Eni Faleomavaega

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I find it very difficult for me to follow such a most eloquent speech that was given by my good friend from Virginia, a true champion of human rights, and as cochair of our Human Rights Caucus also with the gentleman from California, the chairman of our House Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Tom Lantos. I want to thank the chairman of our Financial Services Committee, Mr. Frank, for his leadership and for introducing as well as following closely the way that we have now come about in bringing this very important legislation for consideration by Members of this body. I would be remiss if I did not also express my sincere appreciation to one of our former senior members of our Foreign Affairs Committee who is no longer with us, the gentlelady from California, Ms. Barbara Lee, for her leadership and for her sensitivity especially to the problems we are faced with in Darfur. I thank also my good friend, the chairman of our Africa subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Don Payne, who I know has also been working very closely in crafting this legislation. My good friend, the ranking member of our Foreign Affairs Committee, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, and I know our chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee both support it and I thank them for their leadership in bringing this legislation for consideration. Mr. Speaker, over 400,000, 450,000 men, women and children, especially children, are already dead in the event of the atrocities that have been committed against these people in Darfur and over 2 million refugees. According to the Associated Press report just this month, it says, the United Nations Human Rights Committee, in its first overall review of Sudan's record in a decade, said that systematic murder, rape, forced evictions and attacks against civilians continue to be committed with total impunity throughout the Sudan and particularly in Darfur. That's a fact. And what are we doing about it? I think this legislation helps move in that right direction, and I can't think of a better person, a leader in our Chamber here, Ms. Lee, for taking the leadership in this important legislation, as it was in her predecessor, our good friend Mr. Dellums from California and his leadership in presenting the importance of the role sanctions can play in situations that the global community should make better efforts to support to get rid of this terrible problem that we find ourselves with in Darfur.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 176) to authorize assistance to the countries of the Caribbean to fund educational development and exchange programs, as amended.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds just to offer my compliments to my dear friend, the senior ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for her support and leadership in bringing this legislation to the floor Mr. Speaker, it is my honor now to give 5 minutes to my good friend and colleague, the prime sponsor of this legislation, the gentlelady from California (Ms. Lee) for her statement.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I thank the gentlelady for a most eloquent statement.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee)

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. I would first like to thank my colleague, the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), for introducing this important legislation and garnering the bipartisanship sponsors that it deserves. And certainly I want to thank the chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for his tireless efforts in pushing forward this initiative. Mr. Speaker, nearly four decades ago, history was made in the voting booths of New York City. A young lady by the name of Shirley Chisholm became the first African American woman elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in the history of our great land. With her election, Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm broke the ground for African Americans, to be sure. Congresswoman Chisholm was also the child of immigrants from the Caribbean area, and today she remains a great heroine for Caribbean Americans throughout our Nation. During her tenure in Congress, Congresswoman Chisholm was a staunch advocate for educational opportunity and access. She increased support for Historically Black Colleges and Universities and other institutions in the United States that serve minorities. It is, therefore, entirely appropriate and fitting that the legislation before the House today is named after the late Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm from the great City of New York. This bill establishes a new and important educational exchange program between the United States and our friends in the Caribbean region. This effort builds on a priority I have long promoted: fostering better educational and cultural ties between the United States and different regions of the world. Today's bill follows our recent historic passage of the Senator Paul Simon Study Abroad Foundation Act of 2007, a bill to vastly expand study abroad programs that overwhelmingly passed this House in a great example of bipartisan cooperation. The United States and nations of the Caribbean have long enjoyed friendly relations. As an important regional partner for trade and a bastion of democratic values, our friends in the Caribbean region have been called the ``third border'' of the United States. In talks with Members of Congress, Caribbean leaders have highlighted the need for educational opportunities for Caribbean students in fields that will allow them to contribute to an increasingly competitive regional economy. We aim to deliver on that request today. Enhancing our cultural and educational exchange programs in the Caribbean will promote economic growth, improve regional security, and expand opportunities for the hardworking citizens of this region. This educational exchange program will enable secondary school, undergraduate, graduate, and post-graduate scholars from the Caribbean to attend schools, colleges, and universities in the United States. It will allow them to participate in activities designed to promote a greater understanding of the values and culture of the United States. And it will grant them the option either to live in the United States with a host family, enriching them with community and town life here, or to live in an on-campus housing environment. Mr. Speaker, the late Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm was a great American leader who has inspired generations of African Americans and Caribbean Americans. With passage of this legislation, we honor her memory and ensure that a new generation of Caribbeans can play an even more constructive role in the political and economic developments not only of this region but to continue our friendly relations with this region. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I do want to commend my good friend, the gentlelady, as the prime sponsor of this resolution.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 188) condemning the attack on the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in July 1994, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, 13 years ago this month, 85 innocent people lost their lives in the bombing of a Jewish cultural center in Buenos Aires. Today we commemorate the profound pain of the families who had their loved ones brutally taken from them. We also recall the shock felt in Jewish communities throughout the world at this ferocious attack on innocent lives in a city where Jewish people had previously felt secure. But with consideration of this resolution today, we not only commemorate but we demand justice. It is absolutely imperative that the international community push ahead with the critical investigation to bring the perpetrators to justice. Mr. Speaker, just last fall the state prosecutor of Argentina concluded that the attack had been approved in advance by Iran's Supreme Leader and by the highest officials of the Iranian Government. The former Iranian Ambassador to Argentina actually provided key information in planning to carry out this vicious attack. There is a new leader in Tehran these days. He is no less anti- Semitic and no less menacing, but he threatens to develop infinitely more dangerous weapons than those used to perpetrate the slaughter in Argentina. Mr. Speaker, the United States cannot and will not allow the reckless Iranian leader Ahmadinejad to obtain nuclear capabilities. There is also little doubt that the Iranian masterminds in 1994 called upon their Hezbollah thugs to execute their nefarious plans. We also know that the Hezbollah terrorist cell that carried out the attack received financial and logistical support from sympathizers in the tri-border region between Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil. The suicide bomber himself may have entered South America and traveled to the Argentina capital through this lawless frontier. Mr. Speaker, although nothing like the bombing has been replicated in South America since 1994, supporters and facilitators of Islamic terrorist organizations have gathered in scattered outposts throughout the western hemisphere. Operating from hard-to-reach areas in Chile, Colombia, Venezuela and Panama, these individuals lend financial and logistical assistance to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. Mr. Speaker, although these isolated communities have yet to grow into operational cells of Islamic terrorists, the threat to regional security remains strong and requires constant vigilance. We must redouble our efforts to root out terrorist fund-raising networks in the western hemisphere and to unearth the growing web of links between terrorist financiers and narcotic traffickers. This important resolution encourages the Government of Argentina to continue its pursuit of the criminals in the bombing, and it calls upon the General Assembly of INTERPOL to uphold and implement international arrest warrants recently issued for the Hezbollah and Iranian operatives. Mr. Speaker, only by taking the investigation of the AMIA bombing to its ultimate conclusion, the capture and punishment of those who planned it, will we show Iran, Hezbollah, and those who support terrorism that we are serious about combating it. International terrorists have demonstrated that they will not rest in pursuit of their villainy. This resolution once again puts them on notice that they will fail whether they are in the Middle East or in the Americas. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this important measure. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I have no problem with that, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I yield.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished chairman of our House Foreign Affairs Committee, my good friend and chairman, Tom Lantos, and also our senior ranking member, Ms. Ros- Lehtinen, for their leadership and efforts in bringing H. Res. 121 to the floor today. I also want to thank our colleagues, and the gentleman from California especially as the chief sponsor of this legislation, which has the support of some 146 Members, both Republicans and Democrats, fully supporting the provisions of this resolution. I also want to note, this resolution was previously passed by the International Relations Committee in the last Congress, under the able leadership of our previous chairman, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Hyde. And I would be remiss if I did not also mention the name of another gentleman from Illinois, my good friend Mr. Lane Evans, who was also a champion of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 seeks to express the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Forces coercion of teenage girls and young women into a sexual slavery, euphemistically known as ``comfort women,'' system during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific islands from the late 1930s throughout the duration of World War II. On February 7 of this year, the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment held a hearing on H. Res. 121, the first time ever in the history of the United States Congress that three surviving ``comfort women'' testified for the record. Ms. Lee Yong-Soo is with us today, and I want to especially commend her and Ms. Koon Kim Lee and Ms. Jan Ruff O'Herne for their courage and their faith and their belief that one day their story would be told and, in part, their suffering would be set right. I encourage the world to read their moving testimony, which has brought us to this moment when the United States of America will stand arm in arm with these noble women in demanding an official apology from the Government of Japan. The comfort women system organized, managed and administered by the Imperial Army of Japan is considered one of the 20th century's most extensive cases of human trafficking and ignored violations of human rights. It was unprecedented in its cruelty and magnitude as teenage girls and young women were raped, systematically beaten, tortured, drugged, mutilated and sometimes even murdered. According to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army abducted and forced some 200,000 young teenage girls and young women from Korea, from China, from the Philippines, from Indonesia, from the Dutch Indies, and other women, forced them into sexual enslavement and abuse. Today the Government of Japan contends that it has apologized and accepted responsibility for its atrocities. But it wasn't until 1980s and the 1990s that major publications in Japan began to describe the details of the comfort women, and it also wasn't until 1992 in response to these developments that Japan's Chief Secretary, cabinet secretary, Yahei Kono, issued an official statement. After a 2-year period, the foreign ministry of Japan conducted this research, and it did make the admission. I would include for the Record the full statement of Chief Secretary Kono regarding the 2-year study by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1993, after a two-year study by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under the supervision of the Chief Secretary of Cabinet, an equivalent to the Chief-of-Staff of the White House, Mr. Yahei Kon stated: The Government of Japan has been conducting a study on the issue of wartime ``comfort women'' since December 1991. I wish to announce the findings as a result of that study. As a result of the study which indicates that comfort stations were operated in extensive areas for long periods, it is apparent that there existed a great number of comfort women. Comfort stations were operated in response to the request of the military authorities of the day. The then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women. The recruitment of the comfort women was conducted mainly by private recruiters who acted in response to the request of the military. The Government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing coercion, etc., and that, at times, administrative/military personnel directly took part in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere. As to the origin of those comfort women who were transferred to the war areas, excluding those from Japan, those from the Korean Peninsula accounted for a large part. The Korean Peninsula was under Japanese rule in those days, and their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc. Undeniably, this was an act, with the involvement of the military authorities of the day, that severely injured the honor and dignity of many women. The Government of Japan would like to take this opportunity once again to extend its sincere apologies and remorse to all those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women. It is incumbent upon us, the Government of Japan, to continue to consider seriously, while listening to the views of learned circles, how best we can express this sentiment. We shall face squarely the historical facts as described above instead of evading them, and take them to heart as lessons of history. We hereby reiterated our firm determination never to repeat the same mistake by forever engraving such issues in our memories through the study and teaching of history. As actions have been brought to court in Japan and interests have been shown in this issue outside Japan, the Government of Japan shall continue to pay full attention to this matter, including private researched related thereto. The Kono statement is often cited as Japan's official apology, although it was never endorsed officially by any of Japan's prime ministers and members of cabinets. At the time the chief cabinet secretary was considered part press secretary, part chief of staff but never an official member of cabinet, nor can he ever present himself as an acting prime minister. 2001, Prime Minister Koizumi issued a statement. However, only statements approved by the cabinet and not the prime minister, are a definitive expression of government policy in Japan. Without the approval of the cabinet, all declarations of contrition are considered only personal views. I want to close my statement and to say this: Someone once said, ``The greatness of a nation is not necessarily measured by its accomplishments, by its ability, but by its ability to face honestly its mistakes of the past and then take appropriate action to correct them.'' I sincerely hope that this will be taken seriously by our good friends and the leadership of the Government of Japan. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Tom Lantos of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and our Senior Ranking Member, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for their leadership and efforts in bringing H. Res. 121 to the floor today. I also want to thank our colleague, the gentleman from California, Mr. Honda, for his sponsorship of this bill which has the bipartisan support of some 146 Members of the U.S. House of Representatives. I also want to make note that this resolution was previously passed by the International Relations Committee in the last Congress under the able leadership of our previous Chairman, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Henry Hyde. I would be remiss if I did not also mention the name of our former colleague and friend, Mr. Lane Evans also from Illinois, who championed this bill for years. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 seeks to express the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery, euphemistically known as the ``comfort women'' system, during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from 1930s and through the duration of World War II. On February 15, 2007, the Foreign Affairs' Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and Global Environment held a hearing on H. Res. 121, and, for the first time ever in the history of the U.S. Congress, three surviving comfort women testified for the record. Ms. Young Soo Lee is with us today and I want to especially commend her and Ms. Koon Kim and Ms. Jan Ruff O'Herne for their courage and their faith and their belief that one day their story would be told and, in part, their suffering would be set right. I encourage the world to read their moving testimony which has brought us to this moment when the United States of America will stand arm in arm with these noble women in demanding an official apology from the Government of Japan. The ``comfort women'' system, organized, managed and administered by the Imperial Army of Japan, is considered to be one of the 20th century's most extensive cases of human trafficking and ignored violations of human rights. It was unprecedented in its cruelty and magnitude as teen-age girls and young women were systematically raped, beaten, tortured, drugged, mutilated, and sometimes murdered. According to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army, abducted and forced some 200,000 young teenage girls and young women from Korea, China, the Philippines, Indonesian, Dutch, and other women--forced them into sexual enslavement and abuse. Today, the Government of Japan contends that it has apologized and accepted responsibility for its atrocities. But it wasn't until the 1980s and 1990s that major publications in Japan began to describe the details of the ``comfort women'' system and that countries occupied by Japan also began to speak out about it. I wasn't until 1992, in response to these developments, that Japan's Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued a statement. This ``Kono Statement'' is often cited as Japan's official apology although it was never endorsed officially by any of Japan's prime ministers and their cabinets. At the time, the Chief Cabinet Secretary was considered part Press Secretary, part Chief of Staff, and never an official member of Cabinet, nor can he ever present himself as an Acting Prime Minister. In 2001, Prime Minister Koizumi issued a statement. However, only statements approved by the Cabinet, not the Prime Minister, are a definitive expression of government policy in Japan. Without the approval of the Cabinet, all declarations of contrition are considered only personal views. Interestingly, as this topic has gained widespread attention as result of February's hearing, both the Japanese government and press have ignored the fact that Members of Congress now understand both Japan's legislative system and history of the Comfort Women tragedy. We are not ignorant, as some reporters have suggested. We know what does and does not constitute an official apology. We are also aware of the propaganda being churned out by the Japanese press intent on revising history by denying the validity of the ``Comfort Women'' controversy. This year, Prime Minister Abe denied the existence of sexual slave camps. Then he retracted his statement because of pressure from leaders of the Asia-Pacific region. Now he says that he ``respects'' the finding of the Kono Report of 1993. What does this mean? I have a special love and affinity for the people of Japan. But more sacred to me is our obligation to emphasize the fact a systematic abduction and raping and abuse of women as a weapon of war is totally unacceptable, and I believe the people of Japan agree. In fact, it can be argued that H. Res. 121 reflects the will of the Japanese people. In the only survey that the Japanese press appears to have published on the Comfort Women issue, in 2001, Fuji TV's Hodo asked respondents if they thought Japan has apologized sufficiently. 43.8 percent answered no, 37.2 percent answered yes. Some may say the past is the past and that the U.S. is also an offender and violator of human rights. Maybe this is so. But nowhere in recorded history has the U.S. military command as a matter of policy issued a directives allowing for the coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery or forced prostitution. On the other hand, this is exactly what the Japanese military high command did and it is an affront to truth for any government to downplay its history. Civilized society cannot allow history to be revised or denied under any circumstances. Regardless of what bearing this, or any other issue, may have on bilateral relations, or U.S. foreign policy, civilized society has a moral obligation to remember, to give voice to those who have suffered, to pay living tribute to victims past and present, to defend human rights. Otherwise we run the risk of holocaust. Today, I want to commend my colleagues for their support and to call upon the Prime Minister of Japan and his Cabinet to issue a formal apology. No amount of money, not even payments set up by private Japanese contributions or the Asian Women's Fund, can atone for the suffering of the thousands of women victimized at the hands of Japan's Imperial Forces before and during, World War II. While I support any woman's right to lay claim to these funds, I do not believe the Japanese government should suggest that a monetary payment can make right a moral wrong. So, for me, any and all discussions about the Asian Women's Fund sufficing as an act of apology falls short of what is relevant. What is relevant is that Japan acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery during its occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands during WWII. Mr. Speaker, I want to conclude by sharing with my colleagues this statement--someone once said that, ``The greatness of a nation is not necessarily measured by its accomplishments, but by its ability to face honestly its mistakes of the past, and then take appropriate action to correct them.'' Again, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I would first like to commend the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot) for introducing this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, Taiwan was once a politically backward, authoritarian state living under the cloud of martial law and serious human rights abuses. In the matter of a few short decades, it has transformed itself into a thriving and energetic democracy that is a shining beacon for human rights all over the Asian-Pacific region. Based on our mutual commitment to freedom and democracy, the U.S.- Taiwan relationship has blossomed in step with Taiwan's own revolution. Our two nations now share a complex web of economic, political and strategic ties that only deepen over time. A fundamental element of our burgeoning relationship is our people- to-people ties. With open arms, we have welcomed Taiwan's businessmen, its students, its scientists, and its artists. My recollection is over 90,000 students from Taiwan attend our colleges and universities throughout our country. But when it comes to Taiwan's democratically elected leaders, the United States, under both Democratic and Republican administrations, has repeatedly slammed the door in their face. Why, when the Government of Taiwan is a key player in the Asia-Pacific region, do we prevent their highest-level decision makers from even traveling to the United States? This ill-considered policy toward Taiwan's democratically elected leadership is due to one simple fact: Our policymakers in the White House and State Department cringe in fear that Beijing or the People's Republic of China will be upset if we welcome Taiwan's leaders to our Nation. To say that this reasoning is wrongheaded is an understatement. Welcoming Taiwanese officials does not mean that we have abandoned the One China Policy nor recognize or endorse Taiwan's secession from China. It is simply an acknowledgement that Taiwan is a democracy, and we treat democratically elected officials with respect. High-level visits also advance our policy of maintaining peace in the Taiwan Strait through diplomacy and negotiation. Taiwan's leaders need to hear firsthand that the American people strongly support Taiwan and hope for a peaceful, mutually acceptable outcome to the tensions across the Taiwan Strait. The current, antiquated policy cuts us from valuable opportunities to gather information and exchange views on matters of critical importance to the United States; it reduces the ability of both the Taiwanese and the American people to strengthen economic and cultural ties; and it limits American access to world leaders who play a direct role in the interest of the United States. Perhaps most profoundly, Mr. Speaker, our outdated policy is profoundly disrespectful to the leadership of a democratic friend of the United States. This resolution expresses the sense of Congress that the restriction on travel for high-level elected and appointed officials from Taiwan to the United States should be lifted so we can strengthen our crucial relationship. I recall years ago when Taiwan's first elected President, Mr. Lee, was invited by his alma mater, Cornell University, where he obtain his doctorate degree in agricultural science. There was a whole bunch of problems created due to the fact that an elected leader from Taiwan wanted to visit his alma mater, Cornell University, and he was prohibited simply because he was an elected official. Mr. Speaker, this is a commonsense resolution which I strongly support and urge my colleagues to support. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 136) expressing the sense of Congress regarding high level visits to the United States by democratically-elected officials of Taiwan, as amended.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I rise today to insert into the Congressional Record a letter signed by 24 Members of the U.S. House of Representatives in recognition of our dear friend, His Excellency Kanat Saudabayev, who on May 15, 2007, was appointed by President Nursultan Nazarbayev as Secretary of State for the Republic of Kazakhstan. Prior to his appointment, His Excellency Saudabayev served as Ambassador of Kazakhstan to the United States. In gratitude for his service, in honor of his appointment, and with confidence that he will spare no effort in serving the people of Kazakhstan, we include the following letter to be made part of our Congressional history: His Excellency Kanat Saudabayev, Secretary of State, Republic of Kazakhstan, Ak Orda, Astana. Dear Mr. Secretary: It is with pleasure that we commend you on your new appointment as Secretary of State of the Republic of Kazakhstan which we note is one of the highest positions in your country which ranks fifth in seniority, behind the President, the Prime Minister and the Speakers of both Houses. We also applaud your six and a half years of service in Washington as Ambassador of Kazakhstan to the United States. During your tenure, you advanced U.S.-Kazakhstan relations by strengthening friendship between our peoples and cooperation between our countries. The United States and the people of Kazakhstan have much to be proud of from your long career of selfless service. We acknowledge your invaluable contributions as a distinguished diplomat and esteemed statesman, and we are confident that in your new position you will take an active part in fostering our strategic partnership. We wish you well and convey to you our sincere appreciation for your service. You will be missed. Sincerely, Tom Lantos, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Eni F.H. Faleomavaega, Chairman, Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment, Alcee L. Hastings, Chairman, U.S. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Chris Cannon; Jim McDermott; Phil English; Darrell E. Issa; Robert Wexler; Pete Sessions; Jim Saxton. Patrick J. Tiberi; Shelley Berkley; Madeleine Z. Bordallo; Maurice D. Hinchey; Albio Sires; Charlie Melancon; Robert D. Aderholt; Tom Price; Edolphus Towns; Gregory W. Meeks; Howard P. ``Buck'' McKeon; Ellen O. Tauscher; Eddie Bernice Johnson; Donna M. Christensen.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 395) supporting the ideals and values of the Olympic movement.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have five legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself such time as I may consume. I would first like to commend our distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Lamborn), for introducing this important resolution. The Olympics are, first and foremost, about sports, athletes from around the world uniting in their love of their games and their commitment to free and fair competition. But the Olympics are also an important global forum where athletes, trainers and leaders and spectators from around the world come together to participate in and observe the greatest competition on Earth. The games epitomize the spirit of global harmony and cooperation among nations. For over 100 years, the modern Olympics movement, in sponsoring the games, has built understanding by bringing athletes together around the world in open competition and by forging new bonds of friendship, solidarity and sportsmanship. Given the current state of global affairs, we all have learned a lot from the Olympic participants and from the symbolism of the peaceful assemblage of people from all different walks of life. It is with this harmonious sentiment that Mr. Lamborn's resolution recognizes the significance of the Olympic movement in global understanding. This resolution is particularly timely as we approach the 2008 games in Beijing, China, and encourages China to act responsibly in accordance with the spirit of this Olympics. This bill also recognizes the proud history of our own U.S. Olympic Committee, which has coordinated the development of young athletes in the United States and sent so many of them to represent our country with amazing poise. I'm delighted that the House will today take this opportunity to recognize the anniversary of the founding of the modern Olympic movement on June 23. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I wish to commend the gentleman for his statement, and to honor the spirit of the Olympic movement, and especially that the great State of Colorado hosts the resources and the facilities that allow our athletes from all over the country to come and to train and to prepare adequately for this important global event. And I cannot help but to reflect on some of the history and how important are some of the events that were classical as far as the Olympics were concerned. And I want to share with my colleagues one of the great personalities that have come out of this, a gentleman by the name of Jim Thorpe, who was a descendent, who was a Sauk and Fox Indian, American Indian, a descendant of a great warrior chief and athlete himself, Black Hawk, Jim Thorpe. It is very interesting in the annals of the Olympic games. In 1912, when he won the Olympics, several gold medals in the Olympics there, and he was approached by the King Gustav of Belgium, and he said, Sir, this is what the king said to Mr. Thorpe. Sir, you are the greatest athlete in the world. And Thorpe, never a man to stand on ceremony, answered and simply said, Thanks, King. Jim Thorpe was one of the greatest athletes in the world. He played baseball, he played football, in fact, in 1950 he was named the greatest American football player. And then another accolade that was given to this great athlete, Olympic athlete, the greatest overall male, at least by the Associated Press in 1950. Jim Thorpe, unfortunately, was suspended in terms of the medals that he won during the Olympics supposedly because he had played professional baseball. Supposedly, this is what he was accused of. Well, later on his medals were restored. But given the fact that this is one of the great personalities that have evolved from the spirit of the Olympic movement, another gentleman that I want to share with my colleagues historically was a gentleman by the name of Jesse Owens, a son of Alabama, but raised in the State of Ohio, in Cleveland, Ohio, specifically. It was in the 1936 Olympics, 1936 Olympics in Berlin, Germany, and there was this problem that some of our friends from Germany, particularly Adolph Hitler, had this very interesting concept about the supremacy of the white Aryan race. And this African American athlete went there and won four gold medals, to the extent that it was very ironic. Here, Jesse Owens could not even train together with his white counterparts, the members of the Olympic Committee, representing the United States of America. And yet, when he got to Germany, in the midst of 110,000 spectators in that stadium there in Berlin, ironically Owens was allowed to travel and stay in the same hotels as whites in Germany, and yet was denied the same privilege here in our own country. The fact is even noted that after a New York ticker tape parade that was given in his honor in New York City, that Owens had to ride the freight elevator to attend a reception for him at the Waldorf Astoria. I think it's worth noting that this gentleman, humble as he was, one of the greatest athletes, one of the greatest athletes coming from our country, again the spirit of the Olympics, where race, color, creed or religion should have no barrier, and yet this great American set a tremendous example of what he did in 1936. Unfortunately, as well, in 1968, at the height of the civil rights movement, the Olympics that took place in Mexico, where gentlemen by the name of Tommy Smith and John Carlos demonstrated in their own way, of course they were highly ridiculed by the media; and it was their way of showing that something was wrong here in America. African Americans were not given the same civil rights and liberties as all other Federal Americans, as is guaranteed supposedly by the U.S. Constitution. They made a display of their concern that in America, that something was wrong in our country. And I think they were later honored by the San Jose State University for the fact that they stood up for principle, not because they hated the Olympics or being athletes, but because of that. Then the Olympics of 1980, we had a very serious problem when the Soviet Union attacked Afghanistan. And President Carter then issued a very interesting statement. You pull out of Afghanistan or we're going to boycott the Olympics. That's exactly what happened in 1980. And unfortunately, all our athletes who trained so hard for that 4-year period just wasted that whole energy and time unfortunately. But because of political reasons. And here's one of the ironies, Mr. Speaker, that the United States was joined in this boycott with Japan, West Germany, China and Canada. And guess who didn't join us? Great Britain, France, Greece. Very, very interesting host of supposedly our allies and friends as a matter of principle in terms of what the Soviet Union did in 1979. And then what happened in 1984? The Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact members turned around and boycotted the Olympics in Los Angeles. In the 1988 Olympics in Korea, Mr. Speaker, it was my privilege to lead the first delegation of my territory, as members of the Olympic Committee, believe it or not, in the Olympic organization, in Seoul, Korea. And what an awesome and powerful force it was to show the world community in terms of showing these athletes who prepare for so long and so hard that they could share not only their talent but, more than that, their fellowship with each other. Now, in the advent of what is happening seriously in terms of what we are trying to do in Darfur, the moment now among some of the leaders and others in the world is to boycott the Olympics in China because some feel that China is not doing enough to put pressure on the Sudanese Government to stop the genocide, to stop the genocide in Darfur, where over 400,000 lives have already been lost because of that terrible crisis of genocide, and over 2 million refugees have already been sighted because of this terrible incident's happening, and the fact that China receives 70 percent of its oil supply from Sudan and the fact that China also supplies arms to the Sudanese Government. It is a very serious issue. And, unfortunately, like I said, I wish we lived in a perfect world where we can separate the politics from athletics, but this is not the reality that we are faced with. And I am also making an urgent plea to our good friends from China, the leaders of China, to put pressure on the Sudanese Government, put pressure on the Sudanese Government to stop the genocide in Darfur. Again, I want to commend my colleague and good friend for his support and for the sponsorship of this important legislation. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 418) recognizing and welcoming the delegation of Presidents, Prime Ministers, and Foreign Ministers from the Caribbean to Washington, DC, and commending the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) for holding the Conference on the Caribbean.