Member of Congress

Eni Faleomavaega

Role
Former Representative
State
AS
Party
Democrat

Speeches

COASTAL BARRIER RESOURCES REAUTHORIZATION ACT OF 19991999-09-21

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I do want to thank the gentleman from New Jersey Mr. (Saxton) again, the chairman of Subcommittee on Fisheries Conservation, Wildlife and Oceans for yielding. Let me say from the start, Mr. Speaker, that I very much appreciate the cooperation of the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Saxton) and his staff for working with the minority in shaping this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I do not oppose the minor changes that have been made in the bill since it was reported by the Committee on Resources. Certainly the bill falls short of what I think could be done to strengthen and protect the Coastal Barrier Resources System. Nonetheless, I believe we have effectively eliminated the most problematic provisions to arrive at a fair consensus, and I urge Members of this body to support the bill. Mr. Speaker, this legislation would reauthorize the Coastal Barrier Resources Act. When Congress passed the Coastal Barriers Act in 1982, it declared that the purpose of the act was to, and I quote, ``minimize loss of life, wasteful expenditure of Federal revenues, and the damage to fish, wildlife, and other natural resources associated with coastal barriers by restricting future Federal expenditures and financial assistance which have the effect of encouraging development of coastal barriers.'' Mr. Speaker, this innovative policy has made good sense since 1982, and it continues to make good sense even today. Hurricane Floyd, as we have recently seen, again demonstrates the wisdom and benefits of discouraging development in some of the most dangerous, hazard-prone coastal areas of our Nation. Mr. Speaker, most importantly, this legislation will begin the long overdue process of modernizing Coastal Barrier Resource System maps. Section 5 of this bill would direct the Secretary of the Interior to conduct a pilot study to determine the feasibility and costs of creating a digitized series of Coastal Barrier maps. Current maps were prepared in the 1980s by using primarily color infrared aerial photography and U.S. Geological Survey quadrangle sheets. Hand-rendered delineations of coastal barriers were drawn upon these sheets in order to produce the inventory of coastal barrier maps. However, Mr. Speaker, major technological advancements such as the new digital spatial data, global positioning systems, computerized geographic information systems, and the new cartographic and survey methods make far greater detail and accuracy now possible. It is essential for the Fish and Wildlife Service to investigate how these new information systems and mapping technologies might enhance the accuracy, usability and transferability of existing coastal barrier maps. We will be looking for the Fish and Wildlife Service to expedite completion of this pilot study as soon as possible. Mr. Speaker, I am, however, disappointed that we were not able to consider more creative ways to increase the amount of undeveloped coastal barriers in the system, and I suspect that the Congress will have to revisit this matter at a later time. This legislation does authorize the voluntary donation of private property for inclusion in the system. However, it remains doubtful that any significant tracts of additional private land will be forthcoming in the absence of any new inducements to encourage donations. Nevertheless, we encourage the Fish and Wildlife Service to pursue aggressively opportunities for donations should they become available. Mr. Speaker, I am also compelled to express my sense of concern with the inability of the Fish and Wildlife Service to complete and submit to the Congress a study of undeveloped coastal barriers along the Pacific coast. The Secretary of the Interior was directed in 1990 under section 6 of the Coastal Barrier Improvement Act to prepare and submit a study ``which examines the need for protecting undeveloped coastal barriers along the Pacific Coast south of 49 degrees north latitude through inclusion in the System.'' The Secretary of the Interior was also directed to ``prepare maps identifying the boundaries of those undeveloped coastal barriers of the United States bordering the Pacific Ocean south of 49 degrees north latitude.'' All deliverables were to be provided to the Congress not later than 12 months after the date of enactment of the 1990 law. Well, Mr. Speaker, the Fish and Wildlife Service has failed to provide Congress with either a final report, or the maps. This 8-year delay is plainly unacceptable, Mr. Speaker. I am greatly concerned that the pace and growth of the new developments along the Pacific Coast may have significantly reduced the number of coastal areas that meet the section 31 definition of ``undeveloped coastal barrier.'' I urge the Fish and Wildlife Service to complete this directive as soon as possible. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would be remiss if I did not restate the minority's long-standing concern with the majority's decision to include three other separate technical correction bills as section 6, 7, and 8 in this reauthorization bill. These provisions would change existing boundaries for three different otherwise protected areas in Florida, North Carolina, and Delaware. Bills of this type are complicated, Mr. Speaker. Certainly, they are not technical corrections in the traditional sense. All of the proposed boundary changes tacked on to this bill deserve close inspection prior to congressional approval. I do appreciate the patience and willingness of the chairman to work with me and the staff on our side to ensure that these proposed changes are given appropriate scrutiny. Yet, even today, we are still awaiting additional information from the Fish and Wildlife Service concerning the boundaries of a coastal barrier unit adjacent to the Cape Hatteras National Seashore. Mr. Speaker, it is my understanding from the chairman that we will continue to work in good faith to resolve issues concerning this final boundary. Consequently, we have agreed to move forward with this reauthorization bill at this time. However, should this boundary issue not be resolved to our satisfaction, we do reserve our right to reconsider support of this legislation in conference should the Senate successfully pass a companion bill. I am hopeful, Mr. Speaker, that we will find an amicable agreement in this case, but it will remain our preference that all boundary changes be addressed in separate legislation to avoid such circumstances in the future. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

View in Record
BIPARTISAN CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM ACT OF 19991999-09-14

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I certainly want to thank my good friend, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Bilbray) for their support and their comments concerning my proposed amendment. It might be of note to my colleagues that under the current law, the current immigration law of the United States, if I could be more specific, a United States national is defined as someone who owes permanent allegiance to the United States but who is neither a citizen nor an alien. That is exactly the status of U.S. nationals as it currently stands, and I do appreciate my good friend from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and all of the Members for their bipartisan support of this proposed amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of my amendment No. 5 to the Shays-Meehan campaign finance reform bill, H.R. 417. I want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), chairman of the Committee on Rules, and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moakley), the ranking Democrat from the Committee on Rules, for making my amendment in order and for the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Meehan) for their support of this amendment, which will ensure that the right of U.S. nationals to make contributions in federal elections is fully protected. Mr. Chairman, I represent the territory of American Samoa, the only U.S. soil in the Southern Hemisphere. Persons born in American Samoa of U.S. parents are given the status of U.S. nationals. These individuals are nationals of the United States but are not U.S. citizens. They hold permanent allegiance to the United States, serving the U.S. military, carry U.S. passports, and have the same access to the United States as do U.S. citizens; but they are not foreign nationals or aliens. Approximately 80 percent of the residents of American Samoa are U.S. nationals. The status can be acquired only by birth in American Samoa or by birth in a foreign country from parents, one or both of whom are U.S. nationals. Mr. Chairman, federal campaign law currently specifies that U.S. citizens are permanent resident foreign nationals, may make contributions to candidates for federal office. This section of law was enacted into law before American Samoa had a congressional delegate in the U.S. House of Representatives. My concern is that if Congress changes this section of the law now while we know of the U.S. national problem, our action could be interpreted to mean that Congress intended to prohibit U.S. nationals from contributing to federal elections. Mr. Chairman, this would cause a major problem in my district because, as I mentioned earlier, the vast majority of the residents of my congressional district will be prohibited from contributing to candidates running for federal office, particularly the office of delegate to the U.S. House of Representatives. Moreover, the U.S. nationals residing in the States and other territories in the United States, estimated to be approximately 200,000 patriotic Americans, would also be prohibited from contributing. Few U.S. nationals are aware of this problem and this distinction made in federal campaign laws that many contribute to candidates of the U.S. House, the U.S. Senate, and also those who run for the U.S. presidency; and this interpretation of the law could find these candidates in violation of campaign laws for having received contributions from persons not authorized under the law. Mr. Chairman, I believe this is a technical correction to the law; and I know of no opposition, at least hopefully, and I do urge my colleagues to support this amendment.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. I yield to the gentleman from Nebraska.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Guam (Mr. Underwood).

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

View in Record
APPOINTMENT OF CONFEREES ON H.R. 2606, FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 20001999-09-14

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding this time to me, and I do want to thank her for giving me this opportunity for some comments concerning this very important issue, and I do want to wish the gentleman from Alabama a very happy birthday. Mr. Speaker, the question of East Timor has been something that I have been following for many years. We have held hearings, and I want to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of our Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, and despite all of these things, now all of a sudden it seems that East Timor is coming to bear. The fact of the matter is, Mr. Speaker, East Timor was a former Portuguese colony, and when Portugal left this colony, the Indonesian military came and simply occupied it; and the saddest affair of all, Mr. Speaker, is the fact that 200,000 East Timorese were sacrificed, they were massacred, in 1974 when they took over this portion of the island; and the sad part about it, too, Mr. Speaker, is that we cannot afford to talk only about East Timor and ignore West Papua New Guinea, because both of these were former. And while I say that East Timor was a former colony of Portugal, but West Papua New Guinea was a former colony of the Dutch, but the Indonesian military simply came over and took over this place and was never recognized by the international community, and it was never recognized by our own country. For 24 years, Mr. Speaker, this place has been trying over the years in getting the attention not only of our own Nation, but the international community, and finally, finally that we do not have the Cold War any more to contend with, now we are all worried about to say that because Indonesia is the fourth most populous country in the world and the country with the highest population as far as the Muslim religion is concerned; this is all irrelevant, Mr. Speaker. The fact of the matter is that these people, this military, has butchered these people, and it is about time that we do something about this, and I want to commend the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) for offering this motion.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I join my esteemed colleague, Congresswoman Pelosi, on her motion to instruct conferees to maintain the House language on restrictions of IMET military assistance to Indonesia. Like many of our colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the Indonesian military has routinely used violence as a tool of repression. Although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received much publicity, Mr. Speaker, scant attention has been paid to the people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. As in East Timor, Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by force in 1963. In a pathetic episode, the United Nations in 1969 sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates handpicked and paid-off by Jakarta were permitted to participate in an independence vote. The rest of the West Papua people, over 800,00 strong, has absolutely no voice in the undemocratic process. Since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesian military has been brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papuans have died or simply vanished at the hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent tragedy that continues to play out today in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge our colleagues, our great nation, and the international community to revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is also achieved there. Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week, the Indonesian Government should be condemned in the strongest terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton for terminating all assistance to and ties with the Indonesian military. The latest U.N. estimate are that up to 300,000 Timorese, over a third of the population of East Timor, have been displaced and it remains to be seen how many hundreds, if not thousands, have been killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war crimes tribunal, as called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson, is necessary to punish those responsible for the atrocities. I further commend the decision of the United Nations to try to maintain its UNAMET operations in Dili, even if only with a skeletal staff. It was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the U.N., not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide against the Timorese people would have substantially increased. I am greatly disturbed to learn this morning that the UNAMET compound has been abandoned because of continuing attacks by Indonesian militia and military elements. As to the issue of a U.N. or international peacekeeping force, I strongly support such an intervention in East Timor and commend Indonesian President Habibie for his decision this weekend to authorize entry. While Australia and New Zealand may take the lead in the formation of such a peacekeeping force, it is crucial that Southeast Asian nations, such as the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand, contribute significant troops to the effort, and I applaud the cooperation and commitment of these countries. Jakarta, however, should not be permitted to dictate which countries shall comprise and contribute to the international peacekeeping force. It is clear the United States must also commit to this peacekeeping effort and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of ground troops, which could easily be drawn from our substantial forces of U.S. Marines based in Okinawa. With Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the largest Muslim country in the world, which sits astride major sealanes of communication and trade--certainly we have substantial national interests in preserving stability in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, as well as preventing a U.N. initiative from turning into a catastrophic humanitarian disaster. Moreover, Mr. Speaker, I believe that what has happened in East Timor--where the Indonesian military forces played a major role in the horrific violence--holds prophetic ramifications for the future of Indonesia as a whole. In front of the world, President Habibie has been humiliated by the inability to control his own military while Defense Minister General Wiranto's hand in the unfolding events in East Timor is still being questioned. It raises the question as to who is actually in control in Jakarta, and whether a civilian democratic government or military regime holds the reigns of power to Indonesia--now and for the future. By its simple presence, Mr. Speaker, an international peacekeeping force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs Indonesia. I thank the gentlewoman for her motion and urge our colleagues to support this important measure.

View in Record
LACKAWANNA VALLEY NATIONAL HERITAGE AREA ACT OF 19991999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I do want to commend the gentleman from Pennsylvania for his sponsorship of this piece of legislation. H.R. 940, as introduced by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Sherwood), my colleague of the Committee on Resources, would have established the Lackawanna Valley Heritage Area in northeastern Pennsylvania. The Lackawanna Valley covers the four counties of Lackawanna, Luzerne, Wayne, and Susquehanna Counties. In 1991, local citizens and governments established the Lackawanna Heritage Valley Authority to foster a partnership among State and local governments, business and civic organizations in the promotion of the Valley's historic, cultural, natural and economic resources. Unlike other proposed heritage areas, the Lackawanna Valley has received significant federal funding prior to its establishment. Since 1989, a total of $3.147 million in the National Park Service funds has been earmarked in appropriations bills for a variety of unauthorized purposes. In hearings on H.R. 940 before the Committee on Resources, the National Park Service testified in general support of the legislation, but did note several concerns with the bill's language, especially in regards to the lending authority and the requirement for certain studies. The bill was amended by the committee to address those concerns. Mr. Speaker, in addition, the Committee on Resources adopted an amendment that provides for the designation of an additional heritage area so that the preservation and interpretation of the resources of the anthracite coal region will also include those resources found in the southern anthracite coal fields of the Schuylkill River Valley located in the district of our colleague, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Holden). The bill already anticipated such cooperative heritage efforts by directing that the various management entities to coordinate with one another in the management of the heritage of the anthracite coal region in Pennsylvania. The changes made by the amendment will provide more complete coverage of the heritage of this entire coal region. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 940, as amended, is a good piece of legislation for heritage preservation, and I do urge my colleagues to support this bill. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I certainly want to thank both gentlemen from Pennsylvania for their introduction of this piece of legislation. I note with interest the mentioning of Susquehanna County as part of a very strong cultural heritage as part of our American history. In my little reading of history, I recall that the Susquehanna River has a very profound historical event that transpired as far as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints is concerned, and I wanted to note that as a matter of record. I do want to thank my good friend, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Holden) for his comments. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Holden).

View in Record
SPANISH PEAKS WILDERNESS ACT OF 19991999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers at this time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, as I understand it, some parties have raised the question about ownership of the road right-of-way itself. Does the gentleman from Colorado agree that nothing in this bill would have the effect of lessening any property before the United States of that land or of limiting the ability of the Secretary to take legal action to assert those interests?

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Does my colleague agree that nothing in this bill would have the effect of lessening any of the property interests of the United States in that land or of limiting the ability of the Secretary to take legal action to assert those interests?

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I want to note, for the Record, if there is anything as a demonstration of my colleagues in this chamber, I would say that the delegation from Colorado, both Republican and Democrats, probably has displayed the highest example of what bipartisanship should be when it comes to this issue of wilderness legislation. I want to commend the gentleman for being a part of that ability to give and take. Sometimes we get to be a little too extreme in our views and not be tolerable to the views of another Member, especially on an issue as important as wilderness area. So I commend and thank the gentleman for yielding.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

View in Record
BIKINI RESETTLEMENT AND RELOCATION ACT OF 19991999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Guam (Mr. Underwood) for yielding this time to me to say a few words concerning this piece of legislation. I do thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Sherwood) for his management of the bill. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2368, a bill to assist the resettlement and relocation of the people of Bikini Atoll by amending the terms of the trust fund established during the United States administration of a Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Mr. Speaker, 53 years ago, we removed the residents of Bikini Atoll from their home to conduct atomic and nuclear weapons tests. Between 1946 and 1958, we conducted well over 23 such tests, which made the Atoll uninhabitable. In 1968, we told the former residents it was safe to return to the Atoll only to remove them again in 1979 because radiation levels were still far in excess of Federal standards. Mr. Speaker, today the remaining nine residents of Bikini in 1946 who are still alive, and some of the descendants of the other 158 people of the atoll, are still living in a temporary location 400 miles from their true home. Mr. Speaker, in an effort to partially compensate the residents of Bikini for all the injury and suffering the United States has caused them, it is only reasonable that Congress establish a trust fund in 1982, and a total of $110 million has been appropriated for the fund. The fund has been well managed, and the market value of the fund is now approximately $126 million. H.R. 2368 authorizes a one-time distribution of 3 percent of the value of the trust, which will go primarily to the elders of this group. Mr. Speaker, I have taken to this floor many times over the years to advocate that the United States devote more of its resources to this problem, especially as it deals with the good people of the Republic of the Marshall Islands. This is only a small part of the mess we created by conducting atomic and nuclear atmospheric tests in the Pacific. The residents of the Bikini and other atolls of the Pacific have been forced to make considerable sacrifices so that our Nation could remain militarily strong, and I find it highly offensive that we have not addressed this problem forthrightly. Even today, Mr. Speaker, we do not have a plan to clean up and resettle the atoll, and it is estimated that cleanup and resettlement will take 10 years, 10 more years, Mr. Speaker. We can, and we should be doing better than that. I want to thank the gentleman from Alaska (Mr. Young), the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), our ranking Democrat of the committee, and their staffs for moving this bill as quickly as they have. This is important to the former residents of Bikini and shows that this authorizing committee can act in a timely manner. Mr. Speaker, I know the Bikinians would have liked to have seen this provision in the fiscal year 2000 Interior appropriations bill, but with today's action in the House and a little luck in the Senate, they may get their money just as quickly as following regular authorizing procedures. I support this bill and believe we have a moral obligation to do much more than this. Mr. Speaker, again I want to commend the gentleman from Guam (Mr. Underwood) for his tireless efforts and tremendous leadership to assist his fellow Pacific Island community. Again, I ask my colleagues to support this bill.

View in Record
FISHERMAN'S PROTECTIVE ACT AMENDMENTS OF 19991999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I would like to initially commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Saxton), the chairman of our Subcommittee on Fisheries Conservation, Wildlife and Oceans, and as the ranking member of that subcommittee, again I want to thank the gentleman for his leadership and for his ability to bring these pieces of legislation under a substitute format. I also want to thank the chairman of our Committee on Resources, the gentleman from Alaska (Mr. Young), and the gentleman from California (Mr. Miller), our ranking Democrat, for their support of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, the three fisheries-related bills included in the substitute amendment that will be offered are noncontroversial and have the full support of the administration. Thus, I do urge that the substitute be adopted by my colleagues. I am particularly pleased this bill will authorize funding to construct a fisheries research vessel. The fleet of research vessels operated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Mr. Speaker, is aging. Without modern vessels, NOAA will be unable to obtain accurate data on fish stocks and oceanographic conditions, and thus will compromise the Administration's ability to manage our Nation's fisheries as mandated by the Magnuson-Stevens Act and several international treaties. Mr. Speaker, this bill will authorize funds for one vessel. I look forward to working with the chairman of the Committee on Resources to authorize funds in future years to modernize NOAA's fishing research fleet, not only for ships in Alaska, but throughout our Nation's waters, so our administration can gather the best data possible to fulfill its statutory obligations and successfully manage our $3 billion annual commercial fishing industry. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

View in Record
QUINEBAUG AND SHETUCKET RIVERS VALLEY NATIONAL HERITAGE CORRIDOR REAUTHORIZATION ACT OF 19991999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I have no requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I do want to commend first the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) for their sponsorship of this legislation. I also want to commend the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Hansen) and the gentleman from Puerto Rico (Mr. Romero-Barcelo), the chairman and ranking member of the Subcommittee on National Parks and Public Lands, for their sponsorship and support of this legislation; and definitely both the gentleman from Alaska (Mr. Young) and the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), the chairman and the ranking member of the full committee, for their support. Mr. Speaker, the Quinebaug and Shetucket Rivers Valley National Heritage Corridor is an 850-square-mile area, including more than 25 towns, along the Quinebaug and Shetucket Rivers in Northeastern Connecticut. The area includes lush woodlands, clean rivers and streams, as well as many historically and culturally significant sites. This corridor has been referred to as the ``last green valley'' in the area between Boston and Washington. The 103rd Congress designated the area as a National Heritage Corridor. None of the land within the corridor is federally owned but the designation has allowed the National Park Service to provide important technical assistance, coordination and funding to what began, and has continued to be, a grassroots effort to preserve this area and to educate people about its importance. Mr. Speaker, a management plan for the corridor, approved by the Governor of Connecticut, was adopted earlier this year and a private, nonprofit organization has been designated to implement the plan. The bill, H.R. 1619, sponsored, as I said earlier, by the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal) would reauthorize the corridor and extend its reach in the process. This legislation would add several counties in Massachusetts to the corridor and amend the original enabling legislation to reflect adoption of the management plan. Importantly, this measure was amended by the Committee on Resources to increase oversight of the corridor's management entity. Mr. Speaker, creation of this heritage corridor has led to important educational and preservation efforts. It has worked so well, in fact, that another State now wants to be included. This bill, H.R. 1619, would allow more people to experience and benefit from the beauty and history of this area. Again, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

View in Record
CRISIS IN EAST TIMOR1999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, the House Committee on International Relations Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, of which I am a member, held a joint hearing with the Senate Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs to review the current crisis in East Timor and the implications on the overall future of Indonesia. I certainly want to commend the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and the Senator from Wyoming (Mr. Thomas) for jointly addressing this compelling crisis now confronting the international community. Mr. Speaker, I recall some 38 years ago right outside this Chamber at his inaugural address, I believe it was in 1961, that President John F. Kennedy made this profound statement to the world, and I quote: ``Let every Nation know that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.'' Mr. Speaker, like many of my colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the Indonesian military has routinely used violence as a tool of repression as it is doing now and for the past 30 years. Mr. Speaker, although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received much publicity, scant attention has been paid to the people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. Mr. Speaker, one cannot talk about the crisis in East Timor and ignore the same crisis in West Papua New Guinea or it is now known as Irian Jaya. As in East Timor, Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by military force in 1963 in a pathetic episode, Mr. Speaker, that the United Nations in 1969 sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates were hand-picked and paid off by the Indonesian government, permitted to participate in a so-called plebiscite, and at the point of guns on their heads and with threats on their lives, these 1,025 individuals voted obviously for Indonesian rule. At the same time, the rest of West Papua New Guinea, well over 800,000 strong Indonesians, had absolutely no voice in this undemocratic process. Mr. Speaker, since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesian military has been just as brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papua New Guineans have died or simply vanished at the hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent tragedy that continues to this day to play out in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge my colleagues and my fellow Americans and the international community to revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is also achieved there. Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week in East Timor, the Indonesian government should be condemned in the strongest terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton for terminating all assistance to and ties with the military of Indonesian. The latest United Nations estimates are that up to 300,000 East Timorese, over a third of the population of East Timor, have been displaced and it remains to be seen how many hundreds more, if not thousands, have been killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war crimes tribunal as called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson is necessary to punish those responsible for the atrocities. Mr. Speaker, I further commend the decision of the United Nations to maintain its presence in Delhi, even if only with a skeletal staff. It was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the United Nations, not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide against the Timorese people would have substantially increased. It is clear the United Nations must also commit to a peacekeeping force and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of ground troops which by its presence, Mr. Speaker, an international peacekeeping force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs that country. Mr. Speaker, with Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the largest Muslim country in the world which sits astride major sea lanes of communication and trade, I urge my colleagues that we do something about this, raising the question about the instability of that country but more importantly make the will of the East Timorese people become a reality. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia-Pacific Affairs, of which I am a member, held a joint hearing with the Senate Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs to review the current crisis in East Timor, and the implications on the overall future of Indonesia. I commend the gentleman from Nebraska, Chairman Doug Bereuter, and the gentleman from Wyoming, Senate Chairman Craig Thomas for jointly addressing this urgent and compelling crisis now confronting the international community. Like many of our colleagues, I am greatly disturbed and saddened by the brutal, violent response of the pro-Jakarta militia and Indonesian military to the overwhelming vote for independence demonstrated by the courageous people of East Timor. However, I am not at all surprised at the rampant killings, Mr. Speaker, as the Indonesian military has routinely used violence as a tool of repression now, and for the past thirty years. Although the Timorese struggle for self-determination has received much publicity, Mr. Speaker, scant attention has been paid to the people of West Papua New Guinea who have similarly struggled in Irian Jaya to throw off the yoke of Indonesian colonialism. Mr. Speaker, one cannot talk about the crisis in East Timor, and then ignore the same crisis in West Papua New Guinea or Irian Jaya. As in East Timor, Indonesia took West Papua New Guinea by military force in 1963. In a pathetic episode, Mr. Speaker, that the United Nations in 1969 sanctioned a fraudulent referendum, where only 1,025 delegates were handpicked and paid off by the Indonesian government were permitted to participate in a so-called plebiscite, and at the point of guns on their heads and with threats on their lives, these 1,025 individuals voted for Indonesia. The rest of the West Papuan people, over 800,000 strong, had absolutely no voice in this undemocratic process. And, Mr. Speaker, recent media reports indicate even Australia and our own country were parties to this fraudulent plebiscite. Since Indonesia subjugated West Papua New Guinea, the native Papuan people have suffered under one of the most repressive and unjust systems of colonial occupation in the 20th century. Like in East Timor where 200,000 East Timorese are thought to have died, the Indonesia military has been just as brutal in Irian Jaya. Reports estimate that between 100,000 to 300,000 West Papuans have died or simply vanished at the hands of the Indonesian military. While we search for justice and peace in East Timor, Mr. Speaker, we should not forget the violent tragedy that continues to play out today in West Papua New Guinea. I would urge my colleagues, my fellow Americans, and the international community to revisit the status of West Papua New Guinea to ensure that justice is also achieved there. Mr. Speaker, with respect to the events of the past week in East Timor, the Indonesian Government should be condemned in the strongest terms for allowing untold atrocities to be committed against the innocent, unarmed civilians of East Timor. I commend President Clinton for terminating all assistance to and ties with the Indonesian military. The latest U.N. estimates are that up to 300,000 Timorese, over a third of the population of East Timor, have been displaced and it remains to be seen how many hundreds, if not thousands, have been killed in the mass bloodletting and carnage. A war crimes tribunal, as called for by UNHCR head Mary Robinson, is necessary to punish those responsible for the atrocities. I further commend the decision of the United Nations to maintain its UNAMET operations in Dili, even if only with a skeletal staff. It was absolutely essential that international observers, such as the U.N., not desert East Timor or the likelihood of genocide against the Timorese people would have substantially increased. As to the issue of a U.N. or international peacekeeping force, I strongly support such an intervention in East Timor and commend Indonesian President Habibie for his decision this weekend to authorize entry. While Australia and new Zealand may take the lead in the formation of such a peacekeeping force, it is crucial that Southeast Asian nations, such as the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand, contribute significant troops to the effort, and I applaud the cooperation and commitment of these countries. Jakarta, however, should not be permitted to dictate which countries shall comprise and contribute to the international peacekeeping force. It is clear the United States must also commit to this peacekeeping effort and not shirk its duty. Besides playing a significant role in supplying airlift capabilities and logistical support, I believe America should also contribute a small, if not symbolic, contingent of ground troops, which could easily be drawn from our substantial forces of U.S. Marines based in Okinawa. With Indonesia being the fourth largest nation and the largest Muslim country in the world, which sits astride major sealanes of communication and trade--certainly we have substantial national interests in preserving stability in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, as well as preventing a U.N. initiative from turning into a catastrophic humanitarian disaster. Moreover, Mr. Speaker, I believe that what has happened in East Timor--where the Indonesian military forces played a major role in the horrific violence--holds prophetic ramifications for the future of Indonesia as a whole. In front of the world, President Habibie has been humiliated by the inability to control his own military while Defense Minister General Wiranto's hand in the unfolding events in East Timor is still being questioned. It raises the question as to who is actually in control in Jakarta, and whether a civilian democratic government or military regime holds the reigns of power to Indonesia--now and for the future. By its simple presence, Mr. Speaker, an international peacekeeping force in East Timor may well lend a hand in stabilizing not just that island but the fragile democracy that ostensibly governs Indonesia.

View in Record
THOMAS COLE NATIONAL HISTORIC SITE ACT1999-09-13

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA

Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R.658 establishes the Thomas Cole National Historic Site in the State of New York as an affiliated area of the National Park System. Mr. Thomas Cole, who lived from 1801 to 1848, was the founder of an American artistic movement known as the Hudson River School. Mr. Cole painted landscapes of the American wilderness. Students and followers included such artists as Frederick Church, Alfred Dierstadt, and Thomas Moran. This school of painting, with its focus on natural landscapes, is closely associated with the beginning of the conservation movement. The Thomas Cole property, known as Cedar Grove, is located in Catskill, New York. Originally encompassing 88 acres, the home and grounds now occupy 3.4 acres. The property has been designated a national historic landmark. In 1991, the National Park Service completed a suitability and a feasibility study of the Thomas Cole property. Legislation dealing with the Thomas Cole property has been around since the early 1900s. Hearings were held on a nearly identical bill, H.R. 1301, in the 105th Congress. That legislation was favorably reported by the Committee on Resources, passed the House last September, but unfortunately, action was not completed on the measure prior to adjournment. Mr. Speaker, the Committee on Resources adopted a minor amendment to H.R. 658 that made a clarifying change requested by the National Park Service. We believe this is a good change in the bill, and support the bill. I do urge my colleagues to support this legislation. Again, I thank my good friend, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Sherwood) for his management of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

View in Record