Eni Faleomavaega

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 629) extending the condolences and sympathy of the House of Representatives to the Government and the people of Greece for the grave loss of life and vast destruction caused by the devastating fires raging through Greece since June 2007.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me first thank my honorable colleague and dear friend from the State of Maryland (Mr. Sarbanes) for introducing this timely resolution that extends sympathy to our Greek friends, and I want to also add my name as a cosponsor of this proposed legislation. Madam Speaker, while many people across Europe and the United States spent the month of August soaking up the summer sunshine and enjoying their vacations, thousands of Greeks were engaged in a desperate struggle to save their homes, livestock and beautiful countryside from the devastating effects of wildfires. Americans watched in alarm as television footage showed flames ominously approaching the ruins of temples and stadiums in ancient Olympia, the birthplace of the Olympic Games. They were saddened to see the worst fires in Greece's living memory sweep across well-known and picturesque tourist sites, including Corfu and Kefalonia in the west and the Peloponnese in the south of the country, Madam Speaker, and their hearts ached at the personal stories of individuals who lost their homes as well as family members to the all-consuming power of the fire. The sobering statistics highlight the true extent of the loss. Over a 10-day period, an estimated 4,000 people lost their homes, while around 469,000 acres of forest and farmland were destroyed. Dozens of families are now without their loved ones while thousands have been left homeless. According to media reports, estimated costs for the destruction of homes and properties are well over $1 billion. Here in the United States, we know all too well how devastating the effects of Mother Nature can be, as Americans in Utah and Montana launched their own battle against damaging wildfires this summer, and exactly 2 years ago New Orleans and other Southern cities suffered from the destructive effects of Hurricane Katrina. Just as we valued the aid of foreign nations in our difficult hours, we stand ready to offer a helping hand to our Greek friends during their time of need. This House extends its deepest condolences to the Government and people of Greece following the vast destruction wrought by the wildfires. We welcome the administration's pledge of financial aid as well as technical assistance, and we express confidence in the ability of the Greek people, who have personified the strength of Zeus throughout their history, to overcome the hardships resulting from this tragedy. I strongly support this measure and urge my colleagues to join me in expressing sympathy for and solidarity with our good people from Greece. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I commend my good friend, the chief sponsor of this legislation. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 575) commending the people and the Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan for their continued commitment to holding elections and broadening political participation, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this proposed resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Again my appreciation and gratitude to the leadership of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, the distinguished chairman from California (Mr. Lantos) and my good friend, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros- Lehtinen), the senior ranking member of the committee, for their support and leadership in bringing this proposed legislation before the floor. I also would like to thank the chief sponsor of this proposed bill, my good friend from the State of Washington (Mr. Baird), for introducing this thoughtful and timely measure commending the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on its commitment to holding elections and to broadening its sphere of political participation in its country. The Kingdom of Jordan is an oasis of stability in the Middle Eastern desert full of difficulties and crises. Jordan is beset by most of the same threats that confront the whole Middle Eastern region, such as terrorism and extremism, but it also faces some distinct challenges. For example, a flood of Iraqi asylum-seekers numbering nearly 1 million. These refugees are now straining the infrastructure of a resource-poor nation of only 6 million citizens. Despite these difficult challenges, and unlike other regional states that use Islamic extremism as an excuse to restrict democratic freedoms, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has courageously taken significant steps to broaden political participation. At the same time, it continues to hold the line against terrorism. This balance is exemplary. Madam Speaker, Jordan has long been a leader in the Arab world in enhancing women's political involvement, and it is continuing along that path. Thanks to recent reform, 20 percent of the municipal council seats determined in Jordan's July elections were reserved for women. Jordan also lowered its voting age to 18 in order to involve more people in the election process. As you know, Madam Speaker, there was some controversy surrounding these recent municipal elections. The Islamists withdrew their candidates 1 day before the vote, claiming that the system was unfairly stacked against them. However, based on the evidence I have been able to gather from the State Department and from other staffers who visited Jordan shortly after the elections, these elections were largely free and fair, marred only by minor irregularities that almost certainly had little or no impact on the final result. It now appears the Islamists were more concerned about an embarrassing, imminent defeat than they were about democratic procedures. Last month, after the municipal elections, King Abdullah II announced that parliamentary elections will be held on November 20. Thus, Jordan continues to pursue its path toward greater democracy. It is indeed impressive that Jordan keeps extremism at bay while expanding political participation. But it is no coincidence. By addressing reform, Jordan has encouraged moderation. That is a lesson that, unfortunately, too many Middle Eastern regimes have failed to understand. We encourage Jordan in its efforts to implement political reform, and we look forward to the kingdom's further progress towards achieving the comprehensive and ambitious set of goals it put forth last year as part of Jordan's National Agenda. Madam Speaker, King Abdullah's thoughtful and bold leadership has made him a welcome ally in difficult times in the Middle East, and the American and Jordanian peoples share a special friendship that this bill explicitly reaffirms. I know that the Foreign Affairs Committee, of which I am a member, and its distinguished chairman, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), remain committed to this special relationship with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I trust that my friends in the full House do as well. Madam Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, it is with pleasure that I yield 6 minutes to my good friend and the chief sponsor of this proposed bill, the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Baird).

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3062) to authorize appropriations to provide for South Pacific exchanges, provide technical and other assistance to countries in the Pacific region through the United States Agency for International Development, and authorize appropriations to provide Fulbright Scholarships for Pacific Island students, as amended.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, it is my honor to yield 5 minutes to my good friend and senior member of our Foreign Affairs Committee, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I do want to commend my good friend, the gentlelady, as the prime sponsor of this resolution.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 188) condemning the attack on the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in July 1994, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, 13 years ago this month, 85 innocent people lost their lives in the bombing of a Jewish cultural center in Buenos Aires. Today we commemorate the profound pain of the families who had their loved ones brutally taken from them. We also recall the shock felt in Jewish communities throughout the world at this ferocious attack on innocent lives in a city where Jewish people had previously felt secure. But with consideration of this resolution today, we not only commemorate but we demand justice. It is absolutely imperative that the international community push ahead with the critical investigation to bring the perpetrators to justice. Mr. Speaker, just last fall the state prosecutor of Argentina concluded that the attack had been approved in advance by Iran's Supreme Leader and by the highest officials of the Iranian Government. The former Iranian Ambassador to Argentina actually provided key information in planning to carry out this vicious attack. There is a new leader in Tehran these days. He is no less anti- Semitic and no less menacing, but he threatens to develop infinitely more dangerous weapons than those used to perpetrate the slaughter in Argentina. Mr. Speaker, the United States cannot and will not allow the reckless Iranian leader Ahmadinejad to obtain nuclear capabilities. There is also little doubt that the Iranian masterminds in 1994 called upon their Hezbollah thugs to execute their nefarious plans. We also know that the Hezbollah terrorist cell that carried out the attack received financial and logistical support from sympathizers in the tri-border region between Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil. The suicide bomber himself may have entered South America and traveled to the Argentina capital through this lawless frontier. Mr. Speaker, although nothing like the bombing has been replicated in South America since 1994, supporters and facilitators of Islamic terrorist organizations have gathered in scattered outposts throughout the western hemisphere. Operating from hard-to-reach areas in Chile, Colombia, Venezuela and Panama, these individuals lend financial and logistical assistance to terrorist organizations in the Middle East. Mr. Speaker, although these isolated communities have yet to grow into operational cells of Islamic terrorists, the threat to regional security remains strong and requires constant vigilance. We must redouble our efforts to root out terrorist fund-raising networks in the western hemisphere and to unearth the growing web of links between terrorist financiers and narcotic traffickers. This important resolution encourages the Government of Argentina to continue its pursuit of the criminals in the bombing, and it calls upon the General Assembly of INTERPOL to uphold and implement international arrest warrants recently issued for the Hezbollah and Iranian operatives. Mr. Speaker, only by taking the investigation of the AMIA bombing to its ultimate conclusion, the capture and punishment of those who planned it, will we show Iran, Hezbollah, and those who support terrorism that we are serious about combating it. International terrorists have demonstrated that they will not rest in pursuit of their villainy. This resolution once again puts them on notice that they will fail whether they are in the Middle East or in the Americas. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this important measure. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I yield.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished chairman of our House Foreign Affairs Committee, my good friend and chairman, Tom Lantos, and also our senior ranking member, Ms. Ros- Lehtinen, for their leadership and efforts in bringing H. Res. 121 to the floor today. I also want to thank our colleagues, and the gentleman from California especially as the chief sponsor of this legislation, which has the support of some 146 Members, both Republicans and Democrats, fully supporting the provisions of this resolution. I also want to note, this resolution was previously passed by the International Relations Committee in the last Congress, under the able leadership of our previous chairman, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Hyde. And I would be remiss if I did not also mention the name of another gentleman from Illinois, my good friend Mr. Lane Evans, who was also a champion of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 seeks to express the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Forces coercion of teenage girls and young women into a sexual slavery, euphemistically known as ``comfort women,'' system during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific islands from the late 1930s throughout the duration of World War II. On February 7 of this year, the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment held a hearing on H. Res. 121, the first time ever in the history of the United States Congress that three surviving ``comfort women'' testified for the record. Ms. Lee Yong-Soo is with us today, and I want to especially commend her and Ms. Koon Kim Lee and Ms. Jan Ruff O'Herne for their courage and their faith and their belief that one day their story would be told and, in part, their suffering would be set right. I encourage the world to read their moving testimony, which has brought us to this moment when the United States of America will stand arm in arm with these noble women in demanding an official apology from the Government of Japan. The comfort women system organized, managed and administered by the Imperial Army of Japan is considered one of the 20th century's most extensive cases of human trafficking and ignored violations of human rights. It was unprecedented in its cruelty and magnitude as teenage girls and young women were raped, systematically beaten, tortured, drugged, mutilated and sometimes even murdered. According to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army abducted and forced some 200,000 young teenage girls and young women from Korea, from China, from the Philippines, from Indonesia, from the Dutch Indies, and other women, forced them into sexual enslavement and abuse. Today the Government of Japan contends that it has apologized and accepted responsibility for its atrocities. But it wasn't until 1980s and the 1990s that major publications in Japan began to describe the details of the comfort women, and it also wasn't until 1992 in response to these developments that Japan's Chief Secretary, cabinet secretary, Yahei Kono, issued an official statement. After a 2-year period, the foreign ministry of Japan conducted this research, and it did make the admission. I would include for the Record the full statement of Chief Secretary Kono regarding the 2-year study by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1993, after a two-year study by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, under the supervision of the Chief Secretary of Cabinet, an equivalent to the Chief-of-Staff of the White House, Mr. Yahei Kon stated: The Government of Japan has been conducting a study on the issue of wartime ``comfort women'' since December 1991. I wish to announce the findings as a result of that study. As a result of the study which indicates that comfort stations were operated in extensive areas for long periods, it is apparent that there existed a great number of comfort women. Comfort stations were operated in response to the request of the military authorities of the day. The then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women. The recruitment of the comfort women was conducted mainly by private recruiters who acted in response to the request of the military. The Government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing coercion, etc., and that, at times, administrative/military personnel directly took part in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere. As to the origin of those comfort women who were transferred to the war areas, excluding those from Japan, those from the Korean Peninsula accounted for a large part. The Korean Peninsula was under Japanese rule in those days, and their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc. Undeniably, this was an act, with the involvement of the military authorities of the day, that severely injured the honor and dignity of many women. The Government of Japan would like to take this opportunity once again to extend its sincere apologies and remorse to all those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women. It is incumbent upon us, the Government of Japan, to continue to consider seriously, while listening to the views of learned circles, how best we can express this sentiment. We shall face squarely the historical facts as described above instead of evading them, and take them to heart as lessons of history. We hereby reiterated our firm determination never to repeat the same mistake by forever engraving such issues in our memories through the study and teaching of history. As actions have been brought to court in Japan and interests have been shown in this issue outside Japan, the Government of Japan shall continue to pay full attention to this matter, including private researched related thereto. The Kono statement is often cited as Japan's official apology, although it was never endorsed officially by any of Japan's prime ministers and members of cabinets. At the time the chief cabinet secretary was considered part press secretary, part chief of staff but never an official member of cabinet, nor can he ever present himself as an acting prime minister. 2001, Prime Minister Koizumi issued a statement. However, only statements approved by the cabinet and not the prime minister, are a definitive expression of government policy in Japan. Without the approval of the cabinet, all declarations of contrition are considered only personal views. I want to close my statement and to say this: Someone once said, ``The greatness of a nation is not necessarily measured by its accomplishments, by its ability, but by its ability to face honestly its mistakes of the past and then take appropriate action to correct them.'' I sincerely hope that this will be taken seriously by our good friends and the leadership of the Government of Japan. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairman Tom Lantos of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and our Senior Ranking Member, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for their leadership and efforts in bringing H. Res. 121 to the floor today. I also want to thank our colleague, the gentleman from California, Mr. Honda, for his sponsorship of this bill which has the bipartisan support of some 146 Members of the U.S. House of Representatives. I also want to make note that this resolution was previously passed by the International Relations Committee in the last Congress under the able leadership of our previous Chairman, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Henry Hyde. I would be remiss if I did not also mention the name of our former colleague and friend, Mr. Lane Evans also from Illinois, who championed this bill for years. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 seeks to express the sense of the U.S. House of Representatives that the Government of Japan should formally acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility in a clear and unequivocal manner for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery, euphemistically known as the ``comfort women'' system, during its colonial and wartime occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands from 1930s and through the duration of World War II. On February 15, 2007, the Foreign Affairs' Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and Global Environment held a hearing on H. Res. 121, and, for the first time ever in the history of the U.S. Congress, three surviving comfort women testified for the record. Ms. Young Soo Lee is with us today and I want to especially commend her and Ms. Koon Kim and Ms. Jan Ruff O'Herne for their courage and their faith and their belief that one day their story would be told and, in part, their suffering would be set right. I encourage the world to read their moving testimony which has brought us to this moment when the United States of America will stand arm in arm with these noble women in demanding an official apology from the Government of Japan. The ``comfort women'' system, organized, managed and administered by the Imperial Army of Japan, is considered to be one of the 20th century's most extensive cases of human trafficking and ignored violations of human rights. It was unprecedented in its cruelty and magnitude as teen-age girls and young women were systematically raped, beaten, tortured, drugged, mutilated, and sometimes murdered. According to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army, abducted and forced some 200,000 young teenage girls and young women from Korea, China, the Philippines, Indonesian, Dutch, and other women--forced them into sexual enslavement and abuse. Today, the Government of Japan contends that it has apologized and accepted responsibility for its atrocities. But it wasn't until the 1980s and 1990s that major publications in Japan began to describe the details of the ``comfort women'' system and that countries occupied by Japan also began to speak out about it. I wasn't until 1992, in response to these developments, that Japan's Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued a statement. This ``Kono Statement'' is often cited as Japan's official apology although it was never endorsed officially by any of Japan's prime ministers and their cabinets. At the time, the Chief Cabinet Secretary was considered part Press Secretary, part Chief of Staff, and never an official member of Cabinet, nor can he ever present himself as an Acting Prime Minister. In 2001, Prime Minister Koizumi issued a statement. However, only statements approved by the Cabinet, not the Prime Minister, are a definitive expression of government policy in Japan. Without the approval of the Cabinet, all declarations of contrition are considered only personal views. Interestingly, as this topic has gained widespread attention as result of February's hearing, both the Japanese government and press have ignored the fact that Members of Congress now understand both Japan's legislative system and history of the Comfort Women tragedy. We are not ignorant, as some reporters have suggested. We know what does and does not constitute an official apology. We are also aware of the propaganda being churned out by the Japanese press intent on revising history by denying the validity of the ``Comfort Women'' controversy. This year, Prime Minister Abe denied the existence of sexual slave camps. Then he retracted his statement because of pressure from leaders of the Asia-Pacific region. Now he says that he ``respects'' the finding of the Kono Report of 1993. What does this mean? I have a special love and affinity for the people of Japan. But more sacred to me is our obligation to emphasize the fact a systematic abduction and raping and abuse of women as a weapon of war is totally unacceptable, and I believe the people of Japan agree. In fact, it can be argued that H. Res. 121 reflects the will of the Japanese people. In the only survey that the Japanese press appears to have published on the Comfort Women issue, in 2001, Fuji TV's Hodo asked respondents if they thought Japan has apologized sufficiently. 43.8 percent answered no, 37.2 percent answered yes. Some may say the past is the past and that the U.S. is also an offender and violator of human rights. Maybe this is so. But nowhere in recorded history has the U.S. military command as a matter of policy issued a directives allowing for the coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery or forced prostitution. On the other hand, this is exactly what the Japanese military high command did and it is an affront to truth for any government to downplay its history. Civilized society cannot allow history to be revised or denied under any circumstances. Regardless of what bearing this, or any other issue, may have on bilateral relations, or U.S. foreign policy, civilized society has a moral obligation to remember, to give voice to those who have suffered, to pay living tribute to victims past and present, to defend human rights. Otherwise we run the risk of holocaust. Today, I want to commend my colleagues for their support and to call upon the Prime Minister of Japan and his Cabinet to issue a formal apology. No amount of money, not even payments set up by private Japanese contributions or the Asian Women's Fund, can atone for the suffering of the thousands of women victimized at the hands of Japan's Imperial Forces before and during, World War II. While I support any woman's right to lay claim to these funds, I do not believe the Japanese government should suggest that a monetary payment can make right a moral wrong. So, for me, any and all discussions about the Asian Women's Fund sufficing as an act of apology falls short of what is relevant. What is relevant is that Japan acknowledge, apologize, and accept historical responsibility for its Imperial Armed Force's coercion of teenage girls and young women into sexual slavery during its occupation of Asia and the Pacific Islands during WWII. Mr. Speaker, I want to conclude by sharing with my colleagues this statement--someone once said that, ``The greatness of a nation is not necessarily measured by its accomplishments, but by its ability to face honestly its mistakes of the past, and then take appropriate action to correct them.'' Again, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman from New Mexico (Mr. Pearce) for his eloquent statement in support of this resolution

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for her kind remarks, and I commend the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot) who could not make it because of travel problems. Quoting also from the words of Confucius, there are many acquaintances but very few friends, and I believe we are one of the few friends Taiwan has, and we should continue that relationship. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and our distinguished senior ranking member, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for their sponsorship of this bipartisan measure and for their leadership on the issue of Iran. The dangerous Iranian regime presents us with the overriding long- term issue facing the entire Middle East. The scoundrel, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and his theocratic cohorts are working to destabilize security worldwide with their nuclear weapons program. They are targeting Israel specifically through sponsorship of terror groups. And according to Tehran's own claims, several batteries of missiles. So the most important foreign policy security aim of the United States Government must be to prevent nuclear weapons from ever falling into the hands of Iran. It would destabilize the entire world. That is why the Foreign Affairs Committee has repeatedly passed bills to choke the regime in Tehran so it never gets to that point. If there is one long-term lesson of the Iraq war, Mr. Speaker, it is that all other means must be exhausted before military use is employed. This is what we aim to do in the Iran issue, tough sanctions, cooperation with our allies, and diplomacy. The amendment to the Iran Sanctions Act before the House today restores text that was in the original version of the Iran Sanctions legislation passed overwhelmingly by the House last session. Unfortunately, following White House negotiations with the Republican majority at the time, this provision was removed from a subsequent version of the bill that actually became law. This amendment plugs critical loopholes, actual and potential, for the current legislation that could allow Iran to conduct an end-around on our sanctions. The legislation is intended to truly and fully deprive Iran of revenue it needs to fuel its nuclear weapons program. The bill before us would fortify current law and enhance the ability of our government to deter foreign investment in Iran's energy industry. It expands the definition used to apply to businesses so that we may restrict anyone and everyone intending to help fuel Iran's sham of an energy industry. It is more than lamentable that the administration, in fact, has never once availed itself of the potent tools that the Iran Sanctions Act offers to deter such investment. But the administration can rest assured that we will hold its feet to the fire in this session. For the sake of U.S. interests and for world peace, both the executive branch and the Congress must do everything in its power to prevent the emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran. Congress cannot do it alone. So it is for these reasons that I again commend my dear friend, the ranking member, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, for her cosponsorship of this bipartisan legislation and her leadership in the noble effort to prevent a fanatical regime from acquiring nuclear weapons has been outstanding. As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I am proud to be part of that effort. I strongly support this legislation, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.