Bill Frist

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be read a third time and passed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and that any statements relating to the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 307, H.R. 1516.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be read a third time and passed, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and that any statements relating to the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 311, S. 300.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at 5:15 p.m. on Monday, October 20, the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination on today's Executive Calendar: Calendar No. 401, the nomination of Margaret Catharine Rodgers to be U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of Florida. I further ask unanimous consent that the Senate then immediately proceed to a vote on the confirmation of the nomination; further, that following the vote, the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and the Senate then return to legislative session.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I further ask unanimous consent that at 5:15 p.m., the Senate proceed to executive session as provided under the previous order.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 1:30 p.m., Monday, October 20. I further ask that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and the Senate then begin a period for morning business until 2 p.m., with the time equally divided between the two leaders or their designees, provided that at 2 p.m. we resume the debate on the motion to proceed to the consideration of S. 1751.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I now move to proceed to S. 1751, and I further ask unanimous consent that the motion be temporarily set aside and that the Senate resume consideration of the motion on Monday, October 20, at 2 p.m.

Mr. FRIST. I ask unanimous consent that it now be in order to make a motion to proceed to S. 1751.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to S. 1751, Senator Grassley's class action bill, which is now on the calendar.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 117, S. 274, the class action fairness legislation. I further ask unanimous consent that all after the enacting clause be stricken, and the text of S. 1751 be inserted in lieu thereof; further, that the language be considered as original text for the purpose of further amendment.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I want to make just a few comments on the progress that has been made--and it has been real progress over the last 2\1/2\ weeks--on the emergency request for Iraq and Afghanistan. While we will have much more debate over the course of the day and likely tomorrow morning, and discussion on the amendments, I predict this bill will pass with very strong bipartisan support either late tonight or tomorrow. There has been a general understanding in this body that, indeed, we are at war against terrorists in Afghanistan and Iraq and the assistance we are debating--the urgent supplemental request--is absolutely vital and integral to victory and to the safe return of our soldiers. Replacing the defeated regime of Saddam Hussein with a democratic Iraq is an essential turning point in bringing freedom to a part of the world that has been governed by extremism and by terrorism now for decades. As General John Abizaid said before the Armed Services Committee, our service men and women are very clear when asked about their commitment to victory in Iraq. He said: ``We can fight them there or we can fight them here.'' What we are doing now very directly affects the security of the American people. Iraq is a country, as we all know, that is deeply in debt because of Saddam Hussein's many excesses in over more than 20 years. In order to help Iraq, we must absolutely bring a basic level of stability to that country. Although we will discuss it over the course of the day, I believe strongly that loans will not do it. Loans do not accomplish that. Piling more debt on top of a crushing burden that is already in place will simply compound Iraq's problems, and I believe undermine that goal of stability there. Our allies clearly must be generous with their assistance as well, and they must be prepared to write off debts from bad loans to Saddam Hussein in the past. We are working very hard as a country on this, and I am confident that by our example we will encourage that kind of international cooperation. We have a strategy for success in Iraq. In recent months, we have made steady progress toward our objectives. We just began over the last several days and weeks to hear about those successes. Essential services are being restored, security is improving, and political transformation is underway. Importantly, as we will see in the United Nations in the next several hours, we are reaching out to expand international participation in the rebuilding of Iraq. America must continue to build on this progress. We simply cannot afford to fail, and indeed we will not fail. If freedom and progress falter in Iraq, terrorists will be emboldened around the world, in the Middle East and elsewhere, threatening innocent lives around the world and America. With success, a free Iraq will send a clear message to the people of the Middle East and beyond that freedom and democracy--not violence, not terrorism--are the best paths for the future. I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, today there will be 60 minutes for morning business prior to resuming consideration of S. 1689, the Iraq- Afghanistan supplemental request. There are a number of amendments that are pending, and we hope to dispose of those over the course of the day and as many as possible this morning. The ranking member and the manager, Chairman Stevens, are here and will be reviewing the amendments. It is our expectation that rollcall votes will be held as necessary on these amendments and those other amendments that will be offered over the course of the day. Last night we made progress and we were able to lock in an amendment list, although that list is much longer than any of us would like to see. I am told many of the amendments on that list will not be offered. Having said that, we will press on and we will remain as late as necessary with the understanding that we will complete the bill by the end of business this week. I have repeatedly said that goal must be met. It is an urgent supplemental request and the sooner the better in terms of passage of this important piece of legislation.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, today Pope John Paul II and billions of faithful around the world celebrate the 25th anniversary of his election in 1978 to the papacy. Born Karol Wojtyla on May 18, 1920 in Poland, John Paul II is the first non-Italian pope in 380 years. He has profoundly shaped the modern church and advanced its spiritual and moral influence across the globe. A poet, a playwright and a philosopher, Pope John Paul II has been an indefatigable champion of the poor and dispossessed. In his 25 years of service to the church, he has also traveled more extensively than any pope before him. His historic trip to Poland in 1979 catalyzed the Solidarity Movement and led to the peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Empire. He is also the only pope ever to have visited a mosque or a synagogue. Those who have studied the Pope's writings and biography say that the Pope was profoundly shaped by his early encounter with death and suffering. As one expert observes, Professor Tony Judt for ``Frontline'', John Paul ``was born in 1920, shortly after World War I to an impoverished Poland, into a family, where, one by one, his closest relatives died around him--He was left before his 21st birthday with no family. At about the time of his father's death, shortly before, World War II broke out, and he lived in Poland under the worst dictatorship ever known--And then this man lives in post-war Poland for 20 years under Communist occupation when Poland was a grim, depressed, dishonest, duplicitous impoverished place.'' Out of all of this grimness and death, John Paul did not become despondent or embittered. No, indeed, his experience of profound loss and suffering seemed to have deepened his spirituality and his capacity to find strength first and foremost in God, but also in man's fragility. Billions around the world have been blessed by the Pope's goodness and drive, his sincere love for the individual, and his determination to reconnect human endeavor to its higher purpose. Pope John Paul has fought tirelessly against the culture of death, he has fought for man's dignity against tyranny and triviality. And if it is not too much to say, Pope John Paul has devoted his life to fighting for our souls. I would like to close with a poem he wrote when he was only 19 years old. To me, it typifies his extraordinarily sensitive nature and perception of the divine mystery. It is called, ``Over This, Your White Grave'' Over this, your white grave the flowers of life in white-- so many years without you-- how many have passed out of sight? Over this your white grave covered for years, there is a stir in the air, something uplifting and, like death, beyond comprehension. Over this your white grave oh, mother, can such loving cease? for all his filial adoration a prayer: Give her eternal peace-- [Krakow, spring 1939] God bless Pope John Paul II.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, we have reached a point in this debate where each of us must make difficult decisions. We debated many amendments over the past 2 weeks and we have, in my view, come to a point about which most all of us agree; that is, we are at war against terrorists in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the assistance that we are considering is integral to our victory and the safe return of our soldiers, the men and women who represent us in Afghanistan and Iraq. I am confident, when the final vote is taken on the $87 billion, that there will be an overwhelming bipartisan majority in favor of this commitment--in favor of this legislation. But now the Senate has moved on to consider the very best way, the very best manner in which to deliver this assistance, which we all know is so important. How best can we stabilize the country in which our men and women right now are serving us right this very moment, risking their own lives so others and, indeed, we can live in safety. I respectfully suggest the amendment which we will be voting upon shortly and which we are now considering simply does not help in this regard. In fact, I would argue it has the very real potential of complicating and, yes, even undermining our ability to do what we all want; that is, to successfully stabilize Iraq. Let me suggest what this amendment is not. The amendment before us purports to save money for the American taxpayer by insisting upon foreign help and foreign assistance by making this a loan that will be paid back by the Iraqi people. But, as has been discussed on the floor already, the Congressional Budget Office, due to Iraq's already crushing burden, will score or value this amendment in the same way as if it were a grant. In other words, there is absolutely no savings to the American taxpayer, who might be listening right now, as a result of this amendment. This amendment purports to provide an incentive for other countries to relieve that crushing burden, that $200 billion of debt that is already as we speak on the backs of the Iraqi people. This logic completely escapes me. As we began this debate tonight, the newly liberated country of Iraq was $200 billion in debt. By the time this debate finishes tonight, if this amendment were to pass, Iraq would be $210 billion in debt. By a single vote, we might--I hope and pray we don't--catapult the United States to the front of the line as Iraq's greatest creditor if this amendment were to pass. Iraq would owe more to us than to France, or to Germany, or to Russia. The Washington Post I thought captured the essence in the editorial yesterday when it said it is the equivalent of swimming out to a drowning man and handing him a 10-pound weight. If the idea is that by in some way adding to Iraq's debt we will create an incentive for other countries to move toward debt forgiveness, I am confused. How is seizing the moral low ground advantageous in that debate? If we want others to forgive Iraqi debt, we must stop piling that debt on. I remain utterly unconvinced by the suggestion that by adding to this burden of Iraqi debt and then tying the forgiveness of our debt to the willingness of France and Russia and Germany to relieve 90 percent of their debt, that we will leverage the desired result. France, Russia, and Germany showed no shame whatsoever in loaning their money to prop up Saddam Hussein, one of the world's most brutal dictators. Despite the abundant evidence that he used weapons of mass destruction on his own people, invaded surrounding neighbors, and tortured and mass- murdered his own people, these three nations could not find the resolve to support the coalition's successful effort to remove Saddam Hussein from power. They will find their conscience now? Hope does spring eternal. This amendment purports to talk about what the Iraqi people should do to help themselves, but it offers them less help than the President proposed. This amendment purports to talk about what our allies should do, but we do not and cannot govern their actions either. What this amendment and this debate truly speaks to is who we are as a people. Throughout history, the American people have responded again and again to the tyranny of dictators, to defend the name of freedom, to liberate the oppressed, to relieve the plight of the downtrodden. We send our soldiers to fight and to die in foreign lands. We send the hard-earned tax dollars of our citizenry to the impoverished and sick around the world. When communism collapsed in Europe, we were there with billions of dollars in assistance to heal the wounds of tyranny. When Israel and Egypt found the courage to negotiate peace at Camp David, we were there with billions of dollars in assistance to make it a lasting peace. Earlier this year, we approved $15 billion to treat and care for those who suffer from HIV/AIDS. Now we stand with billions more to help the people of Iraq to stand with the free nations of the world. Why? We help others because it is good and it is right. We do so without the expectation of gratitude because that is who we are as a people. As the beneficiaries of the blessings of liberty, we understand freedom is not free. The American people are a generous and good people. We do not sell our commitment to liberty, and we do not loan our good will to the needy. So what are we to do with this amendment and this vote tonight? What are we to do? For me it is an easy question. We vote no. There is nothing in this amendment that will make the President's job easier or our soldiers safer. Nothing in this amendment will save the taxpayers money or ease the burden upon the people of Iraq. Others of good conscience think otherwise, and that is their right as elected representatives to this body. For those who have not decided, I ask you to vote no.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. At this juncture, we have a lot of amendments on both sides of the aisle. We made progress today, although I think we are going to be able to narrow down the number of amendments that people have come forward with and given to the managers. Last night we made real progress by taking amendments to the floor, debating the amendments, and then voting this morning. After talking to the Democratic leader and managers, it is very clear that we should be able to do that tonight, if people will come forward with those amendments and then stack those amendments tomorrow morning. Right now, we cannot say with certainty what time that would be. The goal would be to debate amendments tonight and stack those for an appropriate time tomorrow morning.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, today the Senate will be in a period of morning business for 1 hour. The first 30 minutes of that time will be under the control of Senator Hutchison, with the remaining 30 minutes under the control of the Democratic leader or his designee. Following the morning business period, the Senate will resume consideration of the Iraq and Afghanistan supplemental request. Also today, the Senate will recess from 12:30 to 2:15 for the Democratic Party luncheon. The Republican policy meeting will occur tomorrow. Accordingly, we will recess to accommodate that luncheon as well. When the Senate reconvenes at 2:15 today, there will be 15 minutes of debate for closing remarks with respect to S. 1053, the genetic information nondiscrimination bill. The vote on passage of S. 1053 will occur at 2:30. That will be the first vote of today's session. Following that vote, the Senate will resume consideration of the supplemental request for Iraq and Afghanistan. Additional rollcall votes can be expected. I remind everyone that prior to the recess, the Democratic leader and I indicated the Senate will finish this bill by the close of business this week. Having said that, I believe Members have had adequate time to study the bill and draft amendments they believe may be necessary. If Senators desire to offer amendments, they should contact the bill managers and not delay until later in the week. There are a number of important issues the Senate will address before completing our work in the coming weeks. I will have more to say about the schedule for these final weeks as we go forward. At this time, I expect the Senate should remain focused and complete action on the urgent and vital appropriations bill before the Senate.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, we are about to vote on legislation that will provide important new protections against employment and health insurance discrimination based on genetic profiling. The bill protects Americans from both disease and discrimination. We have been working on this legislation for many years, and I am pleased today that the Senate is about to act. I expect that today the Senate will overwhelmingly pass the genetic information nondiscrimination bill. I especially, commend my colleagues Senators Snowe, Gregg, Jeffords, Daschle, Kennedy, Enzi, Hagel, Collins and DeWine for their hard work and dedication over many years. Since we began looking at the issue of genetic discrimination, genetic scholarship has advanced by leaps and bounds. This year, scientists, working in collaboration with the National Human Genome Research Institute at the National Institutes of Health, published a final draft of the sequence of the entire human genetic code. It's a dazzling accomplishment that makes possible unprecedented understanding of human development, health and disease. It has the potential to change the way we practice medicine. Scientists will be able to design drugs to treat specific genes. Tissues and organs may be specifically engineered for use in transplantation. Preventive care may potentially be based in large part on genetic testing. But this new knowledge is also fraught with risk. When I first joined Senator Snowe to address the issue of genetic discrimination, almost one-third of women offered a test for breast cancer risk at the National Institutes of Health declined, citing concerns that health insurance companies would discriminate against them. They were afraid that genetic information gathered to protect them from disease might end up hurting their chances to get insurance. Their fears were understandable. Genetic screening is a powerful tool, and can impart highly sensitive and very personal information. The fear of genetic discrimination has the potential to prevent individuals from participating in research studies, from taking advantage of new genetic technologies, or even from discovering that they are not at high risk for genetically related illnesses. As a doctor and a Senator, I believe protecting our fellow citizens from genetic discrimination is a moral and practical responsibility. In the past, Congress has taken on the battle against discrimination, most notably through the landmark 1964 Civil Rights Act, the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act, and the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act. This legislation stands squarely on our time-tested civil rights laws, establishing comprehensive, consistent, and fair protections. Genetic research will make thrilling advances possible in the not too distant future, including possible cures to our most vexing illnesses. But as we greet the future with new technology and scientific discoveries, we must take care to protect our body politic from unintended and unanticipated consequences. I am pleased by the progress we have made thus far, and I congratulate each of my colleagues on their dedication to this issue. I strongly support the passage of this bill. It will help protect Americans from both discrimination and disease. Mr. President, this is a bill we have worked on for the last 7 years. It has allowed us to address an issue, the human genome and the definition of the code, in advance. Everything we thought back then I believe was right on target. It has taken a long time to get to where we are today. It has taken a lot of bipartisan work among Senators on both sides of the aisle who really came down to wanting to pass a bill that did two things; that is, protect the health and the future health of individuals in this country and, at the same time, protect from discrimination. This bill accomplishes that. Again, I congratulate my colleagues for their leadership and persistence in passing this bill.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Through the Chair, that is correct. We will have recess during tomorrow's lunch as well as today.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate immediately proceed to executive session to consider the following nominations on today's Executive Calendar: Calendar Nos. 147, 308, 343, 354, 363, 379, 387, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 403, 404, and all nominations on the Secretary's desk. I further ask unanimous consent that the nominations be confirmed; that the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; and that the Senate then return to legislative session.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I further ask unanimous consent the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table, en bloc, and that any statements relating to the matters be printed in the Record, all with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 300, S. Con. Res. 66; Calendar No. 301, S. Res. 230; and Calendar No. 302, S. Res. 231, en bloc.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I ask unanimous consent that the Judiciary Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. 1642, and that the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. I further ask consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any statements relating to the matter be printed in the Record, all with no intervening action or debate.