Martin Frost

Mr. FROST

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Edwards).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, if the Members here in the Chamber and Members watching this on television in their offices are a little confused, there is very good reason that they should be confused. Let me kind of review the bidding here, what has gone on today. Mr. Speaker, the Republican leadership is in a total and utter state of disarray and denial. First today we were told, well, there would be a continuing resolution until next week, until October 18. And then, no, they changed their minds; and it was going to be a continuing resolution until November 22. Now, apparently they have changed their minds again and now the resolution is going to be until October 18, which is next week. The question really is, Why are they doing this? Why can they not decide to let the House work its will on the appropriations bills? Why do they say one thing to Members at one moment, another thing 5 minutes later, another thing another 10 minutes later? This is a disgrace, a disgrace, Mr. Speaker. Mr. Speaker, on September 30 the fiscal year ended, and the deadline passed for House Republicans to do their most basic job, passing the appropriations bills to fund priorities like education and health care. In the 10 days since then, the stock market has dropped to a 5-year low, and we have learned that another 417,000 Americans filed unemployment claims at the end of last month. By stubbornly refusing to do their jobs they are getting paid to do, the Republican leaders are hurting the millions of Americans who are busy looking for work. This House has failed to fund important initiatives in education, health care, and other key priorities. Well, here we go again, Mr. Speaker. Republicans are still fiddling while America's economy burns. So in a few minutes we will vote on a continuing resolution that was November 22. Now it is October 18. Who knows what it will be an hour from now. Republican leaders want this CR so they can hide evidence of their fiscal mismanagement. It is the same cynical strategy they are using to hide their secret plan to privatize Social Security. Mr. Speaker, why will Republicans not be honest with the American people? Not too long ago they insisted that Congress had to vote on an Iraq resolution before the election. As the President himself said, and I quote, ``I cannot imagine an elected United States, elected Members of the United States Senate or House of Representatives saying, `I think I am going to wait for the United Nations to make a decision.' '' To paraphrase the President, I cannot imagine being a House Republican who has presiding over this failed economy and saying, I am not going to do anything about it. Because that is exactly what House Republicans are going to do, postpone action on important domestic and economic issues. They are desperate to hide their failed economic policies and dangerous Social Security plan from the voters. But they cannot hide the truth. The Republicans' refusal to govern is hurting American priorities from the economy to education. In a recent memo to the Speaker, the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations outlined just how harmful this refusal to govern is. According to the gentleman from Florida (Chairman Young), ``A long-term continuing resolution would have disastrous impacts on the war on terror, homeland security and other important government responsibilities.'' The gentleman's memo pointed out that a long-term CR, and we do not know how they define long term, is it a week, is it a month, that a long-term CR would undermine the war on terror by denying nearly $40 billion in additional homeland security funds requested by the President. It would short change our veterans by funding VA medical care at 2.5 billion less than what is needed to meet their needs, and would hurt our children's education by underfunding Pell grants by nearly $1 billion. Mr. Speaker, Republicans' failed economic policies have driven America into a huge deficit ditch that poses a grave threat to Social Security and other priorities like education, prescription drugs, and homeland security. So Republican leaders hope that by refusing to fund the government no one will notice the fiscal straitjacket they have put the country in. The shell game is most obvious on education. Many Republican Members want to go home to tout their bipartisan No Child Left Behind Act we passed with so much fanfare last year; but they refuse to actually provide schools with the resources they need to carry out the reforms Congress mandated. Indeed, the bill funding the Departments of Labor, Education and Health and Human Services backed by most Republican Members would gut education and other priorities, and that is why they do not want to bring it to the floor. Mr. Speaker, it is time to be straight with the American people and start digging out of this fiscal ditch. That will require Republicans owning up to the disaster they have made of the Federal budget. For that reason, Members are going to be called on in just a moment. We will have very serious questions about this particular continuing resolution. Mr. Speaker, the American people deserve honesty from the Republicans on critical domestic issues. There is no excuse for this House putting off its most basic work. The economy is weak, prescription drugs are still sky high, the budget is back in deficit, and many Republicans want to privatize Social Security. It is time to quit playing politics. It is time to get back to doing the American people's business and to actually pass appropriations bills rather than this shell game of ``Maybe we have a one week CR, maybe we have a one month CR. Gee, we do not know. We just want to leave so we can go home and campaign.'' Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, this has been somewhat of a peculiar situation that we find ourselves in. The other side, after being all over the ballpark all day, has now decided on a one-week CR. That is fine. That is their prerogative. They are in the majority. It would have been nice if they decided this 12 hours ago. Presumably, we will be back on Tuesday, maybe Wednesday or maybe Thursday. The only regret I think any of us have is, while the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young), the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, is an honorable man, and certainly his committee has completed a lot of its work, he has been prevented by his own leadership from bringing his work product to the floor. He has only been permitted to bring five appropriation bills to the floor. Eight have not been brought to the floor. They should have been. Most of them have been completed by the gentleman's committee. It would be nice if they were brought to the floor so they could be voted on one at a time and resolve the problems that face this country. Mr. Speaker, I will be calling for a rollcall vote on this rule. A number of our Members will be voting ``no'' to express their displeasure in the way that the majority has been handling this matter.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).

Mr. FROST

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bipartisan resolution. It provides the best opportunity for a peaceful resolution by giving the President the discretion to use force if Iraq does not permit full and comprehensive inspections of all sites that could be used to develop biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons. I hope, as do the American people, that the President will use this discretion wisely and that Saddam Hussein will understand that the community of nations will not permit him to develop and maintain weapons of mass destruction. Mr. Speaker, today's vote is a difficult one. Many House Members have worn their country's uniform in time of war and have seen the horror of battle firsthand. We all understand the sacrifices that we may be asking our brave young men and women to make in the months to come. As chairman of the Democratic Caucus, I have presided over numerous meetings on this subject. I have listened carefully to my colleagues and to policy experts who have followed Saddam Hussein's activities over the years. In the end, I have come to the conclusion that the course set out in this resolution is the wisest path for our Nation. The resolution makes clear that our first preference is for the President to work through the United Nations to obtain multilateral support for a tough regime of weapons inspections. It requires the President to report back to Congress and to consult with us on an ongoing basis. But in the end, it gives the President the authority to commit U.S. troops if all diplomatic efforts fail. Mr. Speaker, giving the President this discretion is highly appropriate. In so doing, we make clear to Saddam Hussein that it is in his interests to permit the inspectors full and unfettered access now. Should he fail to do so, he will face the full might of the United States military, the strongest and finest fighting force in the world today. Mr. Speaker, no one wants war. We all want peace, and peace is best achieved from a position of strength. So I want to personally recognize the work of our Democratic leader, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Gephardt), in narrowing and improving the resolution originally offered by the administration. We vote today on a better, more focused approach because of the hours he spent negotiating with the White House over the final product. I want to say a word about the role of the minority in our system of government. Some suggest that the minority's role is to automatically oppose everything sought by the President. I disagree. The minority can play a constructive role by working to improve a Presidential proposal and, therefore, helping achieve a national consensus. That is particularly true in matters of foreign policy. So I urge all of my colleagues, regardless of how my colleagues voted on the Spratt or Lee substitutes, to join Democrats and Republicans in voting for this bipartisan resolution. Mr. Speaker, this bipartisan resolution will send a strong, clear signal that America is committed to ending the threat that Saddam Hussein poses to the world through democracy, if he will allow it, but through military action if he refuses.

Mr. FROST

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I urge adoption of the resolution. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. FROST

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee). (Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, today we begin a historic debate here in the House of Representatives. It will continue for 3 days, and every Member will have the opportunity to be heard. Thankfully, Mr. Speaker, it is not often that Congress must consider matters of war and peace, so we have studied the issue seriously. Within the Democratic Caucus, Members have received numerous briefings from Republicans as well as Democrats and outside experts as well as those inside the administration and asked probing questions over the past few weeks and months. I expect that this debate will be as robust as it is serious. It should come as no surprise that many sincere people in the administration, in Congress, and among the public have varying views about how best to deal with Saddam Hussein; and it should come as no surprise that there is no party position on an issue of this gravity. In 1991, I was in the minority of my own party when I voted to authorize the first President Bush to use force against Saddam Hussein. Now, 11 years later, the situation is different; and I expect that more Democrats will authorize the second President Bush to use military force, if necessary, to end the threat that Saddam Hussein poses. Mr. Speaker, I disagree with those who assume that the opposition's part is to automatically oppose the administration. When it comes to national security, the public expects Democrats and Republicans to lay down our partisan swords and try to work out a consensus. We may differ in some areas, but those differences should be based on principle, not on party labels. The three resolutions on the House floor meet that standard. They have the support of thoughtful Members of both parties who have struggled sincerely to devise what they believe is the best approach to protecting America and our vital interests in the world. Mr. Speaker, our lively and honest discussion this week, and I expect it will be very lively, should not be mistaken for a lack of resolve. On both sides of the aisle there is general consensus that Saddam Hussein is a threat to the security and stability of the world, and there is an overwhelming bipartisan commitment to ending that threat. Mr. Speaker, I am convinced that Saddam's outlaw regime poses a serious threat to the United States, our allies, and the rest of the world. Between 1991 and 1998, weapons inspectors found and destroyed significant amounts of chemical and biological weapons, despite Iraq's protestations that none existed. Since then, Saddam Hussein has continued his pursuit of weapons of mass destruction as well as his hostilities to the United States and our interests. I am pleased that Democratic and Republican leaders, working with the administration, have agreed to the compromise resolution H.J. Res. 114 that is on the House floor this week. The President has accepted many important Democratic changes to his original resolution. As a result, it has been significantly improved and America's position against Saddam Hussein has been strengthened. The compromise resolution strikes a good balance between using a multilateral approach and preserving America's right to defend our interests. It strongly supports the efforts of Secretary of State Colin Powell to build an international coalition through the United Nations against Saddam Hussein; and if diplomatic efforts fail, it requires the President to report back to Congress before beginning military action. There are other important changes. While the original White House draft would have authorized military action in the region, this compromise focuses on Iraq specifically. It also requires the President to comply with the War Powers Act and its regular procedures for consulting with, and reporting to, Congress. Moreover, this resolution requires the President to ensure the war on terrorism will not be hampered by military action against Iraq. Since September 11, Democrats and Republicans have worked together to wage the war on terror, and it is critical that the administration not forget its commitment to bring Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda to justice. Finally, this resolution forces the administration to report to Congress on their planning for the reconstruction, peacekeeping, and other activities that will be necessary after a military conflict with Iraq. Winning the peace is as important as winning the war, and we insist that the administration prepare the American people for the long-term commitment needed to restore peace and stability to Iraq and the Middle East. All in all, Mr. Speaker, this bipartisan compromise is a substantial improvement on the White House's original draft. Just as importantly, it will help build broad support in the international community as well as here at home for ending the threat posed by Saddam Hussein. That is critical because this is not an easy job. I remain hopeful that international diplomatic pressure will allow a strong, unfettered inspections regime to disarm Saddam Hussein, and I believe that the strong signal that Congress sends with this resolution will increase our diplomatic leverage. But I am also not naive. Given Saddam's history, we must be prepared for the possibility of a military confrontation with Iraq. The United States has the finest fighting force in the world, and I am confident that if we are forced to fight Saddam Hussein our troops will defeat him overwhelmingly. But war is not something to be taken lightly, and it requires the full support of the American people. That is why, Mr. Speaker, Democrats insisted that the President seek congressional authorization before taking action against Saddam Hussein; and it is why Democratic leaders reached out to the White House to craft a bipartisan resolution. Mr. Speaker, this is a deadly serious matter, and I have tremendous respect for many of those who differ with me on it. After all, men and women who love their country can disagree on the best way to protect our country. Nonetheless, I believe that the best way to end Saddam Hussein's threat is to meet it head on, and I believe that the compromise resolution represents a sensible and responsible approach to protecting America and the world against Saddam Hussein. I expect it will pass with the overwhelmingly bipartisan support it deserves. In closing, let me make one more point. Before this is over we may be asking families across the Nation to make tremendous sacrifices. Hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops may have to put their lives on the line. I have no doubt that the men and women of the military can secure America's interests abroad, but as these brave Americans do their job, I hope this Congress will finally do its job and address the deepening economic uncertainty that threatens our security here at home. After all, Iraq is not the only issue in America today. As we speak, unemployment and the poverty rate erupt, while the stock market and 401(K) plans are down. Every day Americans across the country have to deal with economic security as well as national security. It is time this Congress followed their example. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. FROST

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, each year, over 58,000 children in America are abducted by predators. Although the vast majority of such children are safely returned to their parents--too many children are not. As a parent and a grandparent, I cannot imagine anything more devastating then having a child snatched away. AMBER Alerts are one of the most effective tools available to keep our children safe. We have all seen how successful AMBER Alerts can be. To date, they have been credited with the recovery of 32 children. And thanks to the work of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children and other organizations, there are now 66 AMBER Plans, including 24 statewide plans. Still, the vast majority of America's communities have not established an AMBER Plan to protect their children. Last week, I met with the parents of Elizabeth Smart, good people who have had to endure every parent's worst nightmare. They were on Capitol Hill to urge the House to pass the National AMBER Alert Network Act, which I've introduced with my Republican colleague Jennifer Dunn.Our bill mirrors the AMBER Alert legislation that has already passed the Senate. Also last week, President Bush called on the House to pass our bill so we could establish a national child abduction alert system this year. We've been working with Chairman Sensenbrenner, Ranking Member Conyers and other members of the Judiciary Committee to pass a national AMBER Alert and I want to thank them for including our bill's key provisions in H.R. 5422, the Omnibus Child Abduction Prevention Act. Our bill provides $25 million in needed funding to create a seamless network of local AMBER Plans across America. President Bush called this funding crucial to implementing an AMBER Alert network to protect every American child. I am very pleased that Chairman Sensenbrenner recognized the importance of the AMBER Alert by including our bill in this child protection package, but frankly, I would have preferred it if our bill had been brought up for a vote in the form that has already passed the Senate. That bill would go straight to the President's desk and we could immediately begin setting up a national AMBER network. I am pleased to vote to pass this bill today, but this is a large package with some controversial provisions that may not pass the Senate this year. If the Senate does not act on this larger bill, I will implore the House Republican leadership not to play politics on this issue and request that we vote on the National AMBER Alert Network Act that has already passed that Chamber. The AMBER Alert has proven its effectiveness and every child deserves its protections. There is no excuse for not passing a national AMBER Alert network into law this year.

Mr. FROST

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee). (Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the remaining time. Mr. Speaker, the continuing resolution before us is an indictment of the Republican majority. They have failed to help the unemployed, failed to rescue the economy, failed to complete the appropriations process and failed the American people. If the previous question is defeated, I will introduce a package that contains the CR we are debating today, extends unemployment insurance, brings the Labor-HHS bill to the floor so that we can move the appropriations process forward, and calls for an economic stimulus package to get this country moving again. Meaningless sense of the House resolutions will not get it done, Mr. Speaker. Passing continuing resolutions to avoid tough choices is not going to get it done either. There is an unfinished agenda of issues that mean something to the middle-class Americans, Mr. Speaker, and Democrats want to help them, even if Republicans do not. By defeating the previous question, the House can take up this economic package and reverse the economic decline that the Republicans have brought us. Let us get America back to work again. I urge a no vote on the previous question.

Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Visclosky).

Mr. FROST. Well, Mr. Speaker, Republicans' shameful refusal to lead the House continues today. We are into the new fiscal year, and this House has still only passed 5 of the 13 appropriation bills. Now, Republicans have been turning back flips to try to shift the blame for their own shameful failures. They like to say it is the fault of the other body that the House has not done its work, but we all know how an appropriations bill becomes a law. The Constitution requires the House to pass it before the other body can. Mr. Speaker, there is nothing to stop House Republicans but themselves. And what is stopping them? Simply put, some Republicans are afraid to vote for the cuts in education, health care, and other priorities that most members of the Republican Conference seem to support. So Republican leaders have quit even trying to do the work Americans elected them to do. While House Republicans refuse to do their work, Mr. Speaker, millions of Americans would be happy just to find a job. After all, America is suffering through the weakest economy in 50 years, and a recent Gallup Poll found that 52 percent of Americans believe the economy is getting worse. Frankly, it is hard to argue with them. Long-term unemployment is at an 8-year high, and some 2 million Americans have lost their jobs. The Census Bureau reports the number of people living in poverty has increased, and the median household income has dropped. Corporate scandals, the massive criminality at Enron, WorldCom, and the like, have rocked the economy and devastated the retirement plans of millions of Americans. After the worst quarter for the S&P 500 since 1987, millions of Americans are dreading the arrival of 401(k) statements, statements that may now look more like 201(k) statements. Overall, the stock market has lost $4.5 trillion in value since Republicans took control in Washington a year ago January. And the Dow has hit a 4-year low. What has been the response of the Republican House during this troubled time? They refuse to stop corporate expatriates who flee overseas to avoid paying their fair share in taxes and who leave other Americans stuck with the bill, and they refuse to extend unemployment insurance for all Americans suffering in this economy. Mr. Speaker, this is a shameful failure of leadership. I do not think it is going to end as long as Republicans control the House of Representatives. But there is one important step we can take today. We can finally allow the House to vote on the education funding necessary to implement the bipartisan No Child Left Behind Act. At the appropriate time, I will oppose the previous question. If it is defeated, we will amend the rule to provide for a fair vote on the appropriations bill for the Department of Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education. Since Republican leaders cannot decide how to bring up this critical bill, we would offer Members several options. The Committee on Appropriations chairman could bring his bill to the floor. Conservatives and their Republican Conference who have seemed so interested in slashing education spending so far could bring up their version, and the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations, could bring up his bill. In addition, my amendment to the rule would require the House to immediately consider legislation extending unemployment benefits to the millions of American workers who have exhausted those benefits and have no immediate prospects of finding employment. And to help spur the creation of jobs in the country, we will call on the House to consider economic stimulus legislation before we adjourn for the elections. This body has wasted enough valuable time. We have only a few days left to do the people's business; and by defeating the previous question, perhaps we can start taking care of the business we were sent here to do. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore