Member of Congress
Cleo Fields
- Role
- Current Representative
- State
- LA
- Party
- Democrat
Speeches
DON'T HURT THE CHILDREN1995-03-02
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, today I had a very, very important visit from my district. I had a visit from a very, very young kid, whose name is Jonathan Edwards. He is a kindergarten student. He is 6-years of age. He walked into my office and he had some little red buttons, and he pinned a little red sticker on each member of my staff. He walked into my office and he indeed stuck one on me. And it indicated ``Don't hurt the children.'' Don't hurt the kids. I gave him a big hug and we talked about some of the things that were taking place in Baton Rouge, and we also talked about what is taking place here in Washington. He walked out of the office, Mr. Speaker, and I could not help but think about what is taking place right here in Washington, DC as this little kid tried to make some sense of what is taking place here in the midst of this debate. I thought about Healthy Start, and I thought about the cut of $10 million in a program that is so important to our young people. I thought about the WIC Program, $25 million will be cut; 50 to 100 thousand expected mothers will be taken away from this program. I die, Mr. Speaker, after they are born, because their parents do not have proper prenatal care. And I was looking at little Jonathan, and it made me think what shameful condition in this country when we take money away from mothers who want to have productive children, who want to bring birth to kids who can live and who can survive. Then I thought about educational cuts, $1.7 billion in educational programs, and I could not help but think about the $500 million that we cut in the program called Drug Free Schools and Communities. And how can we, Mr. Speaker, cut $500 million, totally eliminate drug free schools in communities, when drugs in our schools and communities are going up and not coming down? What are we saying to our children? Just say no to drugs? Or just say no to drugs is the moron's answer to the drug problems? And it was that simple, we would not even need schools. We would simply tell kids, just say yes to math, just say yes to science. But that is not the answer to the drug problem. We must teach kids drug education. Then I could not help but think about the fact we are cutting $100 million from elementary and secondary infrastructure, school infrastructure. We have jails and prisons in this country, Mr. Speaker, that are in better condition than our schools. You take a school in my own Parish, Red River Parish, where the ceilings are leaking everyday. Every time it rains, students cannot stay in the classroom because the ceilings are leaking, not to mention the fact that the air conditioner does not work during the summertime and the heat does not work during the wintertime. This same Congress, just when we took away $100 million of money for infrastructure for schools, we just appropriated $10.5 billion for jails. So if you are a prisoner in this country you have great air condition, the ceilings do not leak, and you have an opportunity to be in a building that is built well and well maintained. Then I thought about the $28 million from the Dropout Program that was cut. Realizing that 86 percent of the people in this country who are in jail are high school dropouts, there is a serious correlation between education and incarceration. But yet we find the need in this Congress to cut $28 million from the Dropout Program. Then I thought about the summer jobs program. I guess that irked me almost the most, because I thought the Contract With America was to take people off of the welfare roles, but not to take kids off of the payrolls; to take innocent kids in the summertime who finished school, and all they have to do and look forward to is a summer job, to totally eliminate that program. Now we are going to have kids on the streets, more crime indeed. Kids who go and work during the summer will not be able to do it this summer if this rescission package stays as it is today. These kids take that money and buy their school clothes. Many of them help their parents. Then I thought about, lastly, but certainly not least, the school lunch program. And I take a moment of personal privilege on the school lunch program because I am indeed a person who went through school and who benefitted from the school lunch program. And to think that this Congress would have the audacity and unmitigated gall to take school lunches away from innocent children, when in jails, when prisoners in jail today get three square meals a day. It is popular to feed a prisoner in this country, but it is not popular and is not correct to feed a child. Then what really irks me, Mr. Speaker, at the time we take food out of the innocent kids' mouths, we give $1.2 billion in food aid to foreign countries. At the time we take away summer jobs, we give $2.3 billion to economically support other countries. So I hope that my colleagues defend these children and defend what is right and take this opportunity to defeat this rescission package when it comes to the floor. parliamentary inquiry
INTRODUCTION OF THE CHECK CASHING ACT1995-03-01
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise with great concern for our consumers. Today, I rise to introduce the Check Cashing Act of 1995. The check cashing industry is growing by leaps and bounds, charging excessive rates in some instances, with no one to watch out for consumers. Mr. Speaker, this industry has more than doubled to a multibillion-dollar business in the past 8 years. In 1993 it was estimated that more than 150 million checks were cashed by check cashing outlets with a face value totaling more than $45 billion. My bill only asks that States develop a system to license or register check cashing outlets and that financial institutions cash Government checks. Today, too many of our constituents are paying up to 20 percent of the face value of a check to get their money. This is absurd and uncalled for. Mr. Speaker, we must work to give our communities every opportunity to improve themselves. With many banks denying consumers check cashing capability and check cashing outlets preying on them our Nation's financial services opportunities are bleak for many low- to moderate- income Americans. Mr. Speaker, today a head of a household that earns a $300 pay check is subject to spending up to 20 percent, $60 of that check, just to gain access to the hard earned dollars. This $60 is taking away from food for children, rent for a roof over a families head, and transportation to and from work. This is unacceptable and must be stopped. I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting this legislation and my efforts to provide equal opportunities to all communities.
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IN AMERICA1995-02-23
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I thank the gentleman from South Carolina for yielding. Let me also thank the gentlemen for carrying on this conversation tonight. I was sitting in my office, and I saw the gentlemen on the floor and decided to come over to just speak to one or two subjects. First of all, let me speak to the subject of the TRIO program. The gentleman from Alabama stated the need for the TRIO program. I stand, Mr. Speaker, tonight as a product of the TRIO program, and but for the TRIO program, I probably would not be standing here as a Member of this institution, and to have programs such as the TRIO program under attack today certainly is not only unacceptable but is unconscionable and certainly does not warrant merit to have those kinds of programs under attack. I thank the gentlemen for talking about the TRIO programs, because there are thousands of young people all across the country who need a program like this TRIO program. They are not black students, they are not white students, they are not Democratic students, they are not Republican students, they are just students who need help and students who need assistance. They are students who come from single-parent households like I was. I was a student who came from a single-parent household. I was a student who came from a family of 10. I was a student, and the reason why my family was a single-parent household was simply because my father died when I was 4 years old, and a program like the TRIO program basically just took me in and took other students like me all across Louisiana and all across this Nation and gave us hope and told us just because we came up by way of the rough side of the mountain did not mean we could not reach the top and told us just because we started the race late did not mean we could not finish our course, because the race was not always won by the swift, but sometimes by he who could endure the longest. It was the TRIO program, Mr. Speaker, when classes and teachers and institutions all across Louisiana called students like me disadvantaged and at risk and underprivileged, it was the TRIO program that said when they call you disadvantaged and at risk, underprivileged, they are talking about your income. You cannot let your income determine your outcome, because your mind is not disadvantaged. Your mind is not at risk. Your mind is not underprivileged. I challenge my colleagues today to keep programs like the TRIO program. Lastly, the gentleman from South Carolina, when I was watching him in my office he was talking about the issue of affirmative action and the gentleman from Mississippi stated that the issue of affirmative action is going to be a very heated debate this session of Congress. Let me, with the remaining seconds that I have, talk a little bit about affirmative action and put it in its proper context, because I get sick and tired of people talking about affirmative action and making people who benefit from any affirmative action or any set-aside program in America feel illegitimate for some reason or another. As long as people look at affirmative action as two parallel lines, then you are not really looking at affirmative action in the truest sense, because affirmative action is not two parallel lines where you take one person who is less qualified than the other and take the person who is less qualified and bring him to the status of a person who is more qualified simply because of the law called affirmative action. The better way to state affirmative action, Mr. Speaker, is a big circle where everybody in the circle are qualified, equally qualified, as a matter of fact, but the problem is many people do not get a chance to participate and be a part of that circle. The only way many people in this country get a chance to be a part of that circle and get included inside of that circle is through the actions of affirmative action. No person should even have a thought tonight that affirmative action takes people who are less qualified and elevates them to the status of people who are more qualified. The last point I want to make on the issue of affirmative action, even those who talk about affirmative action today, many of them would think the 1965 Voting Rights Act is an affirmative action bill, and the Voting Rights Act was an act that when there were people in this country who worked hard every day, who believed in this country, who went to war and fought for this country, but did not have the right to vote; in many States in this country, they gave them the right to vote, but they had all kinds of impediments so they would not be able to vote. I recall my own State of Louisiana when a professor who graduated, who got a Ph.D. Degree, who wanted to pass the literacy test in Louisiana, he could state the Preamble to the Constitution, he knew all the facets of the inclusions and the exclusions of the due process clause and the 14th amendment of the Constitution, but a registrar of voters still had the audacity, tenacity, and gall to ask him how many bubbles are in a bar of soap. That was an exam that he could not pass. I guess many people today even think that that civil rights legislation was affirmative action, just to give a person the right to vote is affirmative action. And I submit to you today, Mr. Speaker, that that is not affirmative action, and if it is, there is nothing wrong with it. There is nothing wrong with giving people the opportunity to register to vote and participate in democracy, and I say to my colleagues from South Carolina and Mississippi and Alabama, this is going to be a very, very heated session, because the last thing I want to do as a person who believes in fairness, a person who believes in equality, the last thing I would want to do is to disadvantage any individual in this country to the advantage of another individual in this country.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Let me say there is not a person in America who received a job because of affirmative action. People in America receive jobs because they are qualified. There is not a person in this Congress who is in this Congress because of some affirmative action program. You are in Congress because people went to the polls and voted for you. There is not a person in this country who benefited from any affirmative action program simply because they were less qualified. They were as qualified as anybody else. Let me say this. I wish we would get to the day in this country when we need not have affirmative action. I wish one day I could stand up in this hall, I wish I could stand up at this very microphone, and say there is absolutely, positively no need for any law that even resembles affirmative action. But until we get to the day of fairness, where people are treated because of their content, and not because of their color, and not because of the accent of their language, then we are not at that point that we ought not have programs that simply give people an opportunity not because they are less qualified, but give them the opportunity because they may be Hispanic, is what this program that we call affirmative action is all about. Not to give a person a job because they are less qualified; just give them an opportunity to compete. I want to commend the gentleman from each State for talking about the need to have programs of fairness, and one day we can all walk into this Chamber and say there is no need any longer for any affirmative action program because the CEO's in America, they are going to treat people fair, they are going to hire women, they are going to hire Hispanics, they are going to hire blacks. There is a need for affirmative action in the area of voting, because people are going to treat people fair. Anyone who wants to register to vote can in fact register to vote. There is no need for affirmative action in the area of scholarship, because presidents of institutions across America are going to grant scholarships to students who deserve them, irregardless of their color.
BLACK HISTORY MONTH1995-02-22
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from South Carolina for adding to this special order tonight, and also want to thank the gentleman for bringing more insight as it relates to the State of South Carolina and its participation and contribution to black history. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the great gentleman from California [Mr. Filner].
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, again let me thank the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Lewis] because I know of the work that the gentleman has done across this country, with other great African- Americans, to secure the right to vote, to secure equal access to public housing, to public facilities and accommodations. I thank the gentleman because I know the gentleman has worked the highways and byways of this Nation. I also think of other great African-Americans, like Sojourner Truth, who was on a journey for the truth when she said, ``I hold this Constitution in my hand, and I look and look into this Constitution, but I see no rights for me.'' She died so that African- Americans could be in this Congress. I want to thank Fanny Lou Hammer, who said, ``I am sick and tired of being sick and tired.'' I want to thank Rosa Lee Parks, who took a seat so we all could stand, take a stand. I also want to thank some of the great pioneers in my home State whose names will never be written in the history books. I want to thank A.Z. Young, who opened many doors for African-Americans in Louisiana. And also Annie Smart, Lillie B. Coleman, and Acie Belton, Leon Robinson and Ben Jeffers. I also want to thank those great inventors. They have opened up so many doors and made life so much better for African-Americans. Every time I wake up in the morning and I put on a pair of shoes, I say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man named Jan Matziger invented the shoes. Every time I get in my automobile and I touch the brakes, I say, ``Thank you,'' in tribute to black America, because a black man by the name of Granville T. Woods invented the air brakes. And I want the gentleman to know that every time I stop at a traffic light, I say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man by the name of Gray Morgan invented the traffic light. And if I ever run a traffic light and get into an accident and need some blood, I am going to say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black American named Charles Drew invented the process for preserving blood. If the doctors ever tell me I need open heart surgery, I am going to say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man by the name of Daniel Hale Williams was the first to perform open heart surgery. And further, I wanted to mention to the gentleman that every time I stick my spoon or knife in a jar of peanut butter, I always say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man by the name of George Washington Carver invented the peanut butter. Every time I fly into Washington, DC., and walk into this Chamber and every time I look at my watch or look up at the clock that is above the Speaker's head, I often say, ``Thank you, black America,'' because a black man named Ben Banneker designed DC. and laid out the first design for the clock. So I just want to thank those African-Americans. But in particular I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia because as a young man in this Congress and as the youngest black American in this Congress, I am smart enough to know that I would not be here today but for Members like the gentleman from Georgia. So I say, ``Thank you, gentlemen.''
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I want to thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for participating in this special order and also bringing to the forefront those African-Americans in his own State who have made a significant contribution to this country. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to yield to the gentleman from Georgia, a person whom I have had and have a great deal of respect for and a person I have watched from afar from my own State of Louisiana and a person I have always viewed as a significant contributor to African-American history, because he, in fact, has always been on the front edge, the leading edge, the cutting edge of the civil rights movement, and I want to thank him today, because it is people like him who have opened up doors for people like me to be in this very House today. I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Lewis], and I yield to the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I want to thank the gentleman from Mississippi for his contribution tonight, particularly in talking about Fannie Lou Hamer, who is a person who was born and raised in Mississippi and one of her famous quotes, as the gentleman stated, was one that stuck with me and will stick with me for the rest of my life when she said, ``I am sick and tired of being sick and tired.'' I want the gentleman to know people like Fannie Lou Hamer; those words are all across the country. I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Barrett], who walked in and who wishes to participate in the special order.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia for adding to this special order, talking about the significance of African-Americans in the State of Georgia who have made a great contribution to this country. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my good friend and my colleague and my neighbor, the gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Thompson], to participate in this special order.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for participating in this special order tonight, and I thank the gentleman for giving me the opportunity to actually meet Ms. Daisy Bates, who is a constituent of his. It was a pleasure to meet her, it was a pleasure to get an autographed book, and it is a pleasure to know that the gentleman played a vital role, along with the University of Arkansas, so I want to thank the gentleman. The gentlewoman from Arkansas also reminds me of a gentleman from Louisiana who made a significant contribution to civil rights by the name of A.Z. Young, who opened up many doors for African-Americans in the State of Louisiana, and perhaps across the world. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from the State of Georgia [Mr. Bishop].
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for adding to this particular special order, and particularly talking about those African-Americans in the State of California who have made great and significant contributions to this country. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Arkansas, Mr. Ray Thornton, in this special order.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Clyburn] to give us his moment in black history. (Mr. CLYBURN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on the subject of this special order tonight.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Hilliard] for his moment in black history and tell the gentleman he himself will go down as a moment in black history, not only today, but in the future as well. general leave
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for his dissertation. I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Hilliard].
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey. Let me commend the gentleman from New Jersey for calling this special order tonight and also commend the gentleman for being a chairman, and a very good chairman, I may add, of the Congressional Black Caucus, because he indeed will go down in history today. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Bentsen]. (Mr. BENTSEN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
PERMISSION FOR SUNDRY COMMITTEES AND SUBCOMMITTEES TO SIT TOMORROW, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1995, DURING 5-MINUTE RULE1995-02-22
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, and I will not object, we have consulted with the Members on our side of the aisle on the committees that the gentleman just mentioned, and we have no objection to the unanimous consent request. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.
SCHOOL LUNCH PROGRAM NECESSARY FOR AMERICA1995-02-22
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the Republican attempt to dismantle the Nation's School Lunch Program. I think it is a shame and a disgrace for my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to choose to tamper with something as basic as a school lunch. Currently, 57 percent of all students participate in this most needed program. We cannot abort our responsibility as national law makers and put tens of thousands of young innocent school children at the risk of not having the opportunity to have a balanced meal during the course of a school day, many of which depend on this meal as their only source of nutrition for the entire day. I believe that this Congress has a direct interest in the health and welfare of the Nation's children; making sure that each child attending school receives a well-balanced meal each school day. This is a responsibility and an obligation that one Member of this Congress is not willing to give up, and I hope my colleagues agree.
PERMANENT EXTENSION OF THE HEALTH INSURANCE DEDUCTION FOR THE SELF- EMPLOYED1995-02-21
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to the bill and in support of the substitute. Mr. Chairman, while I rise in favor of the permanent extension of the current 25-percent health insurance deduction for the self-employed, I strongly object to the means by which the legislation proposes to replace the $2.9 billion in revenue which will be lost with a deduction for health care cost. This bill is a double edged sword in that supporting a tax deduction for working Americans will injure other hard working Americans. the self-employed benefit from deduction, and on the other we take away a policy the Federal Communications Commission established over 20 years ago. The tax incentives provided to businesses giving minority- owned firms has given opportunities to over 300 minority-owned firms increasing minority ownership from 0.5 percent to 2.9 percent. Repealing this law, today, severely effects the highly innovative and forward moving communications industry. While there is no proof that dismantling section 1071 will provide more revenues to make up for the 25-percent self-employed health insurance deduction there are facts to back up the need for this program. This program provides for program diversity which must not be abandoned. We can not let the bill stand as is. Mr. Speaker, we must work to not allow the vying of one group of working Americans against another. It is not fair to ask us to support this and I hope Members will act responsibly and vote down H.R. 831.
EFFECTIVE DEATH PENALTY ACT OF 19951995-02-08
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Durbin] to close the debate.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Vermont [Mr. Sanders].
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, this amendment has nothing to do with race. There is not race in the bill. It has nothing to do with race. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Vermont [Mr. Sanders].
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me briefly explain the amendment. The amendment under the present piece of legislation that is before us--it provides in no uncertain terms that the jury or, if there is no jury, the court shall recommend a sentence of death. What this amendment simply would do is not take out, it would not take out the sentence of death, as much as I would want to do that, but it would maintain that language, but it would add to, to give the jury and the court the opportunity of not only being able to recommend a sentence of death but give them the option to either recommend a sentence of death or a sentence of life in prison without the possibility of release. That is all the amendment does. Now, philosophically, I am very strongly and adamantly opposed to capital punishment, but it does not do away with capital punishment in the bill. But I do think if we leave the bill as it is in its present form, we will have a bill that would give the judge and would give the jury no option whatsoever. Due to the fact that many of the people who are victims of capital punishment are the people who do not have capital, many times he who does not have the capital normally get punished. So this amendment certainly gives us an opportunity to give the judge and the jury the option of either imposing capital punishment or giving a person life in prison without parole. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that time on my amendment and all amendments thereto be limited to 10 minutes, equally divided on both sides.
Mr. FIELDS of Louisiana. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.