind up with something neither of us likes. That is not legislating. When it comes to legislating, often the best way to get something done that everyone can agree on is to leave out the things you don't agree on and focus on what you can get done. That is why I suggest my 80 percent tool. Generally speaking, people can talk civilly on 80 percent of the issues. It is only on about 20 percent of the issues that we find real contention. Now, even picking a single issue out of the 80 percent, you might still find disagreement, but once again, you can probably focus on 80 percent of the issue that you can agree on. It is all about focusing on what you can get done and not focusing on the points of disagreement, the weeds of debate that have choked issues, or, to say it another way, it is all about what you leave out. Former Senator Ted Kennedy, from Massachusetts, and I used this tool when we led the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee together, and it worked great. It worked even though we were on complete opposite sides of the political spectrum. I once showed Senator Kennedy an article that mentioned how unusual it was for the most conservative Senator and the third most liberal Senator to work together, to which he said: So who is ahead of me? We were able to get legislation passed that others had been trying to do for years. Here is how we started working together. When I first got to the Senate, I wanted to change some things with OSHA--the Occupational Safety and Health. Senator Kennedy, at the urging of my predecessor, Senator Simpson, did let me sit down and take him through the bill a section at a time. That is something we always did in the Wyoming Legislature. When we marked up the bill in committee, Senator Kennedy said: In all my years in the Senate, I have never had anybody take me through a bill a section at a time, but I am still going to have to vote against it. It still got out of committee. But later he called me about a safety bill he had been working on for over a decade--a bill to save nurses and medical janitors from accidental needlesticks--and asked if I would take a look at it. I did. The biggest suggestion that I gave was to leave out a couple of small parts that had been jamming up the bill. The bill passed the Senate and the House unamended and was signed. And now you see needle disposals in restrooms and all sorts of places. And the issue has never had to be readdressed. Later, I became the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions chair, and Senator Kennedy was the ranking member. We used the 80-percent tool. We were able to get 35 bills through the HELP Committee in the 109th Congress. Twenty-seven of them made their way to the President's desk and were signed into public law. In between, we were able to report out 352 nominations for consideration by the full Senate. Here is how the 80-percent tool worked. At the beginning of each year, each of us made a list of the issues the committee should do. We compared lists. We made an effort to argue some to be on both lists. Then we worked on the ones on both lists. We usually had a duplication of about 80 percent of the issues. Then we could pick out any issue and work on it, usually agreeing on 80 percent of that issue. If we couldn't find a new way to do the part that had been argued for years, we simply left it out, believing that 80 percent finished is better than 20 percent that only makes the press. The 80-percent tool is where all of our energy, attention, and talents could be focused. If we just worked on the 20 percent that we don't agree on, and never will agree on, we will only generate headlines about how hard we are working, with nothing actually getting done, just gridlock. When the news comes on, if we are here in the Chamber arguing and bickering and getting nothing done, we are focusing too much on the 20 percent. If people do not see much of us, that means we are taking on the 80 percent and making progress without headlines and often with unanimous consent. What we are really talking about is working together. That is what the heart of the 80-percent tool is. Oftentimes, people say what we need is more bipartisanship, and there is a very practical reason for that. In the Senate, you can't get anything done without working with the other side unless one party has 60 votes or more, which is rare. And even with 60 votes from one party, the bills that party passes when they have a supermajority often are flawed. It turns out that when we work together, we can create a better bill than when we just try do it alone or force others to accept our ideas. That is why success is not really about compromise. It is really about what you leave out--or finding a way to accomplish it doing a mutually agreeable new way. We used to take the people who had similar amendments and send them off to see if they could come up with one amendment. Quite often, they could. It was fascinating, when they came back, they said: It was my idea. And when all of them report to you that it was their idea, you know that you have enough votes to pass it. That is why success is not really about compromise; it is about what you leave out or finding a third way to come up with a mutually agreeable goal. Here are a few key steps that I used to find that common ground to pass legislation. First, find someone from the other side of the aisle who likes to legislate. Second, discover and agree on common goals. Third, consult with stakeholders that will or could affect the changes being discussed. Fourth, hold roundtables instead of hearings. With hearings, each side beats up on the other's witness with clever, stump-the-professor- type questions. At a roundtable, people who have actually done something on a policy share their real-life experiences. Finally, you set aside the part of the issues you can't agree on for another day. Now you will have a bill that has a good chance of being passed and signed into law. That is the heart of the 80-percent tool. This way of working also ensures that we can disagree without being disagreeable. There is a lot of vitriol in our politics and our world right now, but you can stay true to what you believe in without treating others badly. Nothing gets done when we are just telling each other how wrong we are. Just ask yourself, has anyone ever really changed your opinion by getting in your face and yelling at you or saying how wrong you are? Usually, that doesn't change hearts or minds. That might make the attacker feel better in the moment, but it doesn't do much for getting anything accomplished. Following the 80-percent tool will not get you notoriety. It won't get you fame. It won't get you headlines. Most media coverage requires ``blood in the water.'' However, the ability to work among your peers using this method can, and will, move us forward and get things done. This tool is only successful if we are actually working on passing legislation together, and that means letting the Senate work as it was intended. One of the best ways to do that is to allow the members of each committee to actually take time to craft bills. The committees are where the experts are and where I think some of the best work gets done. I have already made it clear that I don't think hearings are overly useful and are often wasted on collecting soundbites for the evening news. Instead, we should be encouraging committees to give their members more say in crafting legislation and working together on best solutions. If you look at bills that pass with strong bipartisan support, they are usually because flaws were ironed out in committee. Legislation is oftentimes at its best when it has taken time in committees being hashed out until it is ready for prime time. You might not always be able to get everyone on board, but if you have done it right, you should see strong bipartisan support. Sometimes this also means letting others take credit for your ideas. An old salesman's trick is to convince others that your good idea was really their good idea. Don't let your vanity stand in the way of getting the job done. Too often, in the modern Senate, legislation is rushed out of committee to the Senate floor. And then once it hits the Senate floor, both sides try to prevent amendments, but the process of allowing amendments and debates is a core component of how the Senate was designed to operate. Without it, the Senate can get gummed up. The gears can get jammed. Without the fresh air that new ideas and legitimate debate brings, tensions can rise as Senators feel unable to make progress. The difficulty is that each party is so worried about the next election, looking to hold on to the majority, that everybody is either trying to force the other side to take politically perilous votes or trying to avoid taking those votes themselves. No matter which party is in charge, we end up blocking amendments and shying away from allowing legislation to be altered on the floor of the Senate. And usually those tough votes don't really make any difference. It might help if Members made it clear to leadership they would be willing to take some tough votes in return for more chances to amend major legislation on the floor. People might be less likely to demand votes on a poison pill or messaging designed to put the other party in a tough spot if they knew they could face the same treatment. In the end, the onus is on the Members of the Senate, on us, to take on a responsibility to work together in return for a chance to pass legislation. I suggest that amendments should have to have 60 votes. If it was so bad that it needed a filibuster, the 60 votes would be required to end that. But that takes about 3 days. So many have been willing to allow their amendment to have a 60-vote threshold, and if it was strong enough, it passed anyway. I also ask you to avoid comprehensive. Comprehensive bills make it so large that everyone can find a reason to vote against it. Senator Alexander is a big promoter of step-by-step. That is taking a piece of legislation and solving it, and then taking the next step and solving it, and so on. This practical solution would avoid passing comprehensive legislation. Comprehensive legislation is usually a byproduct of compromise, not common ground, and often ends up being incomprehensible. Giant bills that try to do everything usually end up with too many unintended consequences and include a litany of unrelated pieces of legislation that are merely hitching a ride because otherwise they would never be able to stand on their own merits. These ``Christmas tree'' bills are often designed so that if you vote against it, you would be voting against some key legislation for your constituents. Once again, the ugly nature of compromise over common ground is clear. A simple solution I have proposed would be to pass more bills as individual pieces of legislation, that step-by-step. In Wyoming, bills have to be focused on a single subject, and all amendments need to be relevant. In the past, I have introduced a bill that would require that here, but it never was really treated seriously. To talk on a little different article, my favorite article of the Constitution is article V. The reason it is, is it assures that all States will have equal representation in the Senate. And that can't even be changed by a constitutional Congress. Since I come from one of those low-population States, it is very important to us. Sometimes we are criticized for being overrepresented in the Senate. We have two Senators, the same as California, New York, and Texas. But in this argument of unfair representation for States, we find the same inherent issues we do with the filibuster; our government was not set up to be majority rule by population alone. Our Founders, through their own debate, were able to understand the risk of pure democracy and the benefits of a federalist system, where ideas were represented not just by population but by regions and shared cultures. Wyomingites deserve to have their cultural say in our system protected against the majority. We are all in the United States of America. The Senate represents more than just the people. To protect the individuality of the States, of the culture of those who live in the regions of the country less populated, and it also represents States that founded our federalist system. Of course, at that time, several of them had little population. I have covered a lot of ground, but for my last piece of advice, I would call on my colleagues to recognize that it is time to formally allow electronics on the floor of the U.S. Senate. It is an issue near and dear to my heart and one I think will help how we work in the Senate. It is clear that anyone who watches C-SPAN that all of us are already breaking the spirit of the law, checking our phones on occasion as we walk off or onto the floor. Those devices are often inseparable from our ability to do our work. We rely on them to do almost everything. It is time to make this commonsense change, allowing iPads to be used for speeches, as long as they are laid on the lectern like a paper speech. And if Senators could do some work from their desks, like early Senators had to do, we would listen to more of the speeches and get something done. I do remember when I brought that one up before, that it was covered by--in 1997, I thought it was important that we have that use. TIME magazine did a special article on it. I remember Senator McConnell going to New York City and coming back to report to me that he got in a cab and the cabdriver said: You are a United States Senator, aren't you? Of course, he proudly was. The guy said: So when are you going to let the guy from Wyoming have his computer on the floor? Senator McConnell told me if I had lobbied it down to cabbies, that it was time to do it. But we still haven't done it. As we move forward, of course, our country has no shortage of problems we need to address. Some are out of our control, but many of our own making. If my experience over the years has taught me anything, it is that we will never be able to tackle these challenges unless we find common areas of agreements and work to solve these problems together. I hope that everyone listening--especially my colleagues in the Senate--remembers the core values I spoke of today: Do what is right. Do what is best. Treat others as they wish to be treated. I truly believe if we adhered to these ideals, the world would be a better place for our children and grandchildren. I want, again, to thank the people of Wyoming for giving me the opportunity to serve them. I also want to thank my colleagues and friends who supported me over the years. I want to thank all the amazing staff I have had over the years in my personal office, in the DC office, in my State offices in Wyoming; and my staff on the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee and on the Budget Committee. Over the years, I have gotten to work with incredible staff that made it possible to do more than a Senator by himself or herself could ever do. Thank you for working so hard over the years. I also want to give the most thanks to my family for all of their support over the years, especially to my wife Diana. It has been a long journey since I told Diana that I was thinking of running for mayor. You have supported me more than anyone can truly comprehend, and, in no uncertain terms, I couldn't have done it without you. It has been more than 50 amazing years together, and I look forward to our next adventure. I yield the floor. (Applause, Senators rising.)

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to submit to the Senate the budget scorekeeping report for November 2020. This is my fourth scorekeeping report since I filed the deemed budget resolution for fiscal year 2021 on May 4, 2020, as required by the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019, BBA19. The report compares current-law levels of spending and revenues with the amounts agreed to in BBA19. In the Senate, this information is used to determine whether budgetary points of order lie against pending legislation. The Republican staff of the Budget Committee and the Congressional Budget Office, CBO, prepared this report pursuant to section 308(b) of the Congressional Budget Act, CBA. The information included in this report is current through November 6, 2020. Since I filed the last scorekeeping report on September 10, 2020, two measures with significant enforceable budgetary effects have been enacted. The first measure, the Continuing Appropriations Act, 2021 and Other Extensions Act, P.L. 116-159, continued funding for all 12 annual appropriations bills through December 11, 2020, and extended or modified numerous surface transportation, healthcare, nutrition and commodities, veterans' health and benefits, and immigration programs and policies. The authorizing non-emergency provisions of the bill, which were scored to the Finance (Division C), Agriculture (Division D), and Veterans' Affairs (Division E) committees, would increase the deficit $97.6 billion in fiscal year 2021, $7.1 billion over fiscal year 2021-2025, and $8.4 billion over fiscal year 2021-2030. The bill passed the Senate by a vote of 84-10. The second measure, the Extension of the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act, P.L. 116-164, extended preferential duty treatment for certain apparel items produced in the Caribbean Basin through fiscal year 2030. It also extended the date through which certain customs user fees and merchandise processing fees may be collected from September 30, 2029, to October 21, 2029. CBO estimated the bill would decrease revenue by $299 million over the fiscal year 2021-2030 period, but the fee extensions would reduce direct outlays by $435 million in fiscal year 2030. On net, the bill would reduce deficits by $136 million over the fiscal year 2021-2030 budget window. This bill cleared the Senate by unanimous consent and was charged to the Finance Committee. Budget Committee Republican staff prepared Tables A-D. Table A provides the amount by which each Senate authorizing committee exceeds or falls below its allocations for budget authority and outlays under the fiscal year 2021 deemed budget resolutions. This information is used for enforcing committee allocations pursuant to section 302 of the CBA. As the table shows, five committees are currently out of compliance with their allocations. The Finance Committee's fiscal year 2021 breach is the largest for this recording period and primarily stems from Division C, title V of P.L. 116-159, which provided accelerated and advanced payments to Medicare providers. CBO estimated that these advanced payments would be recouped in future years. Table B provides the amount by which the Senate Committee on Appropriations is below or exceeds the statutory spending limits. This information is used to determine points of order related to the spending caps found in sections 312 and 314 of the CBA. Appropriations for fiscal year 2021, displayed in this table, show that the Appropriations Committee is currently compliant with spending limits for fiscal year 2021. As of this filing, no full-year annual appropriations bills have been enacted and figures displayed represent advanced and permanent appropriations previously provided as well as full-year anomalies from the most recently enacted continuing resolution. Notably, P.L. 116-159 provided a full-year annual appropriation of $13 million for costs associated with the upcoming Presidential inauguration in January. This appropriation is categorized as nonsecurity and has been charged to the Financial Services and General Government subcommittee. Table C displays figures related to the limit on the use of changes in mandatory programs, CHIMPs, in appropriations bills. This $15 billion CHIMP limitation for fiscal year 2021 is found in section 207 of BBA19. The Appropriations Committee is currently in compliance with this limit. Table D provides the amount of budget authority enacted for fiscal year 2021 that has been designated as either for an emergency or for overseas contingency operations--OCO--pursuant to section 251 (b)(2)(A) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, as amended. Funding that receives either of these designations results in cap adjustments to enforceable discretionary spending limits. There are no limits on either emergency or OCO spending; however, any Senator may challenge the designation with a point of order to strike the designation on the floor. No new budget authority with either of these designations has been enacted for fiscal year 2021. In addition to the tables provided by Budget Committee Republican staff, I am submitting CBO tables which I will use to enforce budget totals approved by Congress. For fiscal year 2021, CBO annualizes the effects of the last continuing resolution, which provides funding through December 11, 2020. For the enforcement of budgetary aggregates under section 311 of the CBA, the Budget Committee historically excludes temporary funding. As such, the current law levels, which exclude the temporary effects of the continuing resolution, are $1,079.0 billion and $569.6 billion in budget authority and outlays, respectively, below allowable levels, Tables 1 and 2. This spending room will be spent down as regular appropriations bills are enacted for the budget year. Revenues exceed assumed levels by $267 million, $1.4 billion, and $2.8 billion over the fiscal year 2021, fiscal year 2021-2025, and fiscal year 2021-2030 periods, respectively. Social Security levels are at the levels assumed by the fiscal year 2021 deemed budget. CBO's report also provides information needed to enforce the Senate Pay-As-You-Go, PAYGO, rule, table 3. This rule is enforced under section 4106 of the 2018 budget resolution. The Senate PAYGO scorecard currently shows enacted deficit increases in every enforceable window. The largest debit on the scorecard is $17.1 billion over the fiscal year 2020-2030 period. The deficit increases caused by the authorizing provisions of the most recently enacted continuing resolution were excluded from the PAYGO scorecard pursuant to a direction in that law. This submission also includes a table tracking the Senate's budget enforcement activity on the floor since the enforcement filing on May 4, 2020. No points of order have been raised since my September report. All years in the accompanying tables are fiscal years. I ask unanimous consent that the accompanying tables be printed in the Record.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to speak on the opening of the Cheyenne National Cemetery and the hard work that has been put in to this project over the past few years. This is a historic accomplishment for Wyoming. The Cheyenne National Cemetery is the first veterans cemetery in Wyoming that is run by the Department of Veterans Affairs. Before I became a Senator, Wyoming was campaigning for a national cemetery within the State. Once I was in the Senate, I had the opportunity to help advance this project with the help of veterans, F.E. Warren Air Force Base, and the patriotic people of Wyoming. They are all to be congratulated, and I know all are thankful this day is finally here. The opening of this national cemetery will allow veterans in rural areas to be buried in their home State. Before it was constructed, veterans had to go to neighboring States in order to be laid to rest. Now, the Cheyenne National Cemetery will be used to serve approximately 22,000 veterans and their families. Wyoming has worked for a long time, in conjunction with the VA, to give our State veterans what they deserve: a place to rest in peace alongside their fellow servicemembers. Burial services have also been expanded to veterans' spouses and other eligible family members, for they too have sacrificed so much for their country. National cemeteries are a way to honor our service men and women and serve as a constant reminder that freedom isn't free. It comes to us at great cost and tremendous personal sacrifice. Each name that has been enshrined has a story to tell about someone who left family and friends, safety and security behind to be part of a cause much greater than themselves. In the end, many of them gave up all of their tomorrows so that today's world might be a better place for us all to live. I am extremely proud of the steps that the VA and the great State of Wyoming have taken in order to honor our veterans. We must never forget the sacrifices of these brave men and women.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I thought I would deliver a little good news. It is a little hard to get good news these days, but I ran across some. I want to tell you about a man named Dr. John David Arnold, who, many years ago, started out teaching school. He taught school in Arizona. He had a little blue bus from which he had ripped out the seats and put in desks. He used that blue bus to follow the migrant workers from Arizona clear to the northern border as they worked, teaching the migrant kids. He came up with an idea. As technology advanced, he said: You know, if I give the kids a computer, I can handle a whole lot more kids. They could use the phone to send their assignments in. He did that. So remote learning has been around for a long time--probably 40 years. One of the benefits he found was that the parents benefited from it too. The parents of these migrant workers learned along with their kids. That program grew. Then he came up with another problem that he saw a solution for, and that is that, in Phoenix, there were a lot of high school dropouts and some kids being expelled. There weren't good results from that. So he thought maybe he could start a school for these kids, and he would only take a student who had dropped out or been expelled if they would sign a contract. They and their parents had to sign a contract before they could become students. That contract had to say, of course, that they would behave, they would do their work, and what their goal was for a job after they got out of high school. Then he trained them for that. That was also a successful educational endeavor that goes on today. There have been a lot of graduates from that, and, today, there are students helping students. A lot of people who graduated from that want to work with their hands and do things. He has turned out a lot of mechanics, and he has helped some mechanics get their own garages. Those mechanics have contributed money so that other kids who graduate can go into competition with them, but so that they will have the same kind of a start that they had. Now the students in the school and the graduates are working on inventions to fight against COVID. This isn't their first crisis. They were there after Katrina, and they are still there doing work. On COVID, they have been providing food, clothing, and medical supplies. They are still doing the job training. They have been working on some mental health problems. They have helped with utilities. They have helped with rent, and they have helped with group homes. Where is this happening? It is not just in Arizona, not just in Phoenix where it all started. It is happening in much of Arizona and in a lot of New Mexico. They are working with the Apaches and the Navajos. They are working against COVID in Mexico and in Africa. Yes, his school has expanded to Africa. They are in Ghana. They are in Cameroon. They are in Nigeria and in Liberia. There are some good things happening in this world--people watching out for other people. It isn't government that has all the solutions. It is people caring about people. I congratulate Dr. John David Arnold and his efforts following the blue bus and through these other iterations of education. I hope he is helping others with more on remote learning because that is where America is at the moment. I thank you for the time. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for a few minutes as if in morning business.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to be introduce a bill to honor the late Robert L. Brown of Thermopolis, WY. Robert Brown was a lifelong resident of Thermopolis, WY, and he exemplified Wyoming's values and a commitment to public service. After graduating from Thermopolis High School, Bob was inducted into the Army in 1944, and he served in both the Europe and Pacific theaters. Later, in 1950, when he was part of the National Guard, Bob deployed to Korea, where he was a member of the 300th Armored Field Artillery Battalion. He served in World War II, in both theaters, and then in Korea. The United States was poorly prepared for Korea, downsizing the military after the Second World War. The National Guard responded with little or no training or equipment. Bob Brown went to another war. He earned a Unit Citation. He received the Combat Infantry Badge and the Purple Heart. Upon returning to Thermopolis, Bob began a career with the U.S. Postal Service. That career spanned 44 years, including many years as postmaster. I hope John will tell more of the postal love affair and how Bob Brown met and courted the person who picked up the mail. That lady later became my first Sunday school teacher. Bob passed away earlier this month. At 94 years of age, he did have some health issues, but he had a devoted daughter, Bobbi Brown Barrasso, wife of Senator Barrasso, who had been Senator Thomas' State director. She was her dad's caregiver. She took care of him in Casper as well as Thermopolis. She drove him back and forth wherever he wanted or needed to go, which meant especially back and forth to needed clinics with doctors in Thermopolis and in Casper. When COVID happened, she stayed with him and protected him. Bob Brown will be sorely missed in his community, and I can think of no better way to honor someone with such a long and storied career with the U.S. Postal Service, as well as with the people of Thermopolis, than to introduce this bill to name the Thermopolis post office after him. That historic building holds the memories of a veteran who came home to work and spent his entire career in that building, winding up as postmaster. The lead Democratic cosponsor of this bipartisan bill is Senator Tom Carper, who is the strongest advocate I know of for the U.S. Postal Service.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, section 251 of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, BBEDCA, establishes statutory limits on discretionary spending and allows for various adjustments to those limits. In addition, sections 302 and 314(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 allow the Chairman of the Budget Committee to establish and make revisions to allocations, aggregates, and levels consistent with those adjustments. The Senate will soon consider H.R. 8337, the Continuing Appropriations Act, 2021 and Other Extensions Act. This measure includes two provisions, found in sections 126 and 163, that are designated as being for emergency purposes pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(i) of BBEDCA. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that these provisions will have no net effect on budget authority but would result in $92 million in outlays in fiscal year 2021. As a result of the emergency designations, I am revising the outlay allocation to the Committee on Appropriations by $92 million in fiscal year 2021. Further, I am increasing the budgetary outlay aggregate for fiscal year 2021 by equivalent amounts. I ask unanimous consent that the accompanying tables, which provide details about the adjustment, be printed in the Record.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. I yield the floor.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to submit to the Senate the budget scorekeeping report for September 2020. This is my third scorekeeping report since I filed the deemed budget resolution for fiscal year 2021 on May 4, 2020, as required by the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019, BBA19. The report compares current-law levels of spending and revenues with the amounts agreed to in BBA19. In the Senate, this information is used to determine whether budgetary points of order lie against pending legislation. The Republican staff of the Budget Committee and the Congressional Budget Office prepared this report pursuant to section 308(b) of the Congressional Budget Act. The information included in this report is current through September 4, 2020. Since I filed the last scorekeeping report on July 23, 2020, two measures with significant enforceable budgetary effects have been enacted. The first measure, the Great American Outdoors Act, P.L. 116- 152, established a National Parks and Public Land Legacy Restoration Fund to address deferred maintenance on Federal lands and provided $900 million per year in permanent, mandatory funding for the Land and Water Conservation Fund. CBO estimated this legislation, which passed the Senate by a vote of 73-25, would increase the deficit by $17.3 billion over the fiscal year 2021-2030 period. The second measure, the Ryan Kules and Paul Benne Specially Adaptive Housing Improvement Act of 2019, P.L. 116-154, modified certain veteran housing and education benefits. CBO estimated that this legislation would increase direct spending in the near term but would ultimately be offset over the fiscal year 2020-2030 window. Budget Committee Republican staff prepared Tables A-G. Table A provides the amount by which each Senate authorizing committee exceeds or falls below its allocations for budget authority and outlays under the fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021 deemed budget resolutions. This information is used for enforcing committee allocations pursuant to section 302 of the CBA. Compliance remains substantively unchanged since my last report, with the exception of the Energy and Natural Resources and Veterans' Affairs Committees. The enactment of the Great American Outdoors Act has caused significant violations of ENR's allocations provided in the fiscal year 2021 deemed budget. Enactment of P.L. 116-154 caused violations in the fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021 windows for the Veterans' Affairs Committee, which were then mitigated by deficit reduction in the out-years. Tables B-G, which track spending related to the appropriations process, remain unchanged from my last report. In addition to the tables provided by Budget Committee Republican staff, I am submitting CBO tables which I will use to enforce budget totals approved by Congress. Because legislation can still be enacted that would have an effect on fiscal year 2020, CBO provided spending and revenue reports for both fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021. This information is used to enforce aggregate spending levels in budget resolutions under CBA section 311. CBO's estimates show that current levels of spending for fiscal year 2020 exceed amounts in last year's budget resolution by $68.6 billion in budget authority and $55.1 billion in outlays 2020-- Tables 1-2. Revenues are $114.8 billion below the revenue floor. Additionally, Social Security outlays are at the levels assumed for 2020, while Social Security revenues are $16 million above the levels assumed in budget. For fiscal year 2021, the current law levels are $1,177.1 billion and $667.5 billion in budget authority and outlays, respectively, below allowable levels--2021, Tables 1-2. This spending room will be spent down as regular appropriations bills are enacted for fiscal year 2021. Revenues and Social Security levels are at the levels assumed by the fiscal year 2021 deemed budget for this budget year. Over the fiscal year 2021-2025 and 2021-2030 period, revenues are $5 million and $28 million, respectively, greater than revenue levels assumed in the deemed budget resolution. CBO's report also provides information needed to enforce the Senate Pay-As-You-Go--PAYGO--rule--2021, Table 3. This rule is enforced under section 4106 of the 2018 budget resolution. The Senate PAYGO scorecard currently shows enacted deficit increases in every enforceable window. The largest debit on the scorecard is $17.3 billion over the fiscal year 2020-2030 period. This submission also includes a table tracking the Senate's budget enforcement activity on the floor since the enforcement filing on May 4, 2020. No points of order have been raised since my July report. An years in the accompanying tables are fiscal years. I ask unanimous consent that the accompanying tables be printed in the Record.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, today I am pleased to recognize Jack and Diana Berger, who are being inducted into the Wyoming Agriculture Hall of Fame. Every year since 1992, Wyoming has recognized individuals who have made substantial contributions to agriculture in our great State. I am proud to say that Jack and Diana Berger more than meet these qualifications and are well deserving of this honor. Natives of Saratoga, WY, Jack and Diana Berger remain committed to Wyoming's agriculture industry and the Saratoga community. Jack is currently serving as president of the Wyoming Natural Resource Foundation, which is dedicated to conserving Wyoming's natural resources, heritage, and culture. He has been instrumental in providing the necessary support to fund a variety of water quality initiatives and rangeland and wildlife habitat improvement projects. Jack is also the past president of the Carbon County Stock Growers. Diana was elected to serve on Carbon County School District No. 2 for two terms. In 2018, she was appointed by then-Wyoming Governor Matt Mead to serve on the Wyoming State Fair Advisory Board and elected to serve as chair in 2019. As a member of the Wyoming Stock Growers Environmental Stewardship Committee, Diana played an intricate role in selecting members of the Wyoming agricultural community who exhibit outstanding stewardship ethics. These are just a few of the organizations Jack and Diana have dedicated their time to. Perhaps more inspirational than their achievements, however, is the Bergers' commitment to the Saratoga community. Jack and Diana have a passion for the agriculture industry and their fellow producers, and want to see these people succeed right alongside them. They genuinely enjoy ranching and making a living off of the land. The Bergers also firmly believe, like myself, that the most effective policy decisions are made at the State and local level, especially when concerning critical industries like agriculture. Like most folks in the great State of Wyoming, the Bergers know that hard work, proper stewardship of the land, and a commitment to your neighbor go a long way in ensuring a strong agriculture industry and happy and healthy communities. Fortunately for Wyoming, the Bergers also truly understand the importance of passing their knowledge on to the next generation of Wyomingites. They continue to share their passion for agriculture with their children Jace, Aubrey, Kyle, and Kirby. Jack and Diana remain active in the Carbon County Fair with 4-H and FFA. It is truly inspiring to see Wyomingites who understand the importance of passing their knowledge on to those who come next, so they too can have a positive impact on Wyoming's agriculture industry like Jack and Diana have. The Bergers' values, dedication, and work ethic exemplify the Wyoming way of life. I want to extend my congratulations to them and thank them for their service and years of hard work. Jack and Diana Berger truly live the Cowboy way of life, and I am proud to have the opportunity to recognize their achievements as inductees into the Wyoming Agriculture Hall of Fame. Wyoming is well served by their lasting and continuing contributions to our great State.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to submit to the Senate the budget scorekeeping report for July 2020. This is my second scorekeeping report since I filed the deemed budget resolution for fiscal year 2021 on May 4, 2020, as required by the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019, BBA19. The report compares current-law levels of spending and revenues with the amounts agreed to in BBA19. In the Senate, this information is used to determine whether budgetary points of order lie against pending legislation. The Republican staff of the Budget Committee and the Congressional Budget Office prepared this report pursuant to section 308(b) of the Congressional Budget Act. The information included in this report is current through July 17, 2020. Since I filed the last scorekeeping report on June 4, 2020, three measures with significant enforceable budgetary effects have been enacted. Two of those measures, the Paycheck Protection Program Flexibility Act of 2020, P.L. 116-142, and the Emergency Aid for Returning Americans Affected by Coronavirus Act, P.L. 116-148, were designated as emergencies by Congress and are not subject to budgetary enforcement. The third measure, the Hong Kong Autonomy Act, P.L. 116- 149, increased both direct spending and revenues due to its imposed sanctions regime. Over the fiscal year 2021-2030 period, P.L. 116-149 would increase spending by $21 million and revenues by $28 million for a total deficit reduction of $7 million. Budget Committee Republican staff prepared Tables A-G. Table A provides the amount by which each Senate authorizing committee exceeds or falls below its allocations for budget authority and outlays under the fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021 deemed budget resolutions. This information is used for enforcing committee allocations pursuant to section 302 of the CBA. Committee compliance with allocation remains consistent with last month's report with the exception of the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee. Passage of the Hong Kong Autonomy Act led to spending in excess of that committee's allowable levels over the fiscal year 2021-2025 and fiscal year 2021-2030 periods by $4 million and $21 million, respectively. Spending in this bill is largely due to increased receipts to the United States Victims of State Sponsored Terrorism Fund that are then spent without further appropriation. Tables B and C provide the amount by which the Senate Committee on Appropriations is below or exceeds the statutory spending limits. This information is used to determine points of order related to the spending caps found in sections 312 and 314 of the CBA. The tables show that the Appropriations Committee is compliant with spending limits for fiscal years 2020 and 2021. The figures included in Table C reflect advanced and permanent appropriations that have already been enacted but will become available for obligation in fiscal year 2021. Tables D and E display figures related to limits on the use of changes in mandatory programs, CHlMPs, in appropriations bills. These $15 billion limits, found in the fiscal year 2018 budget resolution for fiscal year 2020 and section 207 of BBA19 for fiscal year 2021, currently show the Appropriations Committee in compliance. Tables F and G provide the amount of budget authority enacted for 2020 and 2021, respectively, that have been designated as either for an emergency or for overseas contingency operations, OCO, pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, as amended. Funding that receives either of these designations results in cap adjustments to enforceable discretionary spending limits. There is no limit on either emergency or OCO spending; however, any Senator may challenge the designation with a point of order to strike the designation on the floor. In addition to the tables provided by Budget Committee Republican staff, I am submitting CBO tables which I will use to enforce budget totals approved by Congress. Because legislation can still be enacted that have an effect on fiscal year 2020, CBO provided spending and revenue reports for both fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021. This information is used to enforce aggregate spending levels in budget resolutions under CBA section 311. CBO's estimates show that current levels of spending for fiscal year 2020 exceed amounts in last year's budget resolution by $68.6 billion in budget authority and $55.1 billion in outlays--2020, Tables 1-2. Revenues are $114.8 billion below the revenue floor. As well, Social Security outlays are at levels assumed for 2020, while Social Security revenues are $16 million above levels assumed in budget. For fiscal year 2021, the current law levels are $1,180.0 billion and $667.8 billion in budget authority and outlays, respectively, below allowable levels--2021, Tables 1-2. This spending room will be spent down as regular appropriations bills are enacted for fiscal year 2021. Revenues and Social Security levels are at the levels assumed by the fiscal year 2021 deemed budget for this budget year. Over the fiscal year 2021-2025 and fiscal year 2021-2030 period, revenues are $5 million and $28 million, respectively, greater than revenue levels assumed in the deemed budget resolution. These revenue increases are due to the enactment of the Hong Kong Autonomy Act earlier this month. CBO's report also provides information needed to enforce the Senate pay-as-you-go, PAYGO, rule (2021, Table 3). This rule is enforced under section 4106 of the 2018 budget resolution. The Senate PAYGO scorecard currently shows an enacted deficit decrease of $1 million over the fiscal year 2020-2025 period and $7 million over the fiscal year 2020- 2030 period due to passage of the Hong Kong Autonomy Act. The budgetary effects of P.L. 116-142 and P.L. 116-148 are not included in this table due to the emergency designations included in the acts based on authorities included in section 4112 of the fiscal year 2018 congressional budget resolution, H. Con. Res. 71, 115th Congress. This submission also includes a table tracking the Senate's budget enforcement activity on the floor since the enforcement filing on May 4, 2020. Since that filing, one point of order was raised. On June 15, 2020, I raised a PAYGO point of order against S. Amdt. 1617, the Great American Outdoors Act, which CBO estimated as increasing the on-budget deficit by more than $17 billion over the fiscal year 2020-2030 period. This point of order was waived by the Senate by a vote of 68-30. All years in the accompanying tables are fiscal years. I ask unanimous consent that the accompanying tables be printed in the Record. There being no ojbection, the material was ordered to be printed in

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Madam President, I come to the floor today to urge my colleagues to support amendment No. 2411, offered by the Senator from Oklahoma, and oppose amendment No. 2252, offered by the Senator from Hawaii. I have heard from law enforcement in my State. They use this program to get critical search-and-rescue equipment that saves lives. In Sweetwater County, the sheriff used equipment from the 1033 Program to rescue 22 people in just 5 months. In Big Horn County, equipment from the program rescued a family who was kayaking when 6-feet waves arose. A boat from this program was the only equipment that could break through the waves to rescue the family. Without the 1033 Program, they would not be able to afford this lifesaving equipment. Sometimes the equipment is not used, in which case we are pleased that there is no need for a search and rescue that year, or some of it is converted to fire protection equipment. The burdensome paperwork required by the amendment offered by the Senator from Hawaii would effectively end access to the program for the local law enforcement in my State whose departments are small. Our towns are small. The activities have to be combined between fire and police protection. Senator Inhofe has attempted to find the middle ground. His amendment requires reforms and training without an egregious paperwork burden that could end this important program. Again, I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of amendment 2411 offered by Senator Inhofe. I yield the floor.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Madam President, I rise today to discuss our Federal finances and the need to address our unsustainable fiscal debt and deficit. The Federal budget has already been on an unsustainable path before COVID-19 reached our shores and before the pandemic and our government's response to it, which has accelerated what I believe is a coming day of reckoning. I recognize the unprecedented crisis presented by COVID-19. I support the necessary response. Together, Congress has passed and the President has signed five separate pieces of legislation responding to the pandemic and its economic fallout that together will cost more than $2 trillion. I never would have supported trillions in new spending unless I truly believed that it was necessary to combat the virus and prevent economic catastrophe resulting from the government shuttering the economy. I know many of my colleagues feel that same way. When this crisis abates--and it will--the Federal Government cannot afford to return to the status quo of unsustainable budgets and surging debt that jeopardizes the prosperity of future generations. We have to start serious conversation about how we are going to pay our bills and put our finances on a more sustainable path. We can justify aggressive borrowing and spending as necessary during times of crisis, but that can't be the default. So far this fiscal year, we have already run up a deficit of $2.7 trillion in 1 year, more than triple the size of the deficit we ran at the same time last year. The Congressional Budget Office says that we are on track to spend $3.7 trillion more than we take in this year, and that is assuming we don't pass new COVID legislation. By the end of the fiscal year, our publicly held debt will exceed the size of our economy and, by the end of next year, debt as a percentage of the economy will be higher than it has ever been in our history. I have a little chart here that demonstrates that. We have been fortunate the interest rates on our debt are currently low, and the government has been able to borrow the funds necessary to address the crisis caused by the pandemic. The dollar has remained relatively strong, helping to keep inflation low. The U.S. dollar remains the world's reserve currency and the safe haven for investments in the current time of crisis. But how long will that be the case if we continue to run trillion- dollar deficits each year? Future Congresses will not have the same flexibility to deal with their own crises if we leave them saddled with an enormous national debt. They will not be able to fund new emergency programs without cutting other spending or raising revenues. That is why it is so critical that we get a hold of our debt and deficits once we emerge from this pandemic. Regardless of what some people far outside of the economic mainstream are saying, there are constraints on how much government can borrow and spend without triggering higher interest rates or inflation. If we just start printing money to pay for overspending, our country could face the curse of stagflation, a combination of high inflation and low to no economic growth. We haven't had to think about this type of devastating combination since the late seventies, and that is economic history we should not repeat. Even if we have the capacity for significant, one-time emergency spending, we should bear in mind the fact that the Federal Government doesn't have a good track record of reducing spending after it has ratcheted it up during a crisis. I would remind my colleagues of the old adage: There is nothing so permanent as a temporary government program. We are already hearing calls to extend or make permanent many of the temporary entitlement expansions enacted in previous bills. More legislation may be needed to combat the virus and help the economy, but we cannot use the crisis to justify opening the spending floodgates and borrowing from future generations to fund nonemergency priorities. Low interest rates do not mean that government spending is free or that we don't need to spend it wisely. The House of Representatives has passed a bill that the Congressional Budget Office says will cost nearly $3.5 trillion. That is more than the cost of all the COVID-19 legislation we have already enacted combined. Are we to believe every penny of that is absolutely necessary? A $60 billion bailout for union pensions? A massive giveaway for wealthy individuals living in high-tax States? Billions in student loan forgiveness for all borrowers, regardless of income and ability to pay? We should not view this crisis--a crisis that claimed over 130,000 American lives and left millions out of work--as an opportunity to enact things that have nothing to do with the pandemic. And it is not just the lower Chamber. The Senate recently approved $17 billion in new mandatory spending for the Land and Water Conservation Fund and park and public lands maintenance. We refused to consider an amendment to even try to pay for that bill, an attempt that would have mostly charged foreigners visiting our parks. As I said, if we don't try to pay for that bill, what will we pay for? We are just adding to an already long list of unfunded mandatory spending programs that we allow to operate on autopilot without ever being voted on or ever being evaluated again. Nobody runs a business like that. Even though these programs are allowed to bypass the annual appropriations process, most of them don't have any dedicated revenue to pay for the spending. And those that do collect their own revenue often spend more than they take in--with no vote. It just happens. Even before the pandemic, the Congressional Budget Office projected that Social Security spending over the next 10 years would total $15.2 trillion. But listen to this: The program's dedicated tax revenues would only cover $12.5 trillion of that--$15.2 trillion cost; $12.5 trillion revenue. Medicare's taxes and premiums were projected to cover only half of the program's $12.6 trillion spending over the next 10 years. We put the rest of it on the Nation's credit card left to be paid for by future generations. What kind of a crisis are they going to have? This chart shows again that this is the revenue coming in for Social Security, and this is the additional we have to borrow. This is the money coming in from Medicare, and this is the additional we have to borrow. Medicaid, we borrow every bit of it. The total revenue that we receive will not cover these deficits, so everything else that we do we will have to borrow for it. If the interest rate were to go up to its norm of 5 percent, we wouldn't be able to do defense; we wouldn't be able to do education; we wouldn't be able to do anything else, infrastructure or otherwise, that we expect the Federal Government to do for us. We have to start getting control of it. It isn't an unlimited source of money. We are putting it on the Nation's credit card, and the future generations will have to pay for it. There are a couple of ways you can pay for it. One is to eliminate the services. The other one is to increase revenues. Another one, of course, is to eliminate a lot of duplication that we have, but we don't even have an appetite for that. We have over 100 housing programs. Tell me there is no duplication in 100 housing programs, but we don't look at them. Most of them are mandatory. So we can just ignore the impacts of them and the fact that we have multiple administrators doing the same job, and we don't even know if it is effective. I have been trying for a long time through the Budget Committee to get a list of the programs we fund. Now, you would think, if we are writing checks, that we would have a list of programs, wouldn't you? We don't have a list of programs. We don't know what we own. We don't know when it is going to wear out. We don't know what the cost of replacement would be. All are very basic business decisions, but we just keep sliding everything over to mandatory so it has to be paid for regardless of whether we have any money or not, and we don't even look at them. That has to change, and it has to change rapidly or our kids and our grandkids will find that all of their money has been spent, and all they can do is pay more taxes. I am frustrated that we are spending billions without so much as a discussion about how to pay for things. Yes, we needed a strong response to the COVID virus, but I am disappointed that we can't work together on responsible solutions, even modest efforts like a paid-for fix for our parks and public lands maintenance that I mentioned would already be paid for by foreign visitors. I am dismayed that we keep digging the hole deeper for future generations. We all owe it to them to do better, and I hope we start to do it soon. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President. I rise today to recognize the distinguished career and retirement of Kim Cawley after 34 years of service at the Congressional Budget Office. Kim has been Chief of the Natural and Physical Resources Cost Estimates Unit for more than 20 of those years, also spent over a decade as one of CBO's energy analysts. He is one of that agency's experts on the Nuclear Waste Fund, the treatment of Federal loans and loan guarantees, and the budgetary effects of Federal insurance programs. It is hard to overstate Kim's role in analyzing the budgetary impacts of an incredibly broad swath of legislation over the past three decades. He has been instrumental in providing objective, carefully researched estimates of thousands of pieces of legislation that the Congress has considered, debated, and enacted since the mid-1980, including bills dealing with flood insurance, compensation for victims of asbestos and oilspills, Federal property sales, and infrastructure financing, to name just a few. Kim has worked tirelessly with Members of Congress and our staff on both sides of the aisle throughout those years. During many hours of discussion and patient explanation, he could be counted on to be forthright and fair. He embodied CBO's commitment to nonpartisan analysis and helped the Congress understand the intricacies of such complex laws as the Federal Credit Reform Act, the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act, and the 9-11 Victims Compensation Act. Kim has been a mentor and guide to dozens of CBO analysts. Thanks to his guidance and training, a generation of CBO analysts think harder, dig deeper, and ask more probing questions when analyzing the estimated the costs of legislation. Kim set high standards for himself and for the Natural Resources Unit, and we are confident that they will continue to provide timely and thorough analyses for the Congress thanks to what they have learned under Kim's leadership. I, along with House Budget Committee Chairman John Yarmuth, wish to thank Kim for his years of dedicated service to the Congress and extend to him our best wishes for a well-deserved retirement.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to speak on the Great American Outdoors Act and on the fact that this legislation will add over $17 billion to our deficit over the next 10 years. When I first rose to speak on this bill and on my amendment to it, I closed by saying that if we could not pay for even a portion of this bill, then we were in worse trouble than I had thought. Sadly, I rise today, knowing that we, apparently, want such trouble. During this fiscal year, we have already run up a deficit of $1.9 trillion--more than twice the size of the deficit we ran at the same time last year. We also just added $2.4 trillion to our debt as the Nation necessarily responded to the coronavirus pandemic. For the past 2 years, I have been working on and consistently suggesting a way to responsibly pay for deferred maintenance at our national parks. I love our national parks and have fond memories of visiting our first national park, Yellowstone, and many other parks when I was younger and still today. That is why I offered my amendment that would have created a paid-for legacy restoration fund that would have ensured permanently dedicated revenue for our parks and their maintenance needs. For the longest time, I was told that my spending concerns would be addressed when the bill moved out of committee. When the bill moved to the floor, I asked that my amendment be included in the substitute or that it receive a vote. It was not included, and we did not receive a vote. While my amendment did not address it, I would also mention that many of my colleagues regularly express concern about how we increasingly have moved discretionary spending to mandatory spending. This bill does just that with the Land and Water Conservation provisions. Mandatory spending is always renewed and never voted on or evaluated again. When the Land and Water Conservation Fund was permanently authorized at the start of this Congress, we were told that its spending would remain subject to appropriations and the oversight that goes with that. Instead, we are taking away that protection and increasing mandatory spending even more without increasing revenue. That means more additional national debt each year without a single vote. So here we are today, asking future generations to pay for what we are not even willing to consider paying for when we could have responsibly funded the maintenance provisions. We won't even consider my amendment that would have a modest charge to foreign visitors as part of their visa fees to help to address this issue, and that is revenue that will be lost forever from the tourists because we can only collect the fees when they buy visas. The revenues cannot be collected retroactively. If we won't pay for even a part of the bill, what will we pay for? Congress must stop with gimmick spending, wherein we attempt to spend the same money twice. That is what this bill does. If we keep adding new mandatory spending without adding new revenue, Congress will be forced at some point to eliminate mandatory spending or to get new funding streams that survive well into the future. Mandatory spending is the portion of our bill that will be covered by this that we will not vote on. We will not take a look at it again. They say, yes, there will be oversight--not on whether we spend it, not on where the money comes from. There will not be another opportunity on that. Therefore, I oppose this legislation and oppose adding to the already massive debt burden being placed on future generations and the increase in mandatory spending when the solution to charge foreigners is available. Point of Order Mr. President, the pending amendment, No. 1617, would violate the Senate pay-go rule by increasing the on-budget deficit. Therefore, I raise a point of order against this measure pursuant to section 4106(a) of H. Con. Res. 71, the Concurrent Resolution on the Budget for Fiscal Year 2018. I yield the floor.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to speak about the Great American Outdoors Act that we may be debating this week. I am hoping that we can find a responsible way to pay for the maintenance backlog of our national parks. Our national parks are an important source of pride for our country. They are known internationally. We had the first national park in the world with Yellowstone Park. Unfortunately, our parks are in the midst of a rising crisis that has been building over many years. They are in desperate need of repair and maintenance and fixing them will require billions of dollars. This week, the Senate is working on legislation to address this backlog, and I believe it is vital that we address this issue both responsibly and permanently. This will help generations to fix problems in our parks without having to put the cost on the Nation's credit card. We can pay now or we can make our kids pay through reduced Federal help and services that we are used to, or we can figure out a way to have a small fee now. It should be a pretty easy choice. Unfortunately, the Great American Outdoors Act, as written, represents only a one-time fix and is neither responsible nor permanent. Instead, the bill adds over $17 billion to our national debt. Moreover, the measure includes a permanent reauthorization of the Land and Water Conservation Fund Program, which will add even more future maintenance to our already backlogged systems without being paid for. After all of the spending we have just undertaken, we must be more vigilant in finding proper ways to ensure our government spending is paid for, and fixing this bill can be an important place to start. Without some changes, this legislation will force our country to borrow more money, burying us deeper in debt, and only provide funding for 5 years. I am also concerned that the bill tries to spend the same money twice, which is using a budget gimmick. We should always strive to be fiscally responsible, and that is even more important now after Congress has spent more than $2 trillion to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. To address the current park's backlog, it would cost nearly $12 billion, according to the National Park Service. In comparison, last year, the entire national budget for the national parks was $4.1 billion. Let me repeat that. The cost would be $12 billion to take care of the backlog. Their whole budget last year was just $4.1 billion. Congress is already struggling to find funding for other worthwhile Federal needs. That is why, for the past several years, I have worked on a fix. I filed an amendment to this bill that addresses the maintenance issues responsibly and permanently without adding to our debt. Let me repeat that. My amendment is completely offset and provides a permanent solution. It has been ignored, so far, through this process. The way my amendment works is by asking our foreign visitors, who numbers show are increasingly enjoying our parks, to pay $16 or $25 more when they enter the country as part of their visa fee--a part of it--not a big increase compared to that. According to a study by the U.S. Travel Association, nearly 40 percent of the people who come to the United States from abroad are visiting one or more of our national parks. That is over 14 million people who come from abroad and visit our national parks. It is great that people from all over the world recognize the value of these national treasures, but this increased visitation is adding to the maintenance backlog, and it is only fair that we ask them to help maintain these national treasures. There is nothing novel about this concept. Anyone who has visited an attraction outside of the United States has probably encountered such fees in one way or another. For example, foreign visitors to the Taj Mahal in India will pay an $18 fee, compared to a fee of only 56 cents for local visitors. At Kruger National Park in South Africa, visitors from outside the country will pay $25 per day compared to $6.25 for local visitors. Many European countries--like Spain, France, and Italy--charge a tourist tax on hotel rooms that is used to pay for tourism infrastructure. We also ask park visitors to assist with addressing the backlog. No one likes to pay more for things, especially during times like these, but to maintain these national treasures for future generations, we either borrow money and put it on the national credit card or we take some modest steps to address the issue responsibly--kind of a pay-as- you-go. My amendment only raises entrance fees by $5 and annual passes by $20, so bringing a vehicle into the park would still be cheaper than taking a family of four to a movie or visiting an amusement park for a day. In fact, it is a real bargain from that. We, as a nation, have seen the joy our national parks bring to those who venture and visit them. In Wyoming and all across the country, America's national parks are something to be proud of and protect. We owe it to the parks and to the citizens and foreign visitors who partake of their wonders to keep them in good working order. We should not allow the maintenance and repairs to fester, which erodes visitor experiences and costs billions to fix. Are people going to the parks? Yes, they are. Yellowstone National Park has opened up now and I think is at about 75 percent of capacity already. I read in the papers about this family from Georgia who was planning on taking their family to Florida to Disney World, but Disney World is closed, so they drove across the country to Wyoming and went to Yellowstone National Park. One of the adventures they got was to get to see a real wolf up close and personal. They got some good pictures of it too. People will travel a long way to see these parks. They don't expect them to be an international bargain, and neither do foreign visitors who are used to seeing us, when we go to their country, pay a higher fee for national parks. We need to fix our national parks. The question is, Will we pay as it is used or will we force our kids and grandkids to pay for something they maybe never got to enjoy? We can put a small addition on foreign visa fees or we can pass it on to our kids. Let's do one amendment that will pay for parks in perpetuity, not just gimmick spending for 5 years. Fixing this bill will help ensure we no longer have to put our parks' current obligations on the backs of future generations. I know the item at stake here will not end our fiscal crisis, but if we can't do something modest to start to address our spending addiction, then we are in greater trouble than I ever thought. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ENZI

Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise to submit to the Senate the budget scorekeeping report for June 2020. This is my first scorekeeping report since I filed the deemed budget resolution for fiscal year 2021 on May 4, 2020, as required by the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019, BBA19. The report compares current-law levels of spending and revenues with the amounts agreed to in BBA19. In the Senate, this information is used to determine whether budgetary points of order lie against pending legislation. The Republican staff of the Budget Committee and the Congressional Budget Office, CBO, prepared this report pursuant to section 308(b) of the Congressional Budget Act (CBA). The information included in this report is current through June 1, 2020. In general, my filing of May 4 established the following enforceable budgetary levels: (1) allocations for fiscal year 2021 for the Committee on Appropriations; (2) allocations for fiscal years 2021, 2021 through 2025, and 2021 through 2030 for committees other than the Committee on Appropriations; (3) aggregate spending levels for fiscal year 2021; (4) aggregate revenue levels for fiscal year 2021, 2021 through 2025, and 2021 through 2030; and (5) aggregate levels of outlays and revenue for fiscal years 2021, 2021 through 2025, and 2021 through 2030 for Social Security. Allocations and aggregates for fiscal year 2020 were not overridden by this filing and continue to be enforced under the fiscal year 2020 deemed budget that was filed on September 9, 2019. The figures underpinning the new enforceable levels are based on the discretionary spending limits set forth in the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2019 and CBO's March 2020 baseline, adjusted to reflect legislation enacted between the publication of the baseline and my May 4 filing. Enforceable figures in this filing exclude the direct budgetary effects of provisions in legislation enacted after the release of the baseline that were designated as an emergency pursuant to section 4112 of the fiscal year 2018 congressional budget resolution, H. Con. Res. 71, 115th Congress. Budget Committee Republican staff prepared Tables A-G. Table A gives the amount by which each Senate authorizing committee exceeds or falls below its allocations for budget authority and outlays under the fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021 deemed budget resolutions. This information is used for enforcing committee allocations pursuant to section 302 of the CBA. To date, eight committees are out of compliance with their allocations for fiscal year 2020, however no committees have breached their newly released allocations this cycle. Tables B and C provide the amount by which the Senate Committee on Appropriations is below or exceeds the statutory spending limits. This information is used to determine points of order related to the spending caps found in sections 312 and 314 of the CBA. The tables show that the Appropriations Committee is compliant with spending limits for fiscal years 2020 and 2021. The figures included in Table C reflect advanced and permanent appropriations that have already been enacted but will become available for obligation in fiscal year 2021. Tables D and E display figures related to limits on the use of changes in mandatory programs, CHIMPs in appropriations bills. These $15 billion limits, found in the fiscal year 2018 budget resolution for fiscal year 2020 and section 207 of BBA19 for fiscal year 2021, currently show the Appropriations Committee in compliance. Tables F and G provide the amount of budget authority enacted for 2020 and 2021, respectively, that have been designated as either for an emergency or for overseas contingency operations, OCO, pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, as amended. Funding that receives either of these designations results in cap adjustments to enforceable discretionary spending limits. There is no limit on either emergency or OCO spending; however, any Senator may challenge the designation with a point of order to strike the designation on the floor. In addition to the tables provided by Budget Committee Republican staff, I am submitting CBO tables which I will use to enforce budget totals approved by Congress. Because legislation can still be enacted that would have an effect on fiscal year 2020, CBO provided spending and revenue reports for both fiscal year 2020 and fiscal year 2021. This information is used to enforce aggregate spending levels in budget resolutions under CBA section 311. CBO's estimates show that current levels of spending for fiscal year 2020 exceed amounts in last year's budget resolution by $68.6 billion in budget authority and $55.1 billion in outlays, 2020, Tables 1-2. Revenues are $114.8 billion below the revenue floor. As well, Social Security outlays are at levels assumed for 2020, while Social Security revenues are $16 million above levels assumed in budget. For fiscal year 2021, the current law levels are $1,180.0 billion and $667.8 billion in budget authority and outlays, respectively, below allowable levels, 2021, Tables 1-2. This spending room will be spent down as regular appropriations bills are enacted for fiscal year 2021. Revenues and Social Security levels are at the levels assumed by the fiscal year 2021 deemed budget. CBO's report also provides information needed to enforce the Senate pay-as-you-go, PAYGO, rule, 2021, Table 3. This rule is enforced under section 4106 of the 2018 budget resolution. The scorecard stands at zero for all enforceable levels consistent with the filing of newly deemed budget levels. This submission also includes a table tracking the Senate's budget enforcement activity on the floor since the enforcement filing on May 4, 2020. Since that filing, no points of order have been raised. All years in the accompanying tables are fiscal years. I ask unanimous consent that the accompanying tables be printed in the Record.