Bill Frist

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I am pleased to announce that my Senate colleagues and I will be introducing the ``Support Our Scouts Act of 2005'' today. This legislation will ensure that the Defense Department can and will continue to provide the Scouts the type of support it has provided in the past, such as at Jamborees and on bases. This bill also ensures Scouts have equal access to public facilities, forums, and programs that are open to a variety of other youth or community organizations. Why am I introducing this legislation? Since the Supreme Court decided Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, Boy Scouts of America's relationship with government at all levels has been the target of multiple lawsuits. The Federal Government is defending a lawsuit brought by the ACLU aimed at severing ties between Boy Scouts and the Department of Defense and the Department of Housing and Urban Development. The effect of these attempts at exclusion at the Federal, State, and local levels are far-reaching and has had a discernible ``chilling'' effect on government support for our Scouts. This is the greatest legal challenge facing Boy Scouts today. Boy Scouts of America, like other non-profit youth organizations, depend, on its ability to use public facilities and participate in these programs and forums. The Support Our Scouts Act of 2005 addresses these issues by removing any doubt that Federal agencies may welcome Scouts to hold meetings and go camping on Federal property. The Boy Scouts of America is a congressionally chartered organization. Pentagon support for Scouts is authorized in U.S. law. It serves a patriotic, charitable, and educational purpose. Since 1910, Boy Scout membership has totaled more than 110 million young Americans. Today, more than 3.2 million youths and 1.2 million adults are members of the Boy Scouts and are dedicated to fulfilling the Boy Scouts' mission. That number includes more than 40 members of the United States Senate and more than 150 members of the House of Representatives who have been involved in Scouting. I was a Boy Scout, and all three of my sons were as well. This unique American institution is committed to preparing our youth for the future by instilling in them values such as honesty, integrity, and character. Through exposure to the outdoors, hard work, and the virtues of civic duty, the Boy Scouts have developed millions of Americans into superb citizens and future leaders. The Support Our Scouts Act ratifies our longstanding commitment to this valued civic organization. It clarifies that no Federal law, including any rule, regulation, directive, instruction, or order, shall be construed to limit any Federal agency from providing any form of support to the Boy Scouts of America or the Girl Scouts of the United States of America or any organization chartered by the Boy Scouts of America or the Girl Scouts of the United States of America. Activities supported include holding meetings, jamborees, camporees, or other scouting activities on Federal property, or hosting or sponsoring any official event of such organization. The Scouts Act is also being introduced by a bipartisan group of Members in the House. I believe this bill will receive broad, bipartisan support in both chambers of Congress and that we will pass it this year. It is common sense legislation that all fair and reasonable people can support. I encourage Scout supporters--indeed, all Americans--to contact their Senators and Representatives and ask them to support the ``Support Our Scouts Act of 2005.'' I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I am pleased to announce that my Senate colleagues and I will be introducing the ``Support Our Scouts Act of 2005'' today. This legislation will ensure that the Defense Department can and will continue to provide the Scouts the type of support it has provided in the past, such as at Jamborees and on bases. This bill also ensures Scouts have equal access to public facilities, forums, and programs that are open to a variety of other youth or community organizations. Why am I introducing this legislation? Since the Supreme Court decided Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, Boy Scouts of America's relationship with government at all levels has been the target of multiple lawsuits. The Federal Government is defending a lawsuit brought by the ACLU aimed at severing ties between Boy Scouts and the Department of Defense and the Department of Housing and Urban Development. The effect of these attempts at exclusion at the Federal, State, and local levels are far-reaching and has had a discernible ``chilling'' effect on government support for our Scouts. This is the greatest legal challenge facing Boy Scouts today. Boy Scouts of America, like other non-profit youth organizations, depend, on its ability to use public facilities and participate in these programs and forums. The Support Our Scouts Act of 2005 addresses these issues by removing any doubt that Federal agencies may welcome Scouts to hold meetings and go camping on Federal property. The Boy Scouts of America is a congressionally chartered organization. Pentagon support for Scouts is authorized in U.S. law. It serves a patriotic, charitable, and educational purpose. Since 1910, Boy Scout membership has totaled more than 110 million young Americans. Today, more than 3.2 million youths and 1.2 million adults are members of the Boy Scouts and are dedicated to fulfilling the Boy Scouts' mission. That number includes more than 40 members of the United States Senate and more than 150 members of the House of Representatives who have been involved in Scouting. I was a Boy Scout, and all three of my sons were as well. This unique American institution is committed to preparing our youth for the future by instilling in them values such as honesty, integrity, and character. Through exposure to the outdoors, hard work, and the virtues of civic duty, the Boy Scouts have developed millions of Americans into superb citizens and future leaders. The Support Our Scouts Act ratifies our longstanding commitment to this valued civic organization. It clarifies that no Federal law, including any rule, regulation, directive, instruction, or order, shall be construed to limit any Federal agency from providing any form of support to the Boy Scouts of America or the Girl Scouts of the United States of America or any organization chartered by the Boy Scouts of America or the Girl Scouts of the United States of America. Activities supported include holding meetings, jamborees, camporees, or other scouting activities on Federal property, or hosting or sponsoring any official event of such organization. The Scouts Act is also being introduced by a bipartisan group of Members in the House. I believe this bill will receive broad, bipartisan support in both chambers of Congress and that we will pass it this year. It is common sense legislation that all fair and reasonable people can support. I encourage Scout supporters--indeed, all Americans--to contact their Senators and Representatives and ask them to support the ``Support Our Scouts Act of 2005.'' I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the presence and use of small electronic calculators be permitted on the floor of the Senate during consideration of the fiscal year 2006 concurrent resolution on the budget.

Mr. FRIST. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this morning we will immediately begin consideration of the budget resolution which was reported from the Budget Committee last week. There are now 45 hours remaining of the statutory 50-hour limit. The chairman and ranking member are ready for opening statements, and then it is our expectation to begin the amendment process. As we announced last week, we do anticipate a vote around 5:30 p.m. today in relation to an amendment. Once we get underway, we will alert Senators as to what amendment will be voted on this afternoon. I also want to reiterate that this will be a busy week of Senate business. We will complete the budget resolution this week. We will obviously have lengthy sessions over the course of each day and likely well into the evening. I will be working with the Democratic leader to see if we can keep a steady pace throughout the week so that we can avoid what has come to be known as the vote-arama, if at all possible. I know the managers of the bill will be doing everything possible to continue to have this bill move in an orderly, systematic way. This will require the cooperation of all Senators, and we have asked all to keep their schedules flexible around the floor schedule. We will need to keep the length of each rollcall vote to a reasonable limit. We again request Members to come as soon as possible to vote when votes are called. If not, we will have to cut off the time with which we have flexibly in the past allowed our colleagues to meander over. We have to keep the bill moving expeditiously. I thank everybody in advance for what I know will be a busy week, and I look forward to completing our work prior to the start of the Easter break. I particularly thank Judd Gregg and Senator Conrad for their hard work and leadership. They have worked very hard over the course of the last several weeks completing the work of the budget at the committee level at the end of last week. As I said earlier, we will complete action on the bill before we adjourn for the March recess. The budget is a tough budget. It is an austere budget. It is a disciplined budget. That is what is appropriate at this point in time. It restrains spending. It cuts the deficit in half over 5 years. It extends the progrowth tax relief that has continued to fuel the economy. Some will say that it goes too far in terms of restrained spending; others will say it does not go far enough. Budgets are never easy. This one is no different, but it is absolutely essential that we complete the budget this week. It provides the blueprint for just about everything else that occurs over the remainder of this session, most importantly the appropriations bills. We have had good discussion among the leadership about focusing amendments and making sure that amendments that are brought to the floor are done so in an orderly way but also that the amendments that are brought to the floor are, indeed, substantive amendments. We don't want dozens and dozens of amendments to be brought to the floor because typically all these amendments can be overlapping and repetitive of earlier amendments. It is that sort of disorganization and chaos we want to get rid of and focus on the important amendments, debate them under the time agreements we have. I was just talking to the Democratic manager, and that orderly process that the two managers are talking about is one that would give some certainty as to when amendments would come to the floor. That is going to take planning right now and not having amendments come flowing in at the very end. I do believe that if we work together and keep our focus, we will take potentially a chaotic process and give it clear definition and clear order. We will have a lively and spirited debate. Such debate was manifested in the committee last week, and it will continue on the Senate floor with the broader participation of all of our colleagues over the next 4 days. I look forward to delivering a blueprint that reflects our commitment to fiscal responsibility, to economic growth, and a bill that does keep America moving forward. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the staff of the Senate Budget Committee on the list I send to the desk be permitted to remain on the Senate floor during consideration of S. Con. Res. 18 and the conference report thereon and that the list be printed in the Record.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the following four staff members--two from the Republican staff and two from Senator Conrad's staff--named on the list that I send to the desk be given ``all access'' floor passes for Senate floor consideration of S. Con. Res. 18: Cheri Reidy and Jim Hearn from the Republican staff; John Righter and Sue Nelson from the Democratic staff.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, today, we begin a critical and important debate on the Federal budget. We will be on that debate over the course of the week. I know it will be a good debate and a spirited debate, as it has been over the course of the day. The budget blueprint we adopt in the Senate will guide all of our spending and tax legislation for the remainder of the first session of the 109th Congress. It is absolutely critical that we pass this resolution before we leave at the end of the week and that we stay on track to have a conference agreement with the House of Representatives following the Easter recess period. I do want to begin by congratulating the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, Senator Gregg, and his committee members for bringing forth before the entire Senate today this resolution. This is Senator Gregg's first budget resolution as chairman, and having been a member of the Budget Committee and working with Senators Conrad, Nickles, and Domenici in the past, I know what a difficult challenge, indeed a struggle, it can be to put together the budget. It is a hard task. It is a thankless task in many ways. But in record time the chairman has succeeded in reporting a budget to this body. I also thank the ranking member, Senator Conrad, and the Democratic members of the committee. While I know Senator Conrad and his colleagues do not support the resolution as it is today, I thank him and members for cooperating and allowing this process to proceed so we can begin this important task and begin the debate, as I mentioned earlier, that will be spirited and will be important and substantive over the course of the day and the next several days. We, as elected representatives of our respective States, do have a responsibility to our constituents, to the Members of our delegations and, indeed, to the country to govern. Governing requires budgeting, and budgeting is governing. Households and families across the country know when they sit down and do their own budgets that many times their wants go much further and much larger than what revenues and resources they might have. What will play out here over the course of this week, I believe, in our Federal budget is really no different than what individual families and households must do--many times seeing that our wants go much further than our resources. The first President Bush captured this in his inaugural address when he noted: Our country's will is often greater than our wallet. So, yes, budgeting requires tough decisions, difficult decisions, and many times unpopular decisions. Budgeting not only requires allocating those limited resources in ways that address the real threats we face today, but also the challenges we inevitably will face tomorrow. It requires allocating those resources on programs that are needed today and away from those unneeded, those unnecessary programs from the past. It is a matter of prioritizing. Budgeting requires allocating the taxpayers' dollars in the most effective and the most efficient ways possible, while recognizing that not everything in the Federal Government today, in terms of the funding the Federal Government does today, has to be funded tomorrow. Budgeting does require making choices, it requires making tradeoffs, and it requires making sacrifices. The budget resolution that Chairman Gregg's committee has brought before the Senate does set priorities and does make those difficult tradeoffs. The budget resolution before us today for some does not do enough, and for others it does too much. For some, it reduces the rate of Government spending too much, and for others it simply does not reduce it enough. For some, it reduces taxes too much; for others, it does not reduce taxes enough. There are several things this budget does accomplish. The budget, first and foremost, cuts the deficit in half within the next 5 years. The Federal deficit is projected to decline from nearly $400 billion this year to nearly $200 billion 5 years from now, from 3.2 percent of our economy to 1.3 percent over this 5-year period. The budget resolution we debate does allocate resources to winning the war on terrorism, providing the necessary support for our military men and women overseas. It is an honest budget in that it accounts for the $82 billion war on terror supplemental for this year that we will be debating just after the next recess, and it sets aside $50 billion for next year to continue, if needed, funding for the war. The budget resolution does make the difficult and hard decision to limit the growth of spending in other areas of the budget, and for that area of the budget annually appropriated for nondefense programs, this budget is tough, essentially freezing that area of the budget next year and beyond. By setting priorities and not funding unneeded and inefficient programs as identified in the administration's program assessment and rating tool, called PART, education, HIV/AIDS, highways, health research, and other high-priority programs could receive increased funding even within the overall restraint imposed. This budget resolution for the first time in almost a decade also tackles that area of the budget known as entitlements. Entitlements will consume nearly $7.7 trillion over the next 5 years. Some will argue that by restraining entitlement spending $34 billion over the next 5 years, it does not do enough in this area of the budget that will, and I repeat, consume $7.7 trillion over this same period of time. What is in this budget amounts to about a 0.4-percent reduction. Others will say it does too much. It is a balance. It is a beginning in an area that has been too long neglected. Finally, this budget resolution does make room for the extension of expiring tax provisions. It is projected that the Federal Government will collect over $12.5 trillion in taxes over the next 5 years. Extending tax provisions that promote a growing economy, reducing taxes by $70 billion--and that is about 0.5 percent of the total collected over the next 5 years--is a small investment for maintaining and continuing our growing economy. Let me be clear about one other thing. For those who might be watching the debate this week, this is a congressional budget. Yes, it reflects the principles outlined by President Bush in his executive budget submitted to Congress a little over a month ago, but what we will be debating this week is the congressional budget resolution, not the executive budget. It is ours, it is this body's to mold and adjust as we reflect on our responsibilities to govern and to make those what we know will be difficult tradeoffs. It is also the beginning of the congressional budget process. It is not the end. We will not be appropriating moneys in this resolution for specific programs, but we will be saying how much of our resources should be devoted to annually appropriated programs. We will not be dictating specific policies to reduce entitlement spending, such as Medicaid, farm programs, or student loans, but we will be saying that it is time for Congress to lessen the overall growth of these programs that threaten our fiscal future. We will not be writing the tax bill this week in this resolution, but we will be saying to the tax-writing committees: You have the authority to extend expiring tax provisions or make other changes in tax laws to continue to support economic growth in the future. The budget resolution is a broad outline of what this Congress thinks should be the level of spending, the level of revenues, and the level of deficits or surpluses over the next 5 years. It is not substantive law, but once adopted it will guide substantive law for the remainder of this session. Once adopted, it will become the blueprint upon which our fiscal house is built throughout the spring and summer. In closing, over the 30 years that the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act has been in existence, Congress has failed only three times to agree to a budget resolution. Only once in that 30-year history did the Senate not even consider a budget resolution. Unfortunately, two of those three times that we failed to adopt a budget resolution have been in the last 4 years--in 2001 and then again last year. Once it happened under Democratic control, and once it happened under Republican control. Yes, we patched together in those years ways to have some fiscal guidelines on the appropriations process, but other critically important, other vital elements of the congressional budget process were simply lost. They were unavailable. This budget resolution will restore those needed enforcement provisions. Agreeing to a budget is becoming a more challenging event every year. But I ask, are the issues that we confront at home and around the world today so much more challenging than they were when President Carter faced a daunting energy crisis at home? Or when President Reagan confronted the Soviet Union and won the Cold War? Or when President Bush faced a brutal dictator invading the neighbor Kuwait? Or when President Clinton observed in late 1998 that we then had a historic opportunity to save Social Security for the 21st century? In all those years, we confronted major challenges, but we still worked within the framework of a budget. It is our responsibility to govern. It is our responsibility to produce a budget. It is our responsibility to move America forward. I do not expect that this year will be any easier than in the recent past, but I am confident that for the sake of this institution and the congressional budget process, we will do the most basic of our responsibilities this year--produce a budget. I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this morning, we will have morning business until 11 a.m. At 11 o'clock, we will resume the bankruptcy legislation and immediately proceed to three consecutive rollcall votes. Those votes are on the Kennedy amendments Nos. 70 and 69, and the Akaka amendment No. 105. Under the order from last night, we will then have another series or two of stacked votes throughout the day in order to finish the bill. We will vote on final passage of the bankruptcy bill later today. It is going to be a very busy day, with many rollcall votes over the course of today. Therefore, I encourage all Members to remain close to the floor. We will limit all votes, after the first in the series, to 10 minutes in length. I encourage my colleagues to stay nearby so that we do not have to extend this limit. It is always difficult, and we always have excuses as people come in a few minutes late, but on a day like today we need--we will; not need--we will finish this bill. We will have a lot of votes over the course of today. We have to have all of our colleagues understand that they need to come and vote, and vote on time. Over the course of the day, we will consider the bankruptcy bill. It is a bill we have worked on for not just the last 2 weeks solidly but really for the last about 7 years or 8 years, almost in the same form that is being addressed today. It has been talked about, has been discussed, has been debated, and has been modified. Later today, we will have a great victory again for the American people in passing the bill that I expect will pass with overwhelming bipartisan support. The issues that we are talking about are not Democrat issues or Republican issues; they really are American issues. Today, people will be able to look back over the course of the last 2 weeks, and really this whole 109th Congress, and say that we are doing what the American people want, what they deserve; that is, to govern with meaningful solutions to the very real challenges, the very real problems in people's lives, whether it is in Tennessee or Florida or Nevada or California, all over this country. So I am very pleased with the activity on the floor of the Senate. Over the course of the day, the Budget Committee will also be marking up the budget proposal. Once that markup is completed, we will bring that to the floor. I would very much like to be able to start that bill, if at all possible, tomorrow. Under the rules of the Senate, after that bill comes to the floor, we will spend 50 hours on that bill, and we will have a number of votes. Once again, historically, or in the recent past, we have had amendment after amendment after amendment. The Democratic leader and I have, over the last week, been engaged in discussions on how we can help the managers of that bill limit the amendments to those amendments that really are important and substantive and to have a good discussion between us and between the managers, among all the Senators, so we can coordinate how to bring those amendments to the floor and have them voted upon so that we do not, at the end of the day, or at the end of that 50 hours, have 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80, 90 amendments, which we have seen in the past. It is not necessary. If we can work together over the course of the next 8 or 9 days, I believe we can take what can be very chaotic on the floor and give it some definition and make it clear to people we want their ideas heard, we want them debated within the 50 hours, we want to have them voted upon, but we can do it in a way that brings order out of this sometimes chaotic process. With that, Mr. President, I will yield the floor, looking forward to a very full day. We will be in session tomorrow. I would think--and I will have more to say a little bit later, but in talking to the Democratic leader, if we can complete the budget today in committee, and I believe we can, and if we complete this bankruptcy bill, which we will, then I would think we probably would not have to have rollcall votes tomorrow. We will be in session tomorrow. I put both of those ``ifs'' in there because we have to move forward and accomplish the business before us. If we were unable to finish those two things, we would have to be in tomorrow with rollcall votes. But our goal is to complete the markup on the budget and complete the bankruptcy bill today. I would like to do it in the late afternoon. If not, we will go into the evening until we complete both. Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, the Senate will soon vote on final passage of the bankruptcy reform bill. This bill constitutes the most sweeping overhaul of bankruptcy law in 25 years. Like class action, bankruptcy reform curbs abuse of the legal system. I am hopeful that it will pass with a strong bipartisan vote. Bankruptcy reform has long been in the works. Similar bills have passed the Senate in the 105th, the 106th, and 107th Congresses. Today, in the 109th we will finally deliver a package that restores fairness and personal responsibility to the bankruptcy system. The House has agreed to take up the legislation, pass it quickly, and send it to the President for his signature. I thank my colleagues for their hard work and leadership. In particular, I would like to thank: Senator McConnell, a good friend and counselor, who has made sure that we have the votes on every amendment and who has helped secure final passage; Senator Grassley, the bill's lead sponsor, who has been a tireless advocate for bankruptcy reform for nearly a decade; Chairman Specter, who skillfully led the bill through Committee; Senator Hatch, who, as a floor manager, has led on the substance of each and every amendment; and Senator Sessions, who has led debate on the floor again and again, and who lent his expertise to explain the finer points of the law. Like class action, the bankruptcy reform bill is another example of bipartisan cooperation. Nearly every vote on every amendment has been bipartisan. Our work has been a great example of how thoughtful, bipartisan negotiation can deliver meaningful solutions for the American people. America has always been a place for second chances. As Americans, we value innovation, reinvention and risk taking. It's part of our national DNA, part of why we are so spectacularly successful. It's also why America has long supported generous bankruptcy law. We recognize that sometimes people get in over their head, or are hit with an unexpected set back, and they need a fresh start, a second chance. Congress has passed, and courts have upheld, Federal bankruptcy laws for over 100 years. The Constitution gives Congress the express power to ``establish uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.'' As the Supreme Court has stated, ``One of the primary purposes of the Bankruptcy Act is to give debtors a new opportunity in life and a clear field for future effort, unhampered by the pressure and discouragement of preexisting debt.'' Unfortunately, however, the system has veered away from its original positive intent. In the past two decades, bankruptcies have skyrocketed--actually accelerating during the economic boom years of the 80's and 90's. Last year, we reached an historic high of over 1.6 million filings per year. The total number of bankruptcies more than doubled during the 1980's and then doubled again from 1990 to 2003. Personal bankruptcies outnumber business bankruptcies by a multiple of more than 45. We all pay the price for these bankruptcy filings. Every bill you and I pay includes a hidden ``bankruptcy tax'' of $400 per year per household. That tax is figured into in every phone bill, electrical bill, mortgage payment, furniture purchase, or car loan we pay. For many people, bankruptcy has become a first step rather than a last resort. Opportunistic debtors who have the means to repay use the law to evade personal responsibility. In some cases, they even plan their bankruptcy, buying a mortgage and running up credit cards and then declaring they're broke. With this bill, we are putting an end to the abuse. Wealthy debtors who have the means to pay some, or all, of their debt will be required to do so. The bankruptcy bill establishes a means test based on a simple, fair principle: those who have the means should repay their debts. The legislation specifically exempts from consideration anyone who earns less than the median income in their state. It allows every filer to show ``special circumstances'' if they cannot handle a repayment plan. And it makes clear that active duty military, low income Veterans, and debtors with serious medical conditions are protected by these safe harbor provisions. But for those individuals who are abusing the system, they will no longer be able to hide behind the law. Nor will they be able to duck their family responsibilities. These new reforms make child support a high priority. Most people who get into financial trouble want to do the right thing. They want to make good on their obligations and pay what they owe. But they are in over their head and need a fresh start. This legislation will not affect the vast majority of these filers. What it will do is close loopholes that have let unscrupulous debtors slip through. Today's impending vote is a victory for fairness, compassion and common sense. It took eight years, but we are finally here. I applaud my colleagues for their leadership. Together with class action reform, we are returning fairness and common sense to the legal system. When the legal system gets off track, it affects us all, consumers, creators, and innovators alike. Jobs are lost. Prices go up. We pay in big and small ways. By reforming the system, we strengthen our ability to grow. We keep America moving forward. I look forward to tackling other lawsuit abuse issues including gun manufacturer liability, medical liability, and asbestos reform. I am hopeful that we will continue to work together delivering meaningful solutions to the American people.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, for the information of our colleagues, we are about to have the last vote of the evening which is final passage of bankruptcy legislation. I thank all Members for their hard work today in the Chamber, as well as the Budget Committee and their efforts on the budget resolution. They made huge progress today. We will start on the budget Monday morning. We expect amendments during Monday's session. Therefore, we do expect the next vote to be Monday evening at 5:30.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, for the information of my colleagues, in consultation with the Democratic leader, we would like to have all of the remaining votes be 10-minute votes. We are going to be enforcing it strictly, so we have a reason to keep moving along. We ask that everybody, once we start voting shortly, stay in the Chamber and continue to vote. We will have 10-minute votes for the remainder of the evening.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent the Senate stand in adjournment under the previous order.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that all time be considered as expired under rule XXII with respect to the pending bill; I further ask consent that at 11 a.m. tomorrow the Senate proceed to a series of votes in relation to the following amendments; I further ask consent there be 2 minutes equally divided for debate prior to all votes in the series: Kennedy, No. 70; Kennedy, No. 69; Akaka, No. 105. I further ask consent that on Thursday, at a time determined by the majority leader after consultation with the Democratic leader, the Senate proceed to votes in relation to the following amendments: Leahy 83; Durbin 112; Feingold 90; Feingold 92; Feingold 93; Feingold 95; Feingold 96; Schumer second-degree amendment numbered 129; Talent No. 121. I further ask unanimous consent that amendments Nos. 87 and 91 be agreed to en bloc with the motion to reconsider laid upon the table; provided further that all other pending amendments--Nos. 45, 50, 52, 53, 72, 71, 88, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, and 119--be withdrawn and no further amendments be in order other than the possibility of a further Talent second degree which has been filed and a managers' amendment which has been cleared by both leaders. I finally ask unanimous consent that following the disposition of the above amendments, the bill be read a third time and the Senate proceed to a vote on passage of the bill, with no further intervening action or debate.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, the Senate adjourn until 9:30 a.m. on Thursday, March 10. I further ask that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved, and the Senate then begin a period of morning business with the time until 11 a.m. equally divided between the two leaders or their designees; provided that at 11 a.m. the Senate resume consideration of S. 256, the Bankruptcy Reform Act, as provided under the previous order.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there now be a period of morning business with Senators permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, tomorrow, following morning business, the Senate will resume consideration of the Bankruptcy Reform Act. Under the previous order, upon returning to the bill at 11 a.m., the Senate will proceed to a series of stacked rollcall votes on two Kennedy amendments and the Akaka amendment to the bill. We will then have an additional series of votes a little later in the afternoon which will culminate with a vote on final passage. I want to thank my colleagues for their work on the bill. The schedule for the completion of this bill was worked out on both sides and will allow us to finish the bill at a reasonable hour tomorrow.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I understand there is a bill at the desk and I ask for its first reading.

Mr. FRIST. I now ask for its second reading and, in order to place the bill on the Calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I object to my own request.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Madam President, this morning the Senate will resume debate on the bankruptcy legislation. Under the order, at 10:15 this morning we will begin 2 hours of debate on Senator Schumer's amendment related to abortion clinics. That vote will, therefore, occur at 12:15 today. Following that vote, the Senate will recess until 2:15 for our weekly policy luncheons to meet. When we return to session at 2:15, the Senate will proceed to vote on invoking cloture on the underlying bankruptcy bill. I hope and expect the Senate will be able to invoke cloture this afternoon so that we will be able to vote on passage this week. We will have germane amendments to consider postcloture and, therefore, additional votes can be expected.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Madam President, we have made tremendous progress on the bankruptcy bill over the last 2 weeks. Republicans and Democrats have stood together to support a bankruptcy reform package that the House will pass and the President will sign into law. The Senate has resisted attempts to renegotiate hard-fought compromises and legislate on unrelated issues. I do thank my colleagues, our colleagues, for staying focused on the bankruptcy bill. There have been many attempts to sidetrack the Senate on this bill. But let me just take a moment to reiterate why we need bankruptcy reform and what this bill really does. The bill before us establishes a means test based on a simple, fair principle: those who have the means should repay their debts. Personal bankruptcies are skyrocketing, and wealthy debtors are walking away from debts that they had the ability to repay. Opportunistic debtors who have the means to repay use the law to evade personal responsibility. This abuse does not hurt the creditor only, it hurts all who pay higher fees and prices as a result. Every bill that you and I pay, that our families pay, includes a ``bankruptcy tax'' of about $400 a year per household. That tax is figured into every bill, every phone bill, every electric bill, every mortgage payment, every furniture purchase or car loan we pay. Interest rates are higher, downpayment requirements are larger, grace periods become shorter, late payment penalties become astronomical--all because some people are shirking their debt obligations. This legislation is targeted to ensure that wealthy debtors who can pay their debts do so. It specifically exempts anyone who earns less than the median income in their State, and it also allows every consumer to show special circumstances if they cannot handle a repayment plan. We know that one reason people file for bankruptcy is because of unexpected medical emergencies. Consequently, this legislation allows every filer to deduct 100 percent of their medical costs. We also know that education is a big outlay for many families. Under bankruptcy reform, parents can deduct private school tuition to protect their children's educational opportunities. In addition, the bankruptcy bill strengthens protections for child support and alimony payments. It protects patient privacy and care during bankruptcy proceedings that involve health care facilities. It protects consumers from deceptive credit practice that can lead to financial distress, and it protects the system that allows America to be one of the most generous countries when it comes to bankruptcy. There remain, however, some misconceptions about this bill that should be dispelled. The first regards our protections for Active-Duty military personnel and veterans. Some opponents of the bill charge that we do not adequately address the needs of our combat men and women who suffer financially. Madam President, it should go without saying that the Senate and the American people deeply honor our men and women in uniform. Every day, these young soldiers sacrifice to protect us and to defend the freedom we enjoy. We are indebted to them for the dangers they face on the field, and we are indebted to their families they leave in order to fight for that freedom. That is why last Tuesday we passed the Sessions amendment to help clarify protections for our military and others under a safe harbor in the bill. This provision, which passed with 63 votes, makes explicitly clear that Active-Duty military and low-income veterans are protected by the safe harbor. In addition, it also protects debtors with serious medical conditions. On this issue, the other side has created a red herring designed to score political points and shift the debate away from bankruptcy abuse. Another red herring is the charge that the bankruptcy bill sacrifices consumers to benefit credit card companies. The truth is that the bill before us includes several carefully negotiated amendments that expressly protect credit card holders. Among its beefed-up consumer protections are increased disclosure requirements for credit card statements and mandates that credit card companies assist borrowers in determining how long it will take to pay off their credit card balances, additional disclosures to borrowers buying and refinancing their homes, and additional disclosures regarding credit card introductory rates and new disclosures related to credit card late fees. These protections are the result of lengthy and careful negotiation. Additional measures should be properly addressed in the Banking Committee. As Senator Sessions has pointed out, we are debating a bankruptcy bill designed to create a fair and commonsense process in the Federal courts. Moreover, the bill before us has passed this body three times, with overwhelming bipartisan support. In the 105th Congress, it passed by a vote of 97 to 1. In the 106th Congress, it passed 83 to 14. And again in the 107th Congress, it passed by a vote of 82 to 16. It is time to take action on this much needed reform that is supported by both sides of the aisle. I am confident that by working together we can get this done in this Congress, this week, and see bankruptcy reform signed into law. I encourage our Members, this afternoon, to vote for cloture so we can bring this bill to fruition, to make it the reality we know the American people deserve. It is long past time to stop the abuses of the Bankruptcy Code. The legislation before us is thoughtful. It is built on common sense. It offers the opportunity to give the system, and the people it is designed to help, a fresh start. In short, it promises to deliver meaningful solutions that will keep America moving forward. Madam President, I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, for the information of our colleagues, we are making great progress on the bill. We are in the cloture period. We will not have further rollcall votes tonight, although we will keep the clock running in the cloture period and we will continue debate over the course of tonight. So we are here. We do encourage people who do want to speak on the bill to come and speak. Tomorrow morning we will, after discussion on both sides of the aisle with the managers, have a series of stacked rollcall votes in the morning in order to not have rollcall votes tonight. But we are on the bill. The clock will continue to run, and debate should continue. There will be no rollcall votes tonight, stacked votes tomorrow. We would expect to finish this bill in all likelihood sometime tomorrow, late tomorrow. I yield the floor. Mrs. BOXER addressed the Chair.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, today, we are resuming consideration of the bankruptcy legislation. Under the order from last week, at 2:30, we will begin 3 hours of debate in relation to the Kennedy and Santorum amendments regarding minimum wage. That consent agreement provides for two votes to begin at 5:30 today on the Kennedy and Santorum minimum wage amendments. I do remind my colleagues that a cloture motion was filed on Friday, and that cloture vote will occur at 2:15 on Tuesday. Senators should also be aware that under the provisions of rule XXII, and pursuant to our unanimous consent agreement, all first-degree amendments should be filed by 2:30 today and second-degrees by noon tomorrow. We also have a unanimous consent agreement that provides for a vote in relation to the Schumer amendment at 12:15 p.m. tomorrow, on Tuesday. With that said, we will have busy sessions over the next couple of days as we try to finish our work on the bankruptcy bill. I do hope we can invoke cloture tomorrow afternoon and bring this bill to a final vote. As all Senators know, if cloture is invoked, germane amendments are still in order, and there could be up to an additional 30 hours of consideration. Last week, we had a productive week. We had full days of debate and votes. Therefore, I expect we will complete action on the bill either Tuesday or Wednesday of this week. Mr. President, I would be happy to turn to the Democratic leader. Mr. President, I would like to make a few comments on another issue now because at 2:30 today we will be going to the debate on the minimum wage amendments. Pilgrimage to Selma And The 40th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday Mr. President, I rise to spend a few moments reflecting on a historical event that occurred 40 years ago today. Historians view the 1965 Selma to Montgomery Voting Rights March as one of the emotional high points of the modern civil rights movement that began in the 1950s. Yesterday, a number of Members of Congress went on a pilgrimage to Selma and marched across that Edmund Pettus Bridge. I was part of that delegation. I had that opportunity to do that same march in remembrance of the Selma to Montgomery 1965 crossing of that bridge in the past. From a historical standpoint, as we look back, we recall that 40 years ago today--actually on a Sunday--but 40 years ago today, on that Sunday, on that march, approximately 600 people left historic Brown Chapel and walked a few blocks and then went around the corner and over that Edmund Pettus Bridge, going east toward Montgomery. They went on the other side of that arching bridge, and they encountered local law enforcement officers. The group of officers and some others drove the marchers back across the bridge in a violent episode and series of actions over the next few minutes. They were pushed back the equivalent of several blocks over the bridge and then back to the church. The activity was chaotic. They had billy clubs, tear gas. Most of us are familiar with the tragic story. That Sunday now has become known, since that time, as Bloody Sunday, and thus today is the 40th anniversary of Bloody Sunday. That Bloody Sunday earned, appropriately, national attention. And much of what happened in terms of the evolution of the civil rights movement, reaching that huge landmark on August 6, 1965, when President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, was realized. Just a couple of comments about the course of the day. Again, it was a large bipartisan delegation of House and Senate Members. We arrived in Selma early yesterday morning and visited two of the museums there. We then went to the church service at the historic Brown Chapel AME, African Methodist Episcopal, Church. I had the opportunity to visit and worship in that church before, but yesterday it captured me. The church itself was packed. It is a historic church, and there is a large balcony in the back and balconies on either side. As our delegation, which was probably 40 or 50 House and Senate Members, crowded in with another several hundred people, with the balconies full, you could not help but to imagine what it must have been like 40 years ago--41, 42 years ago. In that period, that church became the real refuge, sense of security for the movement that evolved and really instigated, in many ways, the ability for all Americans to vote today, culminating in that signing by President Johnson later in 1965, on August 6, 1965. Yesterday, in the church service, Rev. James Jackson, the pastor of that church, opened the service itself. And we had a wonderful sermon that was delivered in commemoration by the Rev. C.T. Vivian. Reverend Vivian was an inspirational speaker in his presentation. But what was fascinating to me was it was his early participation, really, in Nashville, TN, working alongside others who were there yesterday, Congressman John Lewis and so many others, that in Nashville that nonviolent movement, and the discipline involved in that movement, was developed. It was developed in meetings, in churches all over Nashville, TN, setting out a defined curriculum based on the great teachings in the Bible and from Gandhi and so many others. It was that same discipline that yesterday now-Congressman John Lewis shared with us, as they marched from Brown Chapel, two by two by two, where he and Hosea Williams led that march up on that sidewalk, dressed in their suits, recognizing that once they got over that bridge, or to the peak of that bridge, at the bottom of the hill down there, there were law enforcement officers whom they knew in all likelihood would drive them back. Yesterday was a gorgeous day. To be able to march arm in arm, linked across that bridge, with people like Congressman John Lewis and Fred Shuttlesworth, who played such a prominent role in Birmingham, and Bernard Lafayette, a close personal friend of mine who now lives in Connecticut, was a great privilege and a great opportunity. I share all this with my colleagues to thank those who could be with us but also in recognition of today being that 40th anniversary that, yes, was called Bloody Sunday, but did become a turning point and led to the rights that we all enjoy today, but underscoring the importance of fighting for, with discipline and nonviolence, those rights of justice and equality and freedom. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand in adjournment under the previous order.