Eni Faleomavaega

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 495, a bill to designate the federal building in Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, as the ``Ron de Lugo Federal Building.'' Mr. Speaker, I served with Congressman Ron de Lugo in this House from January, 1989 when I was first elected, until he retired in January, 1995. During that time he was Chairman of the House Subcommittee on Insular and International Affairs, and through his leadership the subcommittee resolved several then-pending unresolved issues. These bills were later enacted into federal law, and are today the governing authority setting federal policy in the insular areas. I also had the pleasure of seeing Ron de Lugo represent the people of the U.S. Virgin Islands when I was a member of the staff of the Interior Committee in the 1970's. Throughout the time I knew him in Washington, D.C., he devoted himself to public service, serving both his constituents and the people of this nation. But this does not describe his service to this nation in total. Ron de Lugo's public service began in 1956 when he was elected as a senator with the Virgin Islands legislature. With the exception of one two-year period, he served in elected positions until his retirement in 1995, a span of nearly 40 years! Among the firsts in his career are that he was the first delegate Chairman of a Subcommittee in the Interior Committee, first elected at large Washington representative from the Virgin Islands, and the first seated delegate from the Virgin Islands in the U.S. Congress. Mr. Speaker, Congressman Ron de Lugo will be long remembered as a key leader who shaped the political future of the U.S. Virgin Islands. Through his efforts, the people of the Virgin Islands have greater control over their own destiny, both with regard to their political status and development of social and economic conditions. Designation of the federal building in St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands is a fitting tribute to this distinguished gentleman, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the en bloc amendment to H.R. 1646 and my amendment which is contained therein. The amendment I offered is a Sense of Congress provision that recognizes the extraordinary importance of the national elections this year in Fiji, East Timor and Peru, and urges the Secretary of State to support the holding of free and fair elections in these nations. Mr. Chairman, each of these countries has recently undergone significant political instability and turmoil. In Fiji, the government of former Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudry, an Indo-Fijian, was deposed by an attempted coup in May of last year. Fiji has long suffered from political and economic tensions between its indigenous Fijian population and the Indo-Fijian community, which is comprised of individuals of Indian descent. I believe much of Fiji's problems today are a tragic result of Great Britain's bitter legacy of colonialism. For a century, Fiji was controlled and ruled by England as a colony. During that period, from 1879 to 1916, the British brought waves of indentured servants and laborers from Indian, another English colony, to work the sugar plantations of Fiji. The colonial policies of transmigration have resulted in a dilemma today for native Fijians who fear they may lose control of their government as well as their homeland. This August 25th, Fiji's caretaker administration will hold national elections intended to return Fiji to parliamentary government. Both New Zealand and Australia have pledged to assist with Fiji's elections, and the United States should join that effort by providing election monitors to ensure free, fair and democratic elections. As our colleagues know, when East Timor voted to break away from Indonesia in the August 1999 referendum, it triggered a campaign of killings and destruction by pro-Indonesia militias that devastated the territory. Five hundred thousand East Timorese were made refugees and upwards of 2,000 were murdered. Under the guidance of the United Nations Transitional Administration, East Timor is slowly recovering stability and progressing towards democracy. A crucial part of that process will take place on August 30th, when East Timor holds its first national election to select the 88-member Constituent Assembly. Once seated, the new parliament will draft a Constitution for an independent and democratic East Timor. The recent resignations from the National Council, the interim government, by President Xanana Gusmao and Nobel laureate Jose Ramos- Horta is not a good sign, indicating that problems may surface in the lead up to the elections. The United States should support East Timor and U.N. authorities to ensure that the first national elections are successful in consolidating democratic government for the people of East Timor. Mr. Chairman, Peru is overcoming 10 years of authoritarian rule under former President Alberto Fujimori, whose administration has increasingly been revealed as crime-ridden, with high-level corruption spanning from top politicians to Supreme Court Justices to military generals. Fujimori's intelligence chief, Vladimiros Montesinos, orchestrated the rigging of elections, bribing of high officials, and plotting against opponents. This culminated last year with Fujimori's fraudulent attempt to win a third term, the collapse of his administration, and the former president fleeing the country in November. This past month, the interim government of Peru held open and fair presidential elections which I was privileged to witness as an election monitor with a delegation led by former President Jimmy Carter. On June 10th, a runoff election will be held between the two top presidential candidates, Alejandro Toledo and Alex Garcia. Mr. Chairman, I commend the Peruvian electoral officials for the open and impartial elections held in April and urge that our nation continue to support Peru, as well as Fiji and East Timor, to ensure that the upcoming crucial elections are conducted under free and fair conditions necessary for democracy to flourish. I thank Chairman Hyde and Ranking Member Lantos for their support of this provision and urge our colleagues to adopt the en bloc amendment.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I am honored to join my colleagues in strong support of H.R. 1646, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act. I certainly commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), chairman of our Committee on International Relations, and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for their leadership and cooperation which resulted in this exceptionally bipartisan legislation. The bill contains an uncontested provision urging the administration to continue negotiation of the Kyoto Treaty on the global warming, despite President Bush's recent announcement to the contrary. Our colleagues understand that the American people view global climate change as a serious environmental challenge that must be addressed. With only 4 percent of the world's population, our Nation accounts for almost 25 percent of the carbon dioxide released into the atmosphere, one of the main causes of global warming. Mr. Speaker, as the world's per capita leader in fossil fuel emissions, our Nation has a moral responsibility and duty to lead global efforts to address climate warming. What is needed are binding commitments from all nations of the world to remedy the problem of global warming, and the Kyoto Protocol is the means by which a fair and equitable solution to this serious and environmental problem can be achieved. I also want to commend both the chairman and the ranking member for including a provision expressing the sense of the Congress concerning the human rights problems of West Papua New Guinea, and especially also for the continuous funding of the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to the Tancredo amendment, which would strike language in the bill urging the administration to rejoin the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, and providing funding for that purpose. I commend the gentleman from Iowa, Mr. Leach, for introducing the UNESCO provision into H.R. 1646 at the markup of the House International Relations Committee. I strongly agree with Mr. Leach that UNESCO has undergone substantial reforms and made important changes to address the management problems and anti-American bias that existed when the U.S. withdrew in 1984. The reforms have been independently confirmed by a GAO study in 1993. The 188-Member States of UNESCO pursue a common objective of contributing to peace and security internationally by promoting collaboration among nations through education, science, culture and communication. UNESCO's global agenda addresses threats on the U.S., such as environmental crises and infectious disease, and promotes democratic values such as freedom of speech and press, universal education and human rights. Mr. Chairman, now that UNESCO has been reformed, it is appropriate and in our national interest that the United States participate with this organization in pursuit of these worthy goals. I urge our colleagues to oppose the Tancredo amendment.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce legislation to make minor adjustments to the boundary of the National Park of American Samoa. The U.S. territory of American Samoa is located approximately 2,400 miles southwest of Hawaii, and the National Park of American Samoa is located on three separate islands: Tutuila, Ofu and Ta'u. The Islands of Ofu and Olosega, portions of which would be added to the park under this legislation, are small islands which lie adjacent to each other, and are connected by a short bridge. In 1998, I received requests from village chiefs from the Villages of Sili and Olosega, on the Island of Olosega, to include portions of their village lands within the National Park. The chiefs noted the important role the Park plays in preserving the natural and cultural resources of the territory, and indicated that the village councils believe there are significant cultural resources on village lands which warrant consideration for addition to the park. I asked the National Park Service to conduct a study to determine if there were in fact resources on the island which warranted inclusion in the park. The Park Service completed a reconnaissance survey of the Island of Olosega and of a portion of the Island of Ofu, and reported on both. The Service concluded in part: ``The archaeological significance of [Olosega Island] cannot be understated. Sites on the ridgeline and terraces may offer an important opportunity for the study and interpretation of ancient Samoa. The number and density of star mounds (31), the great number of modified terraces (46) and home sites (14), the subsistence system, and the artifacts available are all important findings. This is particularly significant in that they were recorded in only 3 days of visual surveys on only a portion of the island.'' The National Park of American Samoa is continuing to develop. Established in 1988 by Public Law 100-571, the Park took several years to become operational. Today, however, tourists are visiting and school teachers are using the Park as an educational resource to help the students learn more about Samoan history and culture, the environment, and ecological conservation. The Park is preserving the area within its boundaries, but as the population grows (there was an estimated 41 percent increase from 1990 to 2000), considerable pressure is being placed on those undeveloped areas. The additions proposed by the legislation I am introducing today will preserve important sections of the remaining natural cultural resources. Timing is important, and I hope to see this legislation enacted into law in the near future.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I certainly want to commend the gentleman from Guam for his leadership and for the authorship of this important legislation. I want to thank our colleague, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Hefley) for his leadership in managing the legislation pertaining to the Committee on Resources. I thank the gentleman from Utah (Chairman Hansen) and the gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Rahall), the ranking minority member, for their support of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 309, a bill to provide for the determination of withholding tax rates on the Guam income tax law. I am often critical of the relationship, or should I say, a lack of a well-defined relationship, currently existing between American Samoa and the United States. Unlike Guam, the Virgin Islands, Puerto Rico, or the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, American Samoa does not have an Organic Act setting forth the basic structure of the government, or a covenant relationship that defines such a relationship, as is currently the case with the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. On the other hand, Mr. Speaker, once a territory becomes organized, the local government loses much of its flexibility that it otherwise would have in addressing many of its social and economic issues. Mr. Speaker, as many of my colleagues may not be aware, the territory of American Samoa is an unorganized and unincorporated territory of the United States. This year marks the very unique political relationship between American Samoa and the United States which has now existed for over 101 years. American Samoa now has a territorial Constitution that was approved by the Secretary of the Interior in 1967, but was never approved by the Congress. A law was passed by the Congress in 1984 to prohibit any changes in the territorial Constitution without the consent of the Congress, but at the same time, Congress passed a law in 1929 to delegate all military, judicial, and administrative authority under the control of the President or his designee, currently the Secretary of the Interior. Mr. Speaker, how would we like to figure that one out? Mr. Speaker, the issue addressed by this legislation is one example of the inflexibility of existing Organic Acts. Under current Federal tax law, there is a 30 percent State income tax rate for foreign investors, or I am sorry, 10 percent for foreign investors in the United States. Guam's territorial tax law is imposed under Federal law, so an act of Congress is needed to change it. Even though the United States enters into treaties with foreign governments authorizing lower income tax rates for foreign investors in the States of the United States, current treaties do not include the territories as part of the United States. The net result is that if a Japanese businessman invests in a State of the United States and has an income of $100,000, that investor pays a $10,000 tax on the income. That very same investor earning the same $100,000 in income from an investment in Guam would have to pay $30,000 in tax, or three times as much. Given Guam's proximity to Japan and other Asian countries, and given the number of nonaffiliated islands in the Pacific, the 30 percent income tax rate is a considerable disincentive for foreign investors to do business in a territory like Guam, thus hampering Guam's economic development. I welcome this proposed change in Federal law to permit the governing authority in Guam to tax foreign investors at the same rates as States under U.S. tax treaties with foreign nations. While American Samoa does not have this problem because it has authority to enact its own tax laws, I would suggest that future tax treaty negotiators include U.S. territories within treaty provisions so separate legislation is not necessary. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the legislation before us, H.R. 428, which calls for Taiwan's participation in the World Health Organization (WHO). To facilitate this important goal, the measure requires the Secretary of State to undertake efforts to endorse and obtain observer status for Taiwan at next month's summit meeting in Geneva of the World Health Assembly, and for the Secretary to submit the plan of action to Congress. Mr. Speaker, I congratulate the author of the legislation, the distinguished gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Sherrod Brown, for his leadership on this issue. I further commend the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Hyde, the Chairman of the House International Relations Committee, and the Committee's Ranking Democrat, the gentleman from California, Mr. Lantos, for bringing this matter to the floor. I am proud to join my colleagues as a co-sponsor of this bipartisan legislation. Mr. Speaker, the World Health Organization (WHO) is the preeminent international health organization on the planet. In its charter, the WHO sets forth the crucial objective of attaining the highest possible level of health for all people, yet today the 23 million citizens of Taiwan are still denied appropriate and meaningful participation in the international health forums and programs conducted by the WHO. This is simply wrong and inexcusable, Mr. Speaker, and Congress has spoken out in the past that this should be corrected. Access to the World Health Organization ensures that the highest standards of health information and services are provided, facilitating the eradication of disease and improvement of public health worldwide. The work of the WHO is particularly crucial today given the tremendous volume of international travel, which has heightened the transmission of communicable diseases between borders. With over 190 participants in the World Health Organization, it is a travesty that Taiwan is not permitted to receive WHO benefits, especially when you consider Taiwan's 23 million citizens outnumber the population of three-fourths of the WHO's member states. This lack of access to WHO protections has caused the good people of Taiwan to suffer needlessly, such as in 1998 when a deadly, yet preventable, virus killed 70 Taiwanese children and infected more than 1,100 others. Mr. Speaker, there is no good nor valid reason why Taiwan should be denied observer status with the World Health Organization. As a strong democracy and one of the world's most robust economies, Taiwan rightfully should participate in the health services and medical protections offered by the WHO. Conversely, the WHO stands to benefit significantly from the financial and technological contributions that Taiwan has offered many times in the past. Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge our colleagues to adopt this worthy and important legislation.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce legislation to clarify the tax treatment of bonds and other obligations issued by the American Samoa Government. Under current federal law, the territories of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, Guam, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, have the authority to issue municipal bonds to foster a broad range of economic activity. These bonds are exempt from income taxation by the federal government, state governments, territorial governments, municipal governments, and the government of the District of Columbia. This is known as triple tax exemption. In American Samoa, on the other hand, only industrial development bonds receive triple tax exempt status. The income from all other bonds is subject to taxation by federal, state and municipal governments. The legislation I am introducing today will give to American Samoa the same authority already held by all other states and territories. The legislation deletes the current reference to Section 103 of the Internal Revenue Code which excludes interest on qualifying bonds from income, as that cross reference is not necessary. It is the intent of the legislation, however, that interest on qualifying bonds issued by the Government of American Samoa or any of its agencies be exempt from taxation. As with other jurisdictions, the bonds would not be exempt from federal, state or local gift, estate, inheritance, legacy, succession or other wealth transfer taxes which may at any time be in effect. The legislation uses new language in describing the bonds to reflect changes made to the Internal Revenue Code in 1986. Finally, this bill repeals current law on this subject--Section 202 of Public Law 98-454 (48 U.S.C. Sec. 1670). Any bonds issued after enactment of the new provision would be subject to the new law; any bonds issued before that date would remain valid and be subject to the current Section 1670 of Title 48.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce legislation which will clarify campaign finance respect to contributions to federal candidates by U.S. nationals. American Samoa is the only jurisdiction under U.S. authority in which a person can be born with the status of U.S. national, and over half of the residents of American Samoa are U.S. nationals but not citizens. A U.S. national is a person who owes his or her allegiance to the United States, but is not a citizen. U.S. nationals travel with U.S. passports and are eligible for permanent residence in the United States. They are not foreign citizens or foreign nationals. In fact, they have the same privileges and immunities as U.S. citizens, except that in the United States, they cannot hold public office, vote, serve as commissioned officers in the military services, hold certain security clearances, or hold positions which require high-level security clearances. Mr. Speaker, federal campaign law currently specifies that U.S. citizens and permanent resident foreign nationals may make contributions to candidates for federal office. This section of law was enacted into law before American Samoa had a delegate in the House of Representatives. My concern is that if Congress changes this section of campaign finance law while we know of the U.S. national problem, our action could be interpreted to mean that Congress intended to prohibit non-citizen U.S. nationals from contributing to federal elections. This would cause a major problem in American Samoa, because a majority of the residents of my Congressional district would be prohibited from contributing to candidates running for federal office, particularly the office of Delegate to the U.S. House of Representatives. Moreover, the U.S. nationals residing in the states and other territories of the United States, estimated to be approximately 100,000 to 130,000, would also be prohibited from contributing. Few U.S. nationals are aware of the U.S. citizen/U.S. national distinction made in federal campaign laws, and many contribute to candidates for the U.S. House, U.S. Senate, and to candidates for U.S. President. One interpretation of the law could find these candidates in violation of campaign finance laws for having received contributions from persons not authorized under the law. This substance of this bill passed the House in the 106th Congress as part of broader legislation on the subject of campaign finance reform, but the provision was not enacted into law. As we continue the debate the financing of federal elections, I hope that we will be able to clarify this point of law also.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce a bill to provide improved administrative procedures for the Federal recognition to certain Indian groups. Mr. Speaker, I have been working on this issue now for several Congresses. In 1994, the House passed similar legislation but that effort died in the Senate. Last year, the Senate came closer to passing legislation to address this problem than did the House. In an effort to bring the two houses of Congress together, I am introducing a companion bill to S. 504, which was introduced by Senator Campbell on March 9, 2001. Despite the joint efforts of many Senators and Members of Congress over a period of years, we are still faced with an expensive, unfair process through which Indian groups seeking federal recognition must go. I wish to help address the historical wrongs that the two hundred unrecognized tribes in this nation have faced. This bill streamlines the existing procedures for extending federal recognition to Indian tribes, removes the bureaucratic maze of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and also provides due process, equity and fairness to the whole problem of Indian recognition. Mr. Speaker, a broad coalition of unrecognized Indian tribes has advocated reform for years for several reasons. First, the BIA's budget limitations over the years have, in fact, created a certain bias against recognizing new Indian tribes. Second, the process has always been too expensive, costing some tribes well over $500,000, and most of these tribes just do not have this kind of money to spend. I need not remind my colleagues of the fact that Native American Indians today have the worst statistics in the nation when it comes to education, economic activity and social development. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, the recognition process for the First Americans has been an embarrassment to our government and certainly to the people of America. If only the American people can ever feel and realize the pain and suffering that the Native Americans have long endured, there would probably be another American revolution. Mr. Speaker, the process to provide federal recognition to Native American tribes simply takes too long. I acknowledge the recent reaffirmation of a federal trust relationship for the King Salmon Tribe (Alaska), the Shoonaq' Tribe of Kodiak (Alaska), and the Lower Lake Rancheria (California), and the recognition of Chinook Indian Tribe/ Chinook Nation of Washington. This is a step in the right direction, but recognition for the Chinooks took 22 years, and the other three tribes were somehow ``overlooked'' by the BIA for a number of years. I thank former Assistant Secretary Kevin Gover for acknowledging this ``egregious oversight'', and then correcting it. Regrettably, even at the current rate of recognition, it will take the Bureau of Indian Affairs many decades to resolve questions on all tribes which have expressed an intent to be recognized. Mr. Speaker, the current process does not provide petitioners with due process--in particular, the opportunity to cross examine witnesses and on-the-record hearings. The same experts who conduct research on a petitioner's case are also the ``judge and jury'' in the process! In 1996, in the case of Greene v. Babbitt, 943 F. Supp. 1278 (W.Dist. Wash), the federal court found that the current procedures for recognition were ``marred by both lengthy delays and a pattern of serious procedural due process violations. The decision to recognize the Samish tribe took over twenty-five years, and the Department has twice disregarded the procedures mandated by the APA, the Constitution, and this Court,'' (p. 1288). Among other statements contained in Judge Thomas Zilly's opinion were: ``The Samish people's quest for federal recognition as an Indian tribe has a protracted and tortuous history . . . made more difficult by excessive delays and governmental misconduct.'' (p. 1281) And again at pp. 1288-1289, ``Under these limited circumstances, where the agency has repeatedly demonstrated a complete lack of regard for the substantive and procedural rights of the petitioning party, and the agency's decision maker has failed to maintain her role as an impartial and disinterested adjudicator . . .'' Sadly, the Samish's administrative and legal conflict--much of which was at public expense--could have been avoided were it not for a 30- year-old clerical error of the Bureau of Indian Affairs which inadvertently left the Samish Tribe's name off the list of recognized tribes in Washington. With a record like this, it is little wonder that many tribes have lost faith in the Government's recognition procedures. Former President Clinton acknowledged the problem. In a 1996 letter to the Chinook Tribe of Washington, the President wrote, ``I agree that the current federal acknowledgment process must be improved.'' He said that some progress has been made, ``but much more must be done.'' Mr. Speaker, the legislation I am introducing today addresses most the above concerns by establishing an independent three member commission which consider petitions for recognition. This legislation will provide tribes with the opportunity for public, trial-type hearings and sets strict time limits for action on pending petitions. Previous bills I have introduced on this issue were an attempt to streamline and make more objective the federal recognition criteria by aligning them with the legal standards in place prior to 1978, as laid out by the father of Indian Law, Felix S. Cohen in 1942. Because some have expressed concern that prior bills would open the door for more tribes to conduct gambling operations on new reservations, the bill I introduce today will codify the existing criteria used for recognition rather than change to revised criteria under which some have said would make it easier for groups to qualify. Underlying this bill is the issue of Indian gaming. While I cannot say that no new gambling operations will result from this bill, I do believe that this bill will have only a minimal impact in the area. I would like to remind my colleagues that: (1) unlike state-sponsored gaming operations, Indian gaming is highly regulated by the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act; (2) before gaming can be conducted, the tribes must reach an agreement with the state in which the gaming would be conducted; (3) under IGRA (the Indian Gaming and Regulatory Act) gaming can only be conducted on land held in trust by the federal government; (4) gaming can only be conducted at a level the state permits on non- Indian land; and (4) any gaming profits can only be used for tribal development, such as water & sewer systems, schools, and housing. The point I want to make is even if an Indian group wanted to obtain recognition to start a gambling operation, they couldn't do it just for that purpose. For a group to obtain federal recognition, it would still have to prove its origins, cultural heritage, existence of governmental structure, and everything else currently required. Should that burden be overcome, a tribe would need a reservation or land held in trust by the federal government. This bill makes no effort to provide land to any group being recognized. If the land issue is overcome, under the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, a tribe cannot conduct gaming operations unless it has an agreement to do so with the state government. A prior Congress put this into the law in an effort to balance the rights of the states to control gambling activity within its borders, and the rights of sovereign tribal nations to conduct activities on their land. The difficulty in obtaining gaming compacts with states made the national news not long ago because of the almost absolute veto power the states have under current law. The U.S. Supreme Court affirmed this reading of the law in Seminole Tribe of Florida v. Florida, 517 U.S. 44 (1996). I want to emphasize this point--this is not a gambling bill, this is a bill to create a fair, objective process by which Indian groups can be evaluated for possible federal recognition. Mr. Speaker, this bill is not perfect in every form, but it is the result of many hours of consultation and years of work. I have sought to work with many parties to come up with sound, careful changes which recognize the historical struggles the unrecognized tribes have gone through, yet at the same time recognizes the hard work the Bureau of Indian Affairs has done lately in making positive changes through regulations to address these problems. In conclusion Mr. Speaker, I hope we can take final action on the issue of Indian recognition early in this century by addressing at least some of the wrongs of the past two centuries.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the legislation before the House, H. Con. Res. 41, which speaks on behalf of the good people of El Salvador who are struggling to recover from two devastating earthquakes that struck the nation in January and February of this year. I commend the author of the resolution, the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Davis, and the Chairman and Ranking Democratic Member of the House International Relations Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, Mr. Ballenger and Mr. Menendez, for introducing this important measure. I further commend the Chairman and Ranking Democratic Member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Hyde and Mr. Lantos, for their leadership in bringing the legislation to the floor. I am honored to join our colleagues in expressing concern and sympathy for the victims of the earthquakes in El Salvador and to support ongoing aid and relief efforts. Madam Speaker, the people of El Salvador have had more than their share of suffering. In recent decades, El Salvador has been torn apart by civil war, a deadly and costly conflict which claimed the lives of more than 70,000 men, women and children before a peace accord was reached in 1992. A little over two years ago, one of the most destructive natural disasters ever to hit the region, Hurricane Mitch, wreaked havoc on El Salvador. In the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch's 180 mph winds and massive flooding, El Salvador and her neighbors, Nicaragua and Honduras, lost over 11,000 citizens with damages totaling over $4 billion. Madam Speaker, despite these major setbacks, the people of El Salvador have worked diligently and courageously to rebuild their nation and democracy. It is a tragedy and cruel fate that they have had to suffer once again. On January 13th of this year, a huge earthquake registering 7.6 on the Richter Scale struck off the coast of El Salvador, southwest of the city of San Miguel. Exactly a month later, a second crushing earthquake with a magnitude of 6.6 struck east of San Salvador. Madam Speaker, these devastating earthquakes have taken a tremendous toll on the people of El Salvador and resulted in a humanitarian catastrophe. Over 1,500 Salvadorans have lost their lives, with thousands more injured. At least 200,000 homes have been destroyed, displacing over a million Salvadorans. More than fifteen hundred schools and dozens of hospitals, as well as essential segments of the country's infrastructure including water systems and the Pan-American Highway, have been badly damaged. The destruction to El Salvador is estimated to exceed $2 billion in costs. Madam Speaker, I would urge our colleagues to adopt this legislation which evidences our heartfelt concern for the people of El Salvador and their tragic losses. The legislation further supports relief efforts of the United States Agency for International Development for El Salvador's reconstruction, along with the assistance of the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and the international community. To this effect, I commend President Bush for committing $110 million in relief aid when meeting early this month with the President of El Salvador, Francisco Flores. This is a good beginning but more aid is needed. Also important has been President Bush's work permit initiative for Salvadoran immigrants, which has allowed many Salvadorans to continue sending home substantial sums for reconstruction efforts in El Salvador. Madam Speaker, I urge passage of the measure before us.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce the National Sea Grant College Program Authorization Enhancement Act of 2001. In 1998, Congress passed and the President signed Public Law 105-160, an act to reauthorize the National Sea Grant College Program. In authorizing the National Sea Grant College Program, Congress stressed the importance of the coastal ocean, its margins, the Great Lakes and the Exclusive Economic Zone to the national interest and economic and social well-being of our Nation. Congress also recognized the National Sea Grants' university-based network offers the most cost-effective way to promote understanding, assessment, development, utilization and conservation of our Nation's coastal regions. But given the geographic scope and complexity of coastal regions, the Sea Grant faces a variety of unmet needs and challenges. These challenges include increased coastal growth and development and economic and environmental concerns. Mr. Speaker, the U.S. has 95,000 miles of coastline and more than 3.4 million square miles of ocean within its U.S. territorial sea. Since 1960, the square mileage of coastal urban lands has increased by over 130 percent. Today, approximately 54 percent of the Nation's population, our Nation's population, lives along the coast; and U.S. coastal population is expected to increase by 25 million people between 1996 and 2015. There are more than 14,000 new housing starts every week in coastal areas, and approximately 1,300 acres of coastal lands are developed into urban lands every day. But our Nation's investment in coastal science continues to lag behind coastal population growth and development. More than 180 million people visit the Nation's coasts annually, affecting the coastal infrastructure and resources. In 1993, 43 percent of the Nation's fisheries were listed as overfished. The Nation's 6,500 square miles of coral reefs, the rainforests of the sea, face new threats every day, with many already severely damaged or succumbing to environmental conditions and disease. Runoff is adding nutrients and toxic chemicals to coastal waters, resulting in fish kills, loss of habitat and harmful health conditions. Expanded international trade and travel are causing unprecedented invasions of non-native plants and animals into U.S. coastal waters. Mr. Speaker, Sea Grant's ability to address these problems have been significantly limited by financial resources. For example, although 54 percent of U.S. population lives on the coast, current funding for Sea Grant is only about 3 percent of the equivalent Federal funding from the U.S. Department of Agriculture for university-based Land Grant/ Cooperative Extension Service Programs. In other words, Mr. Speaker, Land Grant Institutions collectively receive a direct appropriation of more than $550 million per year and an additional $350 million in Federal grant funding. I have no problems with that, Mr. Speaker. But, in comparison, the National Sea Grant College Program receives barely $58 million per year. Mr. Speaker, I believe it bears repeating. More than 54 percent of our Nation's population lives along the coast, but we only devote pennies to marine research. Sea Grant funds on an average less than $2 million per State program. Many geographic regions are not represented, including the Western Pacific, which alone has a huge Economic Exclusive Zone. Some States like Mississippi and Alabama share funding, while other eligible States like Pennsylvania and Vermont have no institutional Sea Grant programs. On average, there are fewer than seven extension agents per coastal State; and, in many cases, there is only one extension agent serving a major urban area. In Los Angeles, for example, there is only one extension agent serving 14 million people. In New York City, there is only one serving 12 million people. Mr. Speaker, clearly Sea Grant's potential is limited with respect to its potential. The National Sea Grant College Program is a coastal science management and service program that engages the Nation's top universities through a network of 30 Sea Grant programs and some 200 affiliated institutions located in coastal and Great Lake States and territories. Sea Grant conducts mission-critical research and development and utilizes a highly effective network of extension and communications professionals to transfer research results to users. Sea Grant has been actively expanding its capabilities in areas of national interest, including health and medicine. In fact, Sea Grant is looking to the sea to find new pharmaceuticals and medicines and maybe even a cure for cancer. Sea Grant is also on the cutting edge of marine science and marine aquaculture research. The U.S. imports over $9 billion worth of sea food and shellfish a year. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to support this legislation, a very conservative one.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend our good chairman of the Committee on Resources, the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Hansen), for his support, and our ranking member, the gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Rahall), for his endorsement of this important legislation. Mr. Speaker, as has been so eloquently stated by the gentleman from Guam (Mr. Underwood), the commission to review reparations for the people of Guam, who were subjected to death, forced labor, forced marches and internment during World War II is long overdue. Guam was the only land under the jurisdiction of the United States to be occupied by Japanese forces during World War II. The people of Guam could have, I suppose, Mr. Speaker, greeted Japanese military forces with open arms and perhaps spared themselves some of the misery they suffered during 3 years of brutal occupation by Japanese forces, but they did not. These native Guamanians were proud Americans since the annexation of Guam by America in 1898 after the Spanish-American War. In response to their loyalty, 56 years after the Secretary of the Navy was authorized to adjudicate these claims, we are still debating whether we should establish a commission to study whether the people of Guam who suffered during this occupation should receive reparations. Mr. Speaker, it has been 56 years. Even the Department of the Navy supported reparations decades ago. Direct action on the part of this Congress is long, long overdue. This legislation has been introduced in every Congress since Guam has had a delegate in the U.S. House of Representatives to address the war, the subject of the World War II atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers against these loyal Americans. This is my seventh term now in this Chamber. I can personally attest that the gentleman from Guam (Mr. Underwood) has been trying to get this issue addressed since he has been here, and our former colleague, Mr. Ben Blaz, did the same before him, and before Mr. Blaz, Mr. Tony Won Pat in the 1970s. Mr. Speaker, I support this legislation. I also feel compelled to speak out that we should be doing more. A similar bill passed the House late last year, and I appreciate the leadership agreeing to take up this bill early in this Congress so the Senate will have more time to act on it. Mr. Speaker, the territory of Guam stands today as one of our most important strategic centers throughout the Asian Pacific region. Our Nation has established well over a $10 billion military presence in Guam, a first-class Air Force base that has proved so crucial in bombing operations during the Vietnam War, and a naval installation that is critical to provide resources and support for our armed forces throughout the Asian-Pacific region. Mr. Speaker, I want to reinforce these points to my colleagues in the House as to why this legislation is so important and why it needs the support of this body. One, some 22,000 native Guamanians were the only Americans living in the land area under the sovereignty of the United States that was occupied for some 3 years by Japanese military forces during World War II. Two, I am not going to ask why it was the policy of our government to evacuate only U.S. citizens living in Guam, but leave the native Guamanians, who were all U.S. nationals, subject to the control and sovereignty of our own government, they were left to fend for themselves for these 3 years while the Japanese occupied the island of Guam. Mr. Speaker, for 3 years, these United States nationals were subject to some of the worst atrocities committed by Japanese military forces during their occupation of Guam from 1941 to 1944. Mr. Speaker, this is not a pleasant story to share with my colleagues today, but we need to put ourselves in the shoes of some of the descendents of these families who suffered so much. It is not a pleasant story to hear when the head of one's father has been decapitated by a Japanese soldier, or if one's mother or sister or wife was being raped by these Japanese forces. I only say just a fraction, from talking to some of the descendents who are still living today, of the atrocities; and just the forced marches. The way that these people were treated, I say it even borders on genocide. Mr. Speaker, I plead with my colleagues today, let this bill pass. We owe it to these proud Americans.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I would like to place in the record a letter to the Washington Post published on February 14, 2001, which cites the dedicated service of Mr. Bernard Hollander for 51 years in the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. I want to note that the long and distinguished career of Mr. Hollander includes two important contributions to American Samoa. In the 1960's, Mr. Hollander prosecuted an antitrust case which opened up the petroleum storage facilities in American Samoa to multiple suppliers, thus bringing the benefits of competition in fuel supply to our economy. The court decree requiring open access to our petroleum market remains in place, and Mr. Hollander continues to represent the United States in the case. Mr. Hollander was also instrumental in opening the American Samoa market to competition in long-haul air service. Acting as special counsel to the Governor of American Samoa, Mr. Hollander participated in proceedings before the Civil Aeronautics Board which authorized competition in U.S. air service to our territory. Prior to that case, only one airline was authorized to provide service connecting American Samoa with Hawaii and the U.S. mainland. I am pleased to note for the record the service of Mr. Bernard Hollander to American Samoa. We wish him many years of good health and good work. Legends of Justice As a Jan. 30 news story reported, the Justice Department's eminent tax lawyer, Ernest Brown, has retired at age 94 after 30 years of service. But Bernard Hollander, another Justice Department legend at age 85 and a former student of Ernest Brown's at Harvard Law School, continues to work in the department's antitrust division as he has for 51 years. The public is fortunate to have the benefit of lawyers as talented and dedicated as Ernest Brown and Bernard Hollander. Robert B. Nicholson, Chevy Chase.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I come before our colleagues and our great Nation tonight to discuss a disturbing matter I have raised before--the bloody struggle for freedom and democracy that is being waged halfway around the world in the Pacific by the courageous people of West Papua, a province subjugated by Indonesia and renamed Irian Jaya. Although many of our colleagues are familiar with Indonesia's atrocious and despicable record of human rights violations in East Timor and West Timor--the world has neglected to address the parallel tragedy that is being played out as we speak in West Papua. Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid, to his credit, has attempted to engage the people of West Papua, in a national dialogue to defuse the incredible tensions arising from four decades of military repression and violence perpetrated against the Papuan people. As part of his peace initiative, President Wahid expressly authorized Papuans to raise their Morning Star flags, a deeply emotional symbol of the Papuan people's desire for justice and self-determination. In recent weeks, however, armed Indonesian security forces have violated President Wahid's order, perhaps based upon a conflicting directive from Vice President Megawati Sukarnoputri, and forcibly taken down Morning Star flags in the mountainside town of Wamena. This touched off a massive riot resulting in upwards of 58 deaths and dozens of injured citizens. On Monday (October 9, 2000), Amnesty International reported that, ``Indonesian security forces opened fire during attempts to forcibly remove Papuan flags flying in several locations in Wamena town.'' With hundreds of people taken into custody, Amnesty International stated that, ``some of those released told local human rights monitors that they witnessed other detainees being tortured by the police. The police reportedly beat, kicked and used razor blades to torture those who refused to renounce support for Papuan independence.'' Amnesty International, in particular, took note that 15 individuals have been denied total access to their attorneys and families, raising fears that these Papuans are being tortured or subject to extrajudicial execution. Mr. Speaker, these recent developments in Indonesia's campaign of violence against the Papuan people are shocking and reprehensible. However, I am not surprised by this ugly show of brutality, for it is nothing new. It is part and parcel of a long history of Jakarta's oppression of the native people of West Papua. The first chapter in this tragic story began in 1961, when the people of West Papua, with the assistance of the Netherlands and Australia, prepared to declare independence from the Dutch, their former colonial master. This enraged Indonesia, which invaded West Papua and urged war against Holland. Skillfully playing the Communist card against the United States, Indonesia simultaneously threatened to become a Soviet ally, prompting the United States to take Jakarta's side in the West Papua issue. Once the Dutch were advised by President Kennedy's administration that they could not count on United States backing in a conflict with Indonesia, the Netherlands ceased support for West Papua's independence and deserted the Papuan people. Indonesia was thus given a green light to ravage West Papua in 1963, destroying the Papuan people's dreams of freedom and self-determination. In 1969, the second chapter unfolded, when the United Nations supervised a fraudulent referendum called the ``Act of Free Choice'', which, upon review, was clearly designed to give cover and official sanctioning of Indonesia's forced occupation of West Papua. West Papuans derisively refer to it as the ``Act of No Choice'', since only 1,025 delegates hand-picked by Jakarta were allowed to vote, with bribery and death threats used to coerce them. The rest of the 800,000 citizens of West Papua had absolutely no say in the rigged plebiscite. Despite calling for a ``one person-one vote'' referendum, the United Nations shamefully acquiesced and recognized the defective vote--a vote which, not surprisingly, was unanimous for West Papua to remain with Indonesia. Since Indonesia and its military subjugated West Papua, the Papuan people have suffered under one of the most repressive and violent systems of colonial occupation in the twentieth century. Incredible as it may seem, Mr. Speaker, as the world witnessed in East Timor, the estimate of West Papuans who have been killed or who have simply vanished from the fact of the earth during the Indonesian occupation numbers in the hundreds of thousands. Papuans project that between 200,000 to 300,000 of their people have disappeared at the hands of the Indonesians. Mr. Speaker, in recent years our Nation has rightfully intervened to stop ethnic cleansing and genocide, such as in Kosovo, yet for decades in West Papua the Indonesians have been allowed to commit outrageous human rights abuses of the highest magnitude. Mr. Speaker, the depth and intensity of this conflict spanning four decades underscores the fact that the people of West Papua do not desire and will never accept being part of Indonesia. In all ways, manner and fashion, they are a people and culture dramatically distinct and apart from the rest of Indonesia. In an attempt to overwhelm the Papuan people, the Indonesian Government has chosen a policy of mass transmigration, not unlike what China is doing in Tibet. The West Papuan people have been inundated with an annual influx of over 10,000 families from the rest of Indonesia. Already, the migrants threaten to outnumber the West Papuans, reducing the indigenous natives to a minority in their own homeland. Mr. Speaker, the tragic situation in West Papua greatly concerns me. With Jakarta's renewed thirst for blood, I would ask that all of our colleagues join in urging the Indonesian Government to exercise restraint and immediately stop the killings and human rights violations in West Papua. To that effect, Mr. Speaker, earlier this year, our colleagues-- Representatives John Lewis, Cynthia McKinney, Lane Evans, Donald Payne, Robert Wexler, Alcee Hastings and Gregory Meeks--joined me in a letter to President Clinton strongly expressing our deep concerns with Indonesia's repression in West Papua and requesting that the ``U.S. ensure that the Indonesian military and police refrain from any violent response'' to the Papuan people's advocacy for independence. Our letter further requested the Administration to work with United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan in undertaking a thorough and complete review of the 1969 U.N. ``Act of Free Choice''. I commend President Clinton for his forthright response and gracious letter, in which the President stated, ``The U.S. response to events in West Papua is aimed at minimizing the likelihood of violence and promoting reconciliation between Papua and the Indonesian government.'' The President further stated ``* * * we have strongly urged Indonesia to uphold justice, human rights, and the rule of law in Papua and to refrain from using tactics of repression similar to those that were condemned by the world community in East Timor. We will continue to impress on Indonesia's leaders the high costs associated with any attempt to use military-backed militias to incite violence or to intimidate the people of Papua.'' I thank the President for his stated commitment to stop Indonesia's practices of brutality in West Papua and look forward to concrete, timely action from the Administration in response to the recent troubling developments in West Papua. Mr. Speaker, as the leader of the free world and protector of the oppressed, our great Nation cannot in good conscience continue to look away as another nightmare like East Timor raises its ugly head. I ask our colleagues to hear the urgent pleas for help of the people of West Papua and take steps now with the Administration to prevent another East Timor massacre from taking place. Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and I submit the aforementioned letters regarding West Papua from our colleagues and President Clinton for the Record. Congress of the United States, House of Representatives, Washington, DC, June 30, 2000. Hon. William J. Clinton, President, The White House, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. President: We are deeply concerned with recent developments in Papua, also known as West Papua or Irian Jaya, the eastern-most part of Indonesia. The Second Papuan People's Congress ended the first week of June with a declaration of independence from Indonesia, to which the Indonesian government responded by declaring it would take all action necessary to maintain the state's territorial integrity. This independence declaration--dated retroactively to December 1, 1961, when Papuan leaders first declared Papua a sovereign nation separate from its Dutch colonial rulers-- follows years of economic exploitation and human rights violations by the Indonesian government and military regime. The decisions of the Papuan Congress, attended by five hundred delegated representatives, more than two thousand others inside the hall and some twenty thousand supporters outside, reflect views held widely throughout the territory. While it is premature for the U.S. government to take a stand in favor or against the declaration adopted by the Papuan Congress, we feel that the State Department should at least demonstrate an understanding of the underlying reasons for the decision taken by the Papuan representatives. The independence declaration of the Second Papuan People's Conference reflects over thirty years of grievance resulting from a fraudulent Act of Free Choice held in 1969. A brutally repressive military regime organized the Act, refusing universal suffrage and convening an assembly of only 1,025 hand-picked men. They met under extreme duress and at gunpoint, resulting in an ``unanimous'' decision to remain with Indonesia. To its detriment, the United Nations, which was supposed to supervise the Act but was marginalized throughout the process, endorsed the results and has done virtually nothing to protect the rights and freedoms of the Papuan people since then. The U.S. government must take responsibility for the diplomatic moves leading to the U.N.'s betrayal of the Papuans. U.S. administrations were instrumental in negotiating talks between Indonesia and the Netherlands about Paupua, resulting in the New York Agreement in 1962 and the eventual Act of Free Choice. The talks, over which a U.S. diplomat preside, took place without any Papuan representation and were followed by six years of extreme repression capped by the denial of the right to a genuine act of self-determination. Having brokered an agreement providing for the Act of Free Choice, the U.S. government had a responsibility to ensure its fair implementation. Yet despite egregious human rights violations perpetrated against the Papuan people, the U.S. voted in favor of U.N. General Assembly Resolution 2504 of December 19 in 1969, recognizing the official inclusion of Papua in the Indonesian state. Given the involvement of the U.S. in the aforementioned agreements, we request that the Administration call upon the U.N. Secretary General to undertake a thorough review of the 1969 Act of Free Choice. We remain deeply concerned about escalating activities in Papua of pro-Indonesia militia groups, similar to those that operated in East Timor, many of whom are linked to the Indonesian Armed Forces. We further request that the U.S. ensure that the Indonesian military and police refrain from any violent response to the declaration of independence, as has already been suggested by some in the Indonesian security forces and government. We will continue to diligently monitor the situation in Papua, particularly in the context of severe military repression throughout the Indonesian archipelago. We thank you for your serious consideration of our requests and look forward to your response. Sincerely. Eni F.H. Faleomavaega, Donald M. Payne, Robert Wexler, Alcee L. Hastings, Cynthia A. McKinney, Lane Evans, John Lewis, Gregory W. Meeks.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, what is it that Olympian gold-medalist volleyballer Eric Fonoimoana, Junior Seau of the San Diego Chargers, Joe Salvare'a of the Tennessee Titans, Edwin Mulitalo of the Baltimore Ravens, Naomi Mulitauaopele of the Utah Starzz, Marcus Tuiasosopo of the Washington Huskies, All-American UCLA discus thrower Seilala Su'a, Yokozuna Sumo Grand Champion Musashimaru, Ozeki Sumo Champion Konishiki, WWF Wrestling Champion Tuifeai, ``The Rock'', and heavyweight boxer David Tua all have in common? Mr. Speaker, they are all Samoans. Not Somalians. Mr. Speaker--they are Samoan Polynesians who share the same cultural heritage like the Maoris of New Zealand, the Hawaiians or Kanaka Maoli, Tongans, and Tahitians. After the elections Mr. Speaker, I suggest to my colleagues and to the millions of boxing fans throughout America, to kick back and turn their TV sets on to HBO and witness one of the most historical events that will transpire on the evening of November 11th in Las Vegas--the world heavyweight boxing championship fight between Lennox Lewis and Samoan heavyweight boxer David Tua. Mr. Speaker, it is against Samoan tradition to be boastful and arrogant--but as a totally neutral observer and with all due respect-- Lennox Lewis is going to painfully wake up the next morning and count how many ribs he has left, and then he will wonder if he was hit by either a dump-truck or a D-nine caterpillar tractor, after fighting against David Tua. You see, Mr. Speaker, this guy David Tua--he has the heart and soul of a true Polynesian warrior. He's got a nasty left hook and a deadly right hand knockout punch. He only weighs about 250 pounds. He has no neck, and his legs and calves are like tree trunks--which is typical of Samoan men who also wear what we here in America describe as skirts, but they are actually lavalavas. I want to express my personal thanks and appreciation to the good people of New Zealand--all the pakehas and our Polynesian cousins the Tangata Maohi for looking after David Tua and his family, and for their acceptance of David Tua--and I say to my Maori cousins--``Tena Koutou! Tena Koutou!'' Thank you, Thank you! Mr. Speaker, in describing David Tua's physical presence, I am reminded of a poem that a Hawaiian comedian Frank Delima once wrote about Samoans. By the way, Mr. Speaker, David Tua's favorite past time is writing poetry. Anyway, the poem, in part, is entitled ``Abdullah Fata'ai'' and it goes like this: I'm nine feet tall and six feet wide. I got a neck made of elephant hide I scrape da haoles off the soles of my feet I drive my Volkswagen from the back seat * * * * * I eat green bananas, tree and all My favorite game is tackle football I wear a skirt, but you better not laugh Cause it won't be funny when I break you in half I'm as gentle and sweet as a grizzly bear Only difference is he got more hair * * * * * I got the nicest smile in all the Pacific I got an island home that's super terrific But I don't like fight and you don't like die So when I say, ``Talofa!'' you better say, ``Hi!'' Mr. Speaker, I call upon the Prime Minister of the Independent and Sovereign State of Samoa and the Governor of the U.S. Territory of American Samoa to declare November 11th as National David Tua Day. It will be a day that will be remembered by Samoans throughout the world-- the Samoan ``David'' going up against the Goliath ``Lennox Lewis''--and we all know the results of that famous encounter. I do not know if David Tua is listening to this presentation, Mr. Speaker, but I do know that David Tua is a humble man--never speaks ill of his opponents, and I believe the American people and boxing fans around the world are going to remember him well for his talents, and above all, his sportsmanship like conduct. As we say in the Samoan language, (the gentleman spoke in Samoan) ``Ia pouliuli lou tino, ma ia malamalama ou mata, ma tafe toto ou ala-- ou mama na, David Tua,'' which means, Mr. Speaker, ``May your body be as invisible as the air and may your eyes be as bright as the sun. May you be victorious in battle--all our hopes and aspirations are with you, David Tua.''

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, what is it that Olympian gold-medalist volleyballer Eric Fonoimoana, Junior Seau of the San Diego Chargers, Joe Salave'a of the Tennessee Titans, Edwin Mulitalo of the Baltimore Ravens, Naomi Mulitauaopele of the Utah Starzz, Marcus Tuiasosopo of the Washington Huskies, All-American UCLA discus thrower Seilala Su'a, Yokozuma Sumo Grand Champion Musashimaru, Ozeki Sumo Champion Konishiki, WWF Wrestling Champion Tuifeai, ``The Rock,'' and heavyweight boxer David Tua all have in common? Mr. Speaker, they are Samoan Polynesians who share the same cultural heritage like the Maoris of New Zealand, the Hawaiians or Kanaka Maoli, Tongans, and Tahitians. After the elections, Mr. Speaker, I suggest to my colleagues and to the millions of boxing fans throughout America, to kick back and turn their TV sets on to HBO and witness one of the most historic events that will transpire the evening of November 11 in Las Vegas, the world heavyweight boxing championship fight between Lennox Lewis and Samoan heavyweight boxer David Tua. Mr. Speaker, it is against Samoan tradition to be boastful and arrogant, but as a totally neutral observer, and with all due respect, Lennox Lewis is going to painfully wake up the next morning and count how many ribs he has left, and then he will wonder if he was hit by either a dump truck or a D-9 caterpillar tractor, after fighting against David Tua. You see, Mr. Speaker, this guy, David Tua, he has the heart and soul of a pure Polynesian warrior. He has got a nasty left hook and a deadly right hand knockout punch. He only weighs about 250 pounds. He has no neck, and his legs and calves are like tree trunks, which is typical of Samoan men who wear what we call here in America skirts, but they are actually lavalavas. I want to express my personal thanks and appreciation to the good people of New Zealand, all the pakehas and our Polynesian cousins, the Tangata Maohi, for looking after David Tua and his family, and for their acceptance of David Tua, and I say to my Maori cousins (the gentleman spoke Samoan). Mr. Speaker, I do not know if David Tua is listening to this presentation; but, Mr. Speaker, I do know that David Tua is a humble man, never speaks ill of his opponents, and I believe the American people and boxing fans around the world are going to remember him well for his talents and, above all, his sportsmanship-like conduct. Mr. Speaker, I call upon the Prime Minister of the Independent and Sovereign State of Samoa and the Governor of the U.S. territory of American Samoa to declare November 11 as National David Tua Day. It will be a day that will be remembered by the Samoans throughout the world, the Samoan David going up against the Goliath Lennox Lewis; and, of course, we all know the results of that famous encounter. Mr. Speaker, in describing David Tua's physical presence, I am reminded of a poem that a Hawaiian comedian, Frank Delima, once wrote about Samoans. By the way, Mr. Speaker, David Tua's favorite pasttime is writing poetry. Anyway, the poem, in part, is entitled ``Abdullah Fata'ai,'' and it goes like this: I am 9 feet tall and 6 feet wide. I got a neck made of elephant hide. I scrape da haoles off the soles of my feet. I drove my Volkswagon from the back seat. I eat green bananas, tree and all. My favorite game is tackle football. I wear a skirt, but you better not laugh, cause it won't be funny when I break you in half. I'm as gentle and sweet as a grizzly bear. Only difference is he got more hair. I got the nicest smile in all the Pacific. I got an island home that's superterrific. But I don't like fight and you don't like die. So when I say (the gentleman spoke in Samoan), you better say ``Hi.'' Mr. Speaker, as we say in the Samoan language (the gentleman spoke in Samoan) David Tua, which means, Mr. Speaker, may your body be as invisible as the air and may your eyes be as bright as the sun. May you be victorious in battle. All our hopes and aspirations are with you, David Tua.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Again my compliments and commendation to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) and certainly the chairman of our Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for their primary sponsorship of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this measure which enjoys strong bipartisan support. It is also supported by the administration. Congressional oversight of policy in Kosovo is remiss if it only looks at the inevitable problems that follow 40 years of communism, 10 years of apartheid and 1 year of brutal armed aggression. Responsible oversight must also recognize achievements as well as goals for future progress. After the NATO victory, the international community mobilized assistance that helped feed and house more than one million Kosovo refugees before the first postwar winter. The international mission in Kosovo successfully negotiated an agreement with the Kosovo Liberation Army to disband and publicly hand over its weapons. Although daily life in Kosovo has significantly improved compared to the violence, devastation and chaos that plagued the region during armed conflict a year ago, more must be done, Mr. Speaker, to develop a self-sustaining economy that discourages the rise of criminal elements. The European Union must also continue to bear the primary responsibility and costs for the economic reconstruction of Kosovo and take all necessary steps to ensure that its future budgets provide the required resources in a timely fashion. Mr. Speaker, the administration of all basic services such as police, sanitation, water, telecommunications and electrical supply should be put into the hands of the people of Kosovo at the earliest possible date. The international peacekeeping force in Mitrovica should take immediate measures to ensure that all the residents are able to return in security to their homes. And, most importantly, all citizens of Kosovo should follow the principles enunciated by community leaders at the Airlie House declaration of July 23 of this year which included antiviolence, representation of all citizens in local councils, surrendering illegal weapons, a commitment to counter Slobodan Milosevic's influence in Kosovo as well as dissolving any other illegitimate governing and security structures. Mr. Speaker, the winds of democratic change have swept through the region in recent days and months, bringing in democratic reform in Croatia and toppling Slobodan Milosevic from controlling Serbia. In the wake of these dramatic events, the resolution before the House today supports greater progress towards reconciliation within Kosovo and between the member nations of southeast Europe to build a community of cooperating democracies and growing free market economies. Again I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) one of the original cosponsors of this legislation.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his kind comments. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I am glad to yield to the gentleman from Utah.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 5083, as introduced by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Roybal-Allard) would extend for a period of 4 years a lease that allows the Los Angeles Unified School District to operate an elementary school on the park land in the City of South Gate, California that was acquired with monies from the Federal Land and Water Conservation Fund. Such an extension is necessary because the school district has thus far failed to relocate the elementary school to a permanent site. The elementary school was originally moved onto local park land in 1988 because of concern with health risks associated with the former school site. In 1992, Public law 102-443 was enacted that allowed an 8-year extension of the lease of three acres of the local park for elementary school purposes. That lease extension is set to expire on October 23 of this year. Without that additional extension, the elementary school will be in a precarious situation. Mr. Speaker, it is, indeed, unfortunate that the Los Angeles Unified School District has thus far failed to provide a new permanent facility for the elementary school. We support the extension provided in the provisions of this bill. I urge my colleagues to support the provisions of this bill. Mr. Speaker, if I may not detract too far from the pieces of legislation that the gentleman from Utah (Chairman Hansen) and I have tried earnestly to complete this evening, I really think I would be remiss if I did not share with my colleagues that, 2 days from now, that our colleagues will be going to the State of Minnesota to express our sense of condolences to the great gentleman, the Congressman from Minnesota, my good friend and former chairman of the Subcommittee on National Parks and Public Lands, the late Congressman Bruce Vento. If ever my colleagues in this Chamber, when we talk about national parks, when we talk about public lands, when we talk about scenic trails, when we talk about wildlife refuge, when we talk about historic preservation, historic sites, perhaps two words come out more starkly, very, very clear in my mind when we think of this great American, the son of Minnesota, Congressman Bruce Vento. When we talk about conservation and the environment, I think of the legacy that this gentleman has left us in this Chamber and the tremendous amount of energy and work that he has committed on behalf of our Nation. When we talk about conservation environment, there is also another gentleman I want to recognize, the unsung heroes. I say a lot of times that when we do things as Members that we do not give credit which is due. This is my good friend Rick Healy, who, for many years, served as staff director to Congressman Bruce Vento and doing such a fantastic, tremendous job in passing some 300 pieces of legislation during Congressman Vento's tenure as chairman of the Subcommittee on National Parks and Public Lands. I want to let him know that certainly this Member and certainly my colleagues in the Chamber want to express our sense of appreciation to Rick for the outstanding job that he has done with the national parks and public land issues.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I wanted to thank the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Hansen), my good friend, for his management of these pieces of legislation. I want to also offer my apologies to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Roybal-Allard), our colleague, who has been so patient in wanting to get this bill that she has worked so hard in her efforts to provide legislation for, H.R. 5083. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Roybal-Allard).