Bill Frist

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. In response to the assistant Democratic leader, scheduling is always a challenge. I appreciate the straightforward way he presents it because it is very clear that on the other side of the aisle there are a number of people running for the nomination for President and the candidates are participating in the political process. But we do have business here in the Senate. To try to dictate the schedule entirely around their candidacy for President is just impractical. I cannot do that. I want to be respectful as much as possible as we go forward. It is difficult. I want to be as accommodating as we possibly can in terms of votes, allowing people to participate. On the other hand, we need to keep business going. We have made great progress in terms of the amendments on our side and on the other side, getting them down to a manageable number. Some might question ``a manageable number,'' but to a number that we can work with. I appreciate that. That is what it is going to take in order to bring real focus to this bill. In terms of agreeing to when we will vote on, indeed, a very complicated and complex issue at a specific time, at a day that is most convenient because of political candidates running around the country, especially since that amendment has not even yet been offered, is something we can't do at this time. That was explained to the other side of the aisle. That should not slow things down at all. But again, there is an orderly process. When the amendment is provided and debated, we have a lot of people who will want to speak on that. Again, the issue is a very important one. We are making real progress. I am pleased where we are in terms of having this manageable group of amendments. Systematically, we will be going through those over the course of the day and Monday and Tuesday. Hopefully, we will complete the bill.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, yesterday the Senate Appropriations Committee passed legislation that has real promise, and that promise goes to the heart of offering the schoolchildren of this city, the District of Columbia, a genuine, a real opportunity to achieve an education. Specifically, I am talking about the DC Choice Program, a program my colleague from New Hampshire, Senator Judd Gregg, has worked so very hard on over the past several months; an issue that other colleagues, especially Mike DeWine, the Senator from Ohio, has been so committed to; an issue that colleagues from the other side of the aisle, Senator Feinstein and Senator Byrd, are both committed to. Indeed, both showed, I believe, bold and courageous action on behalf of the Capital City's schoolchildren. The District of Columbia appropriations bill provides $40 million for public schools here in the Capital City. That money will be divided between public charter schools and a new private school tuition program that would offer up to $7,500 per student for about 2,000 additional students. Regrettably, some of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle supported doing nothing, supported the status quo. They refuse to allow 2,000 of the District's schoolchildren who are from hard-working, low- income families to have that opportunity of earning a better education. They would rather trap these children in failing schools. They would rather tolerate failure than take a chance at success. The record of the District's public schools is shocking. Despite unprecedented Federal and local spending in the District totaling about $12,000 per student, the District's scores are the lowest in the Nation. Only 10 percent of the District's fourth graders are proficient at reading. Fewer than 12 percent of District fourth graders can write at grade level. Only 6 percent of District fourth graders can do math at a proficient level. This is a disgrace. DC's public schools are graduating children who cannot read, who cannot write, who cannot add, and who cannot subtract. Would any of us in this Chamber allow our children to be illiterate and unable to do simple fourth grade math problems? The answer is obvious. In fact, many of those who oppose Choice for the Capital's schoolchildren send their own children to private schools where their children are able to read great literature, learn calculus, learn physics, and dream about careers in anthropology, or careers in aeronautics, and, indeed, go on to competitive colleges and universities. Unlike some of my colleagues here on the Hill, the locally elected officials from the District itself want the very same for the District's school age kids. They are determined that the District schoolchildren will learn to read and to write and thereby share in that American dream. The city's Mayor, Anthony Williams, understands that. The DC Board of Education president, Peggy Cooper Cafritz, and city council member Kevin P. Chavous are all courageously advancing the cause of universal education for kids here in the District of Columbia. They understand it. Most importantly, the people who understand it and who are leading the fight are the parents of the kids here in the District. Across the city, parents are lining up in order to obtain better options and better alternatives for their children. The need is so intense that the District Public School Choice Programs are now way oversubscribed. Each year, more than 1,000 schoolchildren are ``wait- listed'' for the city's magnet programs. Charter schools educate right around 15 percent of DC kids, with nearly 11,500 children in attendance and another 1,000 on waiting lists to get into these charter schools. When John Walton and Ted Forstmann invested $2 million in the Children's Scholarship Fund here in the District, more than 10,000 families applied for about 1,000 seats. Virginia Walden-Ford, the executive director of DC Parents for School Choice and a mother of three, knows first hand how desperately parents want a better education for their children. She tells me that each week she receives in her organization hundreds of calls just about this issue of having a better choice, a better alternative. She knows first hand the desperation of these parents. Virginia had to take matters into her own hands when her son was having trouble in school. He was skipping school. He was having run-ins with the law. He felt like no one cared. He also felt peer pressure to not work hard, to not achieve, to not aspire. Virginia, as a parent, was terrified. We all would feel this way. She was terrified of what would happen if her son stayed in that environment--if he stayed or was trapped along this path that would lead to nowhere. So she decided as a parent to make a difference and to make a change. She sent him to a private school. And within 2 weeks she tells me her son, who she was so worried about being trapped in this environment in which there was no escape whatsoever and no opportunity to achieve that American dream, was transformed--no more getting into trouble, no more skipping school, no more getting into trouble with the police, no more skipped homework assignments. Virginia asked him why. What made that difference? What led to that transformation? Her son told her very directly that the teachers for the first time cared about whether he learned. At the new school, skipping class and not showing up the next day was a major infraction. For the first time, Virginia was told by her son that he actually felt safe walking through the school's hallways. Not only did Virginia's young son graduate, but unlike many of his friends at the old school who had dropped out before graduation, he graduated with a 3.8 grade average. And, indeed, today he proudly serves in the Marine Corps. Virginia believes that going to private school literally saved her son's life. That is one story. There are thousands of stories like that in terms of better opportunities. But there are thousands more parents who want the same for their kids, who want that opportunity, who simply don't have that opportunity but who will now have that opportunity if the bill that was passed yesterday in the Appropriations Committee ultimately becomes law. It is nonsensical to withhold from these parents the opportunity to have their kids be able to go to a school where they will thrive, where they will have those new opportunities. Yesterday, as I looked at the vote and who voted which way, it is clear that a majority of Senators in the Appropriations Committee--and I believe a majority of Senators on the floor of this Senate--are parents like Virginia who will demand better options for their children, and thus the Senate will support giving them those options. I, for one, support each child's right to learn to read and write and add and subtract. Basic education for our schoolchildren simply cannot wait. It is incumbent upon us to act. Cardinal McCarrick, who is the Archbishop of Washington, DC, understands how crucial choice is to the future of this city's kids. I had the opportunity to discuss with Cardinal McCarrick this very issue. He stressed to me the importance of this piece of legislation to open up that opportunity to families and to kids all across the District. He wrote me a letter earlier this summer, which I ask unanimous consent to be printed in the Record.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, in that letter, he tells me that he regularly in the course of his counseling and in the course of his work sees parents who work ``three and four jobs just to make their choice possible.'' He goes on to write that ``your heart breaks to see this sacrifice made year after year.'' My fellow colleagues, parents are breaking their backs in this District to send their kids to schools that work, schools that really teach, schools that really provide an environment in which learning can take place. When you learn that only 10 percent--only 1 out of 10--of the District's fourth graders are proficient readers, your heart breaks all over again. These children almost certainly will never be able to catch up. I would like to close these brief remarks with a statement from the editorial page of the Washington Post. Although I don't quote the editorial pages of the Washington Post often, on this issue the Post is absolutely correct. The editorial reads: It is inexcusable for a group of Senators, many from distant States, to turn this into a partisan issue of their own. Instead, they should fight to make the District of Columbia school system work better for more children, in public, private and charter schools across the city. ``They should fight to make the DC school system work better for more children.'' Mr. President, we should--and we must--fight to do just that. The District schoolchildren should not be trapped in the shadows of our shining city on the hill. They deserve, and their families deserve, our best efforts to make their classrooms models of success. They deserve, just as much as any other child--as much as a child of a U.S. Senator-- to achieve the American dream. We can give them that opportunity. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, the Senate will resume debate immediately this morning on the Labor-HHS-Education appropriations bill. It is the first bill we are addressing coming back from our recess. We made significant progress on the bill on Tuesday and on Wednesday. I thank our colleagues for coming forward and offering their amendments. Today will be an important day as we wrap our hands around how many amendments we have so we can systematically address those and engage in debate and vote accordingly. I inform all Members that rollcall votes will occur throughout the day today. It is our intention that we can set a vote on one or more amendments to occur this morning. Members will be notified when the first vote is scheduled. I wish to make one final plea: That people come forward as soon as possible to talk to the managers and make it clear what their intentions are on the various amendments.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, if I could ask that a few minutes be devoted to accommodate the Senator from Texas with comments on the guest Chaplain.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, a few moments ago we received a message from the White House. I will read the message and I have comments to make on that particular message, and it will explain the interruption of the debate on this very important bill that we are addressing. The message from the White House reads: To the Senate of the United States: I withdraw the nomination of Miguel A. Estrada, of Virginia, to be United States Circuit Judge for the District of Columbia Circuit. That message was signed by President George W. Bush. It was 29 months ago that the President of the United States nominated Miguel Estrada. Today, we have received this message that Miguel Estrada's name has been withdrawn from further consideration by the Senate. I expect that many on the other side of the aisle will be glad of this. Indeed, we have seen our Democrat colleagues block the entire Senate from having a very simple, honest up-or-down vote for 29 months--well over 2 years. Today is a shameful moment in the history of this great institution. The Senate has been denied the right to confirm or reject a brilliant and a well-qualified nominee because of the obstruction of the few--a hard-working and honorable immigrant American who has excelled in the pursuit of the law and risen to the very top of his profession has been turned away because of the rankest political partisanship. In rising today, I wish to take a moment to express my regret to Mr. Estrada and to his family and to express my regret to the American people who have been denied the service of this extraordinarily talented and accomplished man. The record, however, is clear--it is crystal clear: Miguel Estrada was and is superbly qualified to serve on the bench. He was, in fact, unanimously well qualified, according to the rating by the American Bar Association, a rating Democrats once called the gold standard. Miguel Estrada graduated with honors from Columbia University and then from Harvard Law School where he was editor of the Law Review. He went on to public service, including 2 years of service in the Clinton administration. No one--no one--can claim this man is not qualified to serve on the Federal judiciary, and I fully expect that some day he will stand for a vote by this Senate again. Mr. President, as you know, earlier this year the Senate engaged in an unprecedented month-long debate on the Estrada nomination. This debate has continued for months thereafter and, indeed, before the August recess we took the seventh--the seventh--cloture vote to end debate and to allow the Senate--a very simple request--a simple up-or- down vote, as the Constitution requires. No nominee has ever had this many cloture votes. As a result of the Estrada debate, the Senate has had the opportunity to consider the proper nature of the advise-and-consent role of the Senate and to question the propriety of the filibuster as applied to judicial nominees. That self-examination is far from over. The fact is that the use of unprecedented filibusters to deny the Senate the freedom to give advice and consent has, I believe, done great harm to the Senate and to, more generally, public discourse. Mr. President, let me review the lengthy saga of Miguel Estrada's confirmation process. Miguel Estrada was nominated by President Bush on May 9, 2001, 29 months ago. He was among the very first nominees to be sent to the Senate for consideration, as the Constitution requires, for this body, the Senate, to advise and consent. It is worth noting since that time Miguel Estrada was nominated, our country has fought two wars and changed the regimes of two nations. For the first 505 days of the Estrada nomination, the Democrat leadership refused even to hold a hearing. They defended this delay by arguing that they knew nothing about the candidate, as if a hearing were not the usual and customary way to resolve such a concern of hearing about the candidate. In truth, there was more in Mr. Estrada's record than in the records of many judicial nominees Democrats had comfortably confirmed in previous years. Opponents also argued at the time that Estrada lacked judicial experience, despite the fact this was not an impediment to the Clinton nominees who had never served on the bench, nominees, it should be noted, who went on to serve on the very same court to which Estrada was nominated. In fact, Earl Warren, William Rehnquist, William Douglas, Lewis Powell, and Thurgood Marshall--none of these great jurists had any judicial experience when first nominated to a Federal court. But no matter, our Democrat colleagues continued to obstruct. They continued their obstructionist tactics. Then after finally giving Mr. Estrada a hearing a year ago, they announced it was too late in the year to give Mr. Estrada a vote in the Judiciary Committee. After the Republicans won the majority in 2002 and Democrats no longer controlled the calendar or the committee, opponents moved to plan B, to level baseless charges. First came the accusation that Mr. Estrada had ``refused to answer a single question'' at his hearing. At best, that is hyperbole. In fact, Mr. Estrada answered over 125 questions. The transcript from Mr. Estrada's 7-hour long hearing weighs nearly 3 pounds. Admittedly, the transcript is heavy with questions my colleagues knew full well Mr. Estrada could not answer. They knew he could not answer and also maintain his respect for the independent judiciary and abide by the code of judicial ethics. We learned through the course of a lengthy debate that, in truth, some nominees of President Clinton answered fewer than 20 questions. One nominee answered only three questions, and he was smoothly confirmed by a Republican-led Senate. In truth, Mr. Estrada answered more than twice as many questions as all three of President Clinton's appointees to the same circuit court were asked at their hearings--all three combined. Such facts as these naturally raise the serious question as to why our Democrat colleagues imposed a double standard on this particular nominee with his particular background. In fact, the only questions Mr. Estrada declined to answer, as previous nominees had similarly declined to answer, involved how he would rule on cases that might come before him. During his hearing, Mr. Estrada explained why. He told the committee members that he prizes the independence of the judiciary; that he believes a judge must put aside his personal views and maintain impartiality. In my mind, rather than being a reason or a cause for opposing his nomination, his integrity only strengthened the case for supporting him. Since that hearing, Democrats had almost 12 months to ask further questions of him--any at all. Repeatedly, the White House offered Mr. Estrada to answer any written question posed to him. To my knowledge, only one Democrat Senator took up that extraordinary offer. Additionally, the White House offered Mr. Estrada to meet with any Senator. To my knowledge, only two Democrat Senators took up that particular offer. But unlimited availability in writing and in person was simply not enough. Mr. Estrada's opponents continued that partisan drumbeat and continued to obstruct a simple up-or-down vote by their colleagues so we would have that opportunity to express advice and consent. At the end, when all the false arguments were exposed, our Democrat colleagues fell back on one last carbuncle. They denied Mr. Estrada a vote, they said, because the Justice Department refused to hand over to them Mr. Estrada's workpapers from the years while he was in the Office of the Solicitor General in the Clinton administration. This was their asking price, despite the fact that every--every-- single living Solicitor General, both Democrat and Republican, told the Senate that such a release of documents would create a harmful new precedent against the interest of the American people. All of this now has passed. What the American people now deserve is an explanation of why. I suspect many know the answer. The saga of Miguel Estrada is a tale of great and unbridled Democratic partisanship, and the American people, sadly, are the losers. In the course of the Estrada debate, I observed and I listened and I have reached my own conclusion. I do not believe anyone in the Senate would block a nominee based solely on ethnicity. I do not believe any of my colleagues harbor this kind of rank bigotry. I do believe, however, that what happened to Mr. Estrada was due to base politics. To date, the President has nominated a greater percentage of Hispanic nominees to the Federal bench than any President before him. The President has made clear that he shares the aspiration of the American people to see a Latino serve on the Supreme Court. I believe Miguel Estrada's incredible abilities and special talents would have eventually led him down this path. I believe, as many do, that given his strong credentials, he would be a superb candidate should there be an opening on that Court. Many Democrats and hard-left Washington special interests fear that possibility. They do not want this President to have a Hispanic nominee of Miguel Estrada's extraordinary abilities named to the Supreme Court should a vacancy arise. I believe when all is said and done, the American people, who are sensible and fair, will reach a similar conclusion about this sorry chapter. The fight is not over. We will continue to press for an up-or-down vote for the President's nominees. We will continue to press for fairness. We will continue our fight to put qualified women, men, and minorities on our courts. We will fight the obstructionist tactics of the Democrats and the liberal special interest ideologues that drive them. I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Madam President, just for the information of our colleagues, we will have no more rollcall votes tonight. The plan at this juncture is that most likely we will have two stacked rollcall votes in the morning. That is subject to change. People should stay in touch with the cloakrooms. But for tonight, there will be no more rollcall votes. We will continue with amendments, and I ask Members to come to the floor so we can prepare for tomorrow. We will have stacked votes in the morning.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, through the Chair, in response, I wish to restate what our distinguished manager just said; and that is that 5 weeks ago, at the end of our session just prior to the recess, we did have a colloquy on the floor to state the importance but also the absolute necessity of having the time managed on the floor be disciplined and orderly to get the amendments and, as my request I made just a few minutes ago, to have our colleagues come forward. So far that is progressing well. And we are going to stay here and stay on the bill to finish it, which means--and we will have more to say on that, and I talked to the Democratic leader last night--I expect we will be voting on Mondays and Fridays. I think the votes we have this Friday will be important votes. We have a lot of people traveling, on both sides of the aisle, maybe more on your side of the aisle than ours. But for many different reasons it is absolutely critical that we recognize, as a body, that our responsibility is to complete this important piece of legislation, which means being here, and we will be here Friday. Later, as we talk, and people are back--I don't know how late we will be here Friday, but we will be voting on substantive amendments on Friday. It is critical we move ahead. I know the same discussion went on a little bit yesterday, and it went on for the week or 2 weeks on the Energy bill, that we have so much to do there is no way we are going to be able to finish it. So now I am getting used to it. It is true, we have to debate these amendments. Whether there are 40 or 50--and I know there are some very important ones--I want to share with my colleagues that we do need to stay here, although hopefully we will not have to vote at night too much because I know people have plans. We need to stay here, and the managers have expressed a willingness to stay here at night in order to continue that business as we go forward. As I told the Democratic leader yesterday, we will probably be voting on Mondays and Fridays not just this week but over the next several weeks. Then if there are certain days we come to an agreement that we don't need to vote, we can continue the business. And we will share that with both sides of the aisle. Just one final matter: the energy conferees. I will hopefully have more to say about that later. But we were prepared to appoint energy conferees before we left. On the Democratic side of the aisle the request was made not to quite yet appoint those. I did mention to the Democratic leader yesterday that we are ready to go and do those appointments as soon as possible. I am very hopeful that the leadership on your side of the aisle and our side of the aisle can announce that today. We are ready to go. We have our conferees in line, so I would like to do that. I would like to make clear that we have been ready to go for the last 5 and a half weeks with our conferees. People come forward and say this is a hugely important issue, so I hope we can address that.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this morning the Senate will resume consideration of the Labor, HHS, and Education appropriations bill. Yesterday, two amendments were offered and debated during the pendency of the bill. The chairman and ranking member are here this morning and are prepared to work through these amendments as well as additional amendments that will be offered. I expect a rollcall vote to occur on at least one of those amendments prior to the policy luncheons today. Therefore, Members should anticipate a vote around noon. We will alert all Senators when that vote is scheduled. As I mentioned, the Senate will recess from 12:30 until 2:15 for the policy luncheons. I encourage Members who have amendments to the Labor- HHS bill to contact the managers of that legislation as soon as possible. It would be very helpful to have a list of amendments so that the chairman and ranking member will be able to work through those amendments in an orderly fashion. I thank all Members as we go forward during the appropriations process. Most Members came back yesterday. We had a very good day and a very productive day with the introduction of those amendments. We are making progress on this very important bill, and I look forward to the participation of all Members.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. There has been no time set for a vote in the morning. Amendment No. 1554

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, for the information of our colleagues, the next vote will be the final vote tonight. I encourage Members who have amendments to offer those tonight so we can begin voting in the morning. But the next vote will be the last vote for tonight. Please talk to the managers and come forward to offer your amendments as soon as you can.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I wish to take a moment to recognize a faithful, long-serving member of our Senate family. Mike McGhee--our Keeper of the Stationery--retired this past 29th day of August, after serving the Senate for almost 30 years. Mike began his Senate career in July 1974 as a sales clerk when the stationery room operation was located in the basement of the Russell Building. He worked his way up in the stationery room to become the 17th Keeper of the Stationery. It is interesting to note that the Senate Stationery Room has been in existence since the very first Congress assembled in Federal Hall in New York City. Since that time--a period of 230 plus years--there have only been 16 other Keepers of the Stationery, a very exclusive group of people indeed! During Mike's almost three-decade career, he has developed life-long professional relationships with many Senate employees. Indeed, most Senate staff and members know him and know that they can count on Mike to provide the help they need. Of special note is Mike's ``beyond the call of duty'' response to the anthrax attack and related closure of the Hart Building, including the Stationery Room. Under Mike's leadership, the Stationery Room continued operations throughout the response period, fulfilling the countless requests for supplies under a most challenging atmosphere. Mike and his staff helped keep the work of the Senate rolling. Mike's family--his wife Kathleen, son Luke, and daughter Molly--are justly proud of their husband and dad, respectively, for his many tireless efforts and the significant contributions he has made to the Senate and our country. As Mike leaves the Senate family, the Senate will miss him. On behalf of all my colleagues and our entire Senate family, I thank Mike for his dedicated service and wish him and his family God-speed in retirement.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I will yield to my distinguished colleague who will be managing this very important piece of legislation, someone who has worked very aggressively, very diligently in this regard and who I am confident will lead the Senate in addressing these important issues in a timely, efficient, and expeditious way upon our return. I yield a few minutes to Chairman Specter.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished chairman. I have the utmost confidence we will be able to get on this bill as soon as we get back and that, under his leadership, along with that of Senator Harkin, we will be able to very effectively and efficiently address the issues before us. Clearly, we seek early, rather than later, completion. One of the advantages of even having this colloquy now and us having the statement together is that people know what we are coming to. They have plenty of time to look at the appropriations and develop what comments they have to make and allow time for preparation of amendments. With that, we should be able to come back and hit the ground running.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, at this juncture, I ask unanimous consent that at 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday, September 2, the Senate proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 197, H.R. 2660, the Labor, HHS, and Education appropriations bill.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, shortly I will make a statement addressing some of the accomplishments we have been able to achieve over the last several weeks--indeed, over the last 6 or 7 months--and, at the same time, a note to my colleagues about the future. Most are thinking about getting on airplanes and going home or around the world now or this afternoon. It is important over the August recess, from the Senate standpoint and staff standpoint, that people begin working in preparation for our return in early September. I mentioned early this morning, most of September will be spent on the appropriations bills. We have been very successful in addressing four of those appropriations bills to date; we have nine to address in the next several weeks. After discussion with the Appropriations Committee and the leadership in the Senate and many colleagues, the first appropriations bill in September will be the Labor, HHS, and Education appropriations bill. We will start that right off the bat coming back from this recess. Under the leadership of Chairman Specter, we have made huge progress in this regard.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I rise today to recognize a true leader in the science community and to thank him for his hard work on behalf of Tennessee and the Nation. After 3 years as Director of the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Dr. Bill Madia will be stepping down to return to Battelle headquarters in Columbus, OH as the Executive Vice President for Laboratory Operations. During his tenure in Oak Ridge, Bill has had a tremendous impact not only on the laboratory, but on the Oak Ridge community as well. Bill Madia came to ORNL to continue the lab's tradition of world- class scientific research dating back to the Manhattan Project, and to advance its work on critical Department of Energy missions. His presence was felt immediately, as he took on an ambitious laboratory revitalization effort which included building new facilities to expand research capabilities, upgrading existing facilities to enhance ongoing research, and tearing down outdated facilities to relieve the lab from unnecessary overhead costs. The cornerstone of this revitalization effort is the Spallation Neutron Source, a $1.4 billion dollar user facility that will be the most powerful machine of its kind in the world. Under Bill's watchful eye, the SNS has remained on schedule and on-budget. Alongside the SNS is the site for the new Center for Nanophase Materials Sciences, the first of DOE's cutting-edge nanoscience centers. Down the hill is the upgraded High Flux Isotope Reactor; the combination of these three facilities has ORNL poised to become a premier neutron science laboratory. Bill's vision for ORNL also includes scientific computing, and with the recent completion of the Center for Computational Sciences, one of the most modern computer laboratories in the world, ORNL is ready to be a major participant in the Department of Energy's high-end supercomputing programs. On the biological sciences front, the old ``Mouse House'' is being replaced with a new facility, the Laboratory for Comparative and Functional Genomics. This updated lab will keep ORNL on the cutting edge of genetic research utilizing the mouse colony to address the need to study gene function and apply that knowledge to curing human diseases. For this research ORNL is participating in a statewide effort known as the Tennessee Mouse Genome Consortium, a group that includes the University of Tennessee/Knoxville, the University of Tennessee/ Memphis, Vanderbilt University, the University of Memphis, St. Jude Children's Hospital, Meharry Medical College and East Tennessee State University. Bill's leadership and commitment have truly made a difference at ORNL and throughout Tennessee, and I thank him for his service. I wish him all the best in his future endeavors.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this morning the Senate will be in a period for morning business in order that Senators may speak and have an opportunity to introduce legislation. There will be no rollcall votes during today's session. When the Senate completes its business today, we will adjourn for the August break. Today, in addition to Member statements, it would be my hope that we can continue to clear other legislative and executive items for Senate consideration. We were here late last night and had a full week, and indeed have had a very productive 4 weeks since the July 4 recess. I thank all of our Members for their cooperation in addressing what was a healthy agenda set out by me after the last recess. I obviously am very pleased in that we accomplished every one of the goals we set out at the beginning 4 weeks ago. In particular, I commend Chairman Domenici for his really remarkable efforts over the course of the last several weeks and ultimate success in passing the Energy bill through the Senate. That will be conferenced with the already-passed bill in the House. I am confident we will see a comprehensive national energy policy for the first time in a long period of time because of the hard work of this body over the last several weeks, in particular over the last week. We had a lot of obstacles put before us in many different shapes and forms on this particular legislation, and indeed as recently as yesterday morning, at about this time--in fact, exactly this time--the odds of completing this bill, in most people's minds, was very narrow. Yet both sides of the aisle working together developed an approach with which I think everybody is pleased. It is the important next step in developing a bill that I am confident the President will be able to sign shortly after we deliver it to him as a final package. Today, in terms of the schedule for September, I will come back to make some comments about the schedule. For the next 4 weeks, people will have the opportunity to go back and be with constituents and families and hopefully take some period as a true vacation. We are going to have a very challenging and again very productive September when we come back. As a reminder, the next rollcall vote will occur Wednesday, September 3, and in all likelihood, although I will have more to say about that later today, that vote will occur on Wednesday morning. I am hopeful people will be coming back, if they are not in Washington, on that Tuesday and be ready to go. We will be in session that Tuesday. We will introduce a bill that I will talk about later today and then be voting on Wednesday. Again, I will come back later with regard to some comments about the past 4 weeks.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H. Con. Res. 259, that the amendment to the resolution be agreed to, that the resolution, as amended, be agreed to, and that a motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, the past 4 weeks have been extraordinarily productive. I thank my colleagues for their participation, for their cooperation, and for their patience to make that possible. I thank them for accepting some deadlines that we put forward, accepting the overall strategy, just as we just heard, of setting a goal far in advance so people have the opportunity to prepare and to think so we can most efficiently use the time for debate and amendment on the floor of the Senate. We have passed major legislation, of which we should all be proud. We should share that with our constituents, as we go back to our States, as we travel around the country to seek input and listen but also to say that we are doing the Nation's business. Our leadership has developed a straightforward mission. The mission is crystal clear. It is to move America forward. We are doing so in a manner with values such as civility and trust. We do it in a way that is relationship centered, meaning that we are working together to get the very best out of our individual Members, in terms of thoughts and ideas. We do it in a manner that is solution oriented, that is solutions to the problems that we identify, not just rhetoric and not just talk about the problems. I think we witnessed that yesterday, in a long day that began at 9 o'clock or 9:30 in the morning but continued until late at night, with the ultimate passage of an Energy bill, of which passage, early in the morning, people said: No way. All the media questions, people coming up were saying it is going to take another week or 2 weeks or 3 weeks on this Energy bill. Are you going to stay in on Saturday? Are you going to come back and spend all of September? Yet after initial discussion and proposals, both caucuses worked together and worked within themselves and we came together to pass an Energy bill that will, indeed, move America forward. We did it against what many people would say are the odds. We did it in a very closely divided Senate. But it shows that even in that environment, of a closely divided Senate, if we keep our eye on a specific goal, we can move America forward. We have set specific goals. As you just heard, we laid out what we are going to be doing next far enough in advance for people to prepare. Then we act. Each side has certain strategies, and then we reach that goal to give a solution to the American people. That is what Americans expect. When we talk to our constituents, that is what they say they want. That is why they send us to the Senate. They want to be sure we step up to the plate on growth and jobs. We must be a key partner with the administration in the war on terror. We must stand up and act on life and support our values here at home and, indeed, around the world. We have much to do in the realm of health. We have made progress, but we have much more to do. Our tort system is badly in need of reform. Of course, during all of this, our utmost responsibility is to govern--to govern responsibly, in a responsive way. Before we leave for our recess today, reflecting over the last 4 weeks we have been in session, I therefore jump back to before the Fourth of July recess. Before the Fourth of July recess, it was at that point that I informed our colleagues we would be doing the Energy bill in this final week in July, and we did. I said at that time we would do everything possible to finish the Energy bill this week, and we did. As late as yesterday morning, there was doubt. Early in the morning, people said there was no way it could be done. We got it done by cooperation--again, on both sides of the aisle--by determination, and by going back to one of those values I keep talking about which we are expressing in this Congress--civility. We were successful. We got it done. America will benefit. Americans will benefit. We have a national comprehensive energy policy coming out of this body. Yes, it will be modified. Yes, in part, it will be rewritten over the coming weeks. But with the President laying out a plan 2 years and 3 months ago, with the House of Representatives having acted, and the Senate having acted on energy, we can develop that final product to send to the President to the benefit of all Americans. It is part of government, it is part of leadership, and we have delivered. On the international front, last night we passed two highly significant trade agreements. One was the Singapore free-trade agreement, and the other was the Chile free-trade agreement. Those are the first free-trade agreements to move through Congress under the so- called fast-track authority since that process was restored a year ago. It is an important achievement for the body itself, but it is an even more important achievement for the world community and for our national community as we improve those trade relationships with Chile and Singapore. As you just look at the action last night on energy, it was a tough challenge. Everybody said: No, we have to spend days and days and days more. As we look on the success with trade last night, we can say we have added another chapter to our work to grow the economy and to create jobs. It didn't exist yesterday morning, and now it exists after our action last night. As we look at this whole issue of jobs and as we travel around the country, it is the No. 1 issue you hear about because it affects people's lives so directly. We passed the Jobs and Growth Act of 2003. Indeed, as most of us are aware, over the last week or week and a half and over the next several weeks, 25 million families will receive checks of $400 or more per child, which is in addition to the $600 they have already received this year. But that additional incremental $400 is because of action here in the Senate and passing the jobs and growth package--25 million families--indeed, over 500,000 in my home State of Tennessee. If we had not acted, they would not be getting the checks. They will be spending those checks. Most importantly, they decide how to spend that $400, or that $1,000, because of the action of this body. They are the ones who decide whether it is on clothing, whether it is on food, or whether it is on buying a computer to help their child in education. They will be deciding. A family of four, because of that jobs and growth package, making $40,000 will see their taxes reduced. Remember, that means money in their pockets--money they can save and invest. A family of four making $40,000: $1,133 in 2003. That is how much their taxes will be reduced. The Jobs and Growth Act is the third largest tax cut in history passed by this body. The $350 billion package will boost the economy, it will grow the number of jobs, and it will allow more Americans to control more of their own hard-earned paychecks. This is money they have earned which they paid to the Federal Government that the Federal Government has returned to them to save and to invest, to boost the economy, to make their lives more fulfilling. That is the sort of action and the sort of solution that moves America forward. Because of our commitment to meeting our legislative goals, we are helping to put America on the road to economic security. We are committed to strengthening America's economy. We are committed to providing each American with more of that economic security. And we are committed to ensuring that the playing field is fair. On the international front, we funded Operation Iraqi Freedom in less than 2 months. We have liberated the Iraqi people from the clutches of a vicious and brutal dictator, a mass murderer who has killed thousands of his own people, including members of his own family as well as thousands of people from lands outside of the Iraqi border. Over the last several weeks, we have had the opportunity to be briefed by people directly in Iraq who are participating in the rebuilding of that democracy. They brought to us encouraging news that all too often we don't see on the front pages of the newspapers or in the coverage on the television. But we are hearing directly from them. We are making progress. Is it slow? Of course, it is slower than any of us would want. But it is steady, consistent progress. The Senate will continue to support this ongoing war on terror. We will continue our financial commitment. We will continue our moral commitment until America's enemies are defeated. Internationally, we also passed the NATO Expansion Treaty bringing 700 new nations into that cornerstone organization of freedom in the Western World. We are bringing more and more countries into the orbit of democratic nations and providing more of the world's economic citizens with that sort of opportunity, and more of the world's citizens with that economic security that they, too, deserve. The Senate is also flexing its influence to reform countries that defy their citizens their natural, God-given rights to be free. We did that recently with the assistant majority leader, Senator McConnell's Burmese Freedom Act just several weeks ago. With a bit of luck, we will finish action on the authorization of our foreign aid programs so that we can further enhance our voice and our values around the world. Again, if we jump back 5 or 6 weeks, before the last recess, I articulated my goal to pass major appropriations bills in a timely fashion. This, too, we are accomplishing in an organized, systematic way. The colloquy that just occurred on the floor with the distinguished chairman of the Labor-HHS bill is a manifestation of planning and a systematized approach of a strategy where we can address that very important bill in a timely fashion. If we do it as he mentioned--as he will be explaining on the floor of this Senate on the Tuesday we come back--if we do it instead of delaying, there will be an additional $3 billion available. If it happens to be available the way the law is written, that committee will not have the incentive later to take the action but will address the bill right now. This is in contrast to the last Congress. There was a logjam we had in the last Congress where the appropriations bills really got stopped. In fact, it was not until this Congress that we passed 11 of the 13 appropriations bills that were supposed to be passed in the last Congress. We did that in the first couple months of this Congress. But we are making progress. We built on our success with the FAA authorization bill, the extension of unemployment benefits. When you look at the appropriations, in 3 short weeks we passed the legislative branch, the Department of Defense, military construction, and the Homeland Security appropriations bills. That keeps moving America forward. And we will come to Labor-HHS when we return. I should mention that on the Homeland Security appropriations bill we had distinguished leadership. I applaud and personally thank Senator Thad Cochran for his tremendous work in particular because that was the first time we have had this Department of Homeland Security and, thus, it is a new appropriations bill. It was handled magnificently on the floor, and we were able to successfully complete the Homeland Security appropriations bill. This whole process of setting goals, implementing a strategy in a civil environment, and working hard through debate and amendment is working. If you look at our commitment on health and health issues, people see the commitment there. They saw it as we set out the agenda in early January on a whole range of issues. In January, most people, on Medicare, said: The Senate is not going to be able to do it. The House can probably do it. They have done it in the past. In fact, they do it really in every Congress. The rules are very different in the House. But most people said: In the Senate Medicare is too partisan. There is too much bickering. People use it for political purposes. It can't be done. Yet, again, we delivered. Now the Senate has passed a bill that, for the first time in the history of this wonderful Medicare program--that simply is out-of-date, but a wonderful program that as a physician I have had direct experience with for 20 years, just about every day taking care of Medicare patients before coming to the Senate, writing thousands of prescriptions myself--for the first time those prescriptions I was writing become a part of Medicare. Heretofore, these outpatient prescriptions have not been a part of Medicare. Yet the way health care has evolved, these medicines today are probably the most powerful component, the most powerful tool doctors and nurses and health care providers have to give seniors health care security, to give patients health care security. In addition, seniors and individuals with disabilities will have the opportunity, for the first time in Medicare, to choose a plan or a type of health care coverage that best suits their individual needs. We passed it in the Senate. We did what a lot of people said we were just not going to be able to do. And it was bipartisan. There were over 70 votes, and it was really kind of driven to get as many votes as possible but with good policy, taking the very best of the Democratic ideas and the very best of the Republican ideas, and melding those together. We have a challenge I am very hopeful we will meet by late September; that is, to take that House bill, to take the Senate bill--the conference is underway now--and, in conference, develop a bill that will be strong, that will guarantee seniors access to good prescription drug coverage, and give them the choice of a plan that best meets their needs. I will say--because people don't talk about it very much on the floor; and I am speaking as an individual but also as a conferee--it is important for us to complete action in this conference by late September. The sooner we complete action on the bill, the sooner every senior--people who are listening broadly around the country or near seniors--will have a prescription drug card within months--within months--of the time the President actually signs that bill; every senior will get some help with that card in the very near future if they are buying prescription drugs. So the sooner we complete the bill, the sooner we can get the benefit to the seniors, especially those seniors who are hurting, who are in an economic position where this burden of buying prescription drugs is great, is heavy. The sooner we pass this bill--it has to be a good bill; it has to be an appropriate bill; it has to be a balanced bill; and it has to be, most importantly, a responsible bill--the sooner seniors can benefit from the $400 billion that this body, the House, and the President of the United States have all agreed we want to get to seniors. So it is ready in terms of the commitment that is made. The money is there. Now we need the vehicle itself. And that is what we are doing in conference. So the sooner we can get it done, the sooner seniors will be able to benefit. On health, I will also have to mention the global HIV/AIDS bill this body passed several months ago under the distinguished leadership, great leadership, of Chairman Dick Lugar. This global HIV/AIDS bill addresses the greatest moral, humanitarian, and public health challenge of the last 100 years. It shows we are caring. It shows we have compassion. It shows we do not just talk about it, but that we lead on it. I commend President Bush, in his State of the Union Message, for leading on it, and this body for responding appropriately at a level-- again, in a bipartisan way--that most people in this country and, indeed, the world would not have anticipated. As a physician, I have had the opportunity over a 20-year period to take care of HIV/AIDS patients personally, both when I was at Vanderbilt University Medical Center and also as I did my medical training in Boston, MA, and out at Stanford in California. I can tell you, when you have the opportunity to look back over a 20-year period-- in 1983 we did not know this virus existed. We did not know about it. The best scientists in the world did not know this virus existed. Then it killed five people in the country. Then it killed, in the world, a million people, then 5 million people, then 10 million people. And now 23 million people have died over that 20 years since 1983. We are responding. This is the first time we have really stepped up and said: We are going to eliminate this virus. I am very proud of my colleagues and gratified that the Senate stepped up with this determination to dedicate $15 billion, which is the figure people think of, but equally important, taking a leadership role for comprehensively addressing the ravages of this virus. By passing this legislation, we are helping to prevent 7 million new infections, we are providing antiretroviral drugs for 2 million HIV- infected people, providing care for 10 million HIV-infected individuals, and investing in research so we will find a cure. Right now, today, there is no cure for this virus. There is no vaccine to prevent this virus. Thus we need to do everything we can to both preserve our great pharmacologic research endeavors in this country and, at the same time, invest in a responsible way so we can encourage and give incentives to encourage investment to find a cure--a cure that if you had the virus, you will be able to cure the virus, and also to prevent the virus. And you can do that with a vaccine. In this Congress, we have seen Senator Susan Collins lead the campaign to increase public access to defibrillation of the heart. When a heart fibrillates, it becomes like a bag of worms. Instead of beating regularly, it begins to fibrillate. And that is when people die, because the heart is not pumping. But if you can get to them quickly enough, you can put those paddles on, and you can shock the heart back to that normal, constant beating. That public access to defibrillation is important. It is something on which we are making huge progress, specifically under the leadership of Senator Susan Collins. We passed the Trauma Care Systems Planning and Development Act. So if driving home today you were to have an accident, there will be a trauma center to respond to you immediately, especially when time and expertise become critically important. Our values have been on display this session as well. We have allotted significant resources to upgrade the technology at America's Historically Black Colleges and Universities. We took a historic step in bringing a National Museum of African American History and Culture to our Nation's capital by passage of that bill. It has been 80 years of petitions that has led to an understanding of how we might respond. But in terms of developing the museum, it took passage on the floor of the Senate for it to take that next step to become a reality. I have to thank Senator Sam Brownback and Congressman John Lewis from the other side of the Capitol for their tremendous leadership. Senator Lamar Alexander has focused on the American History and Civics Education Act. Because of his leadership, America's students will have the opportunity to learn our Nation's great history and civic traditions. I thank Senator Gregg for his bill, the Keeping Children and Families Safe Act. We acted on legislation to make it easier for States to continue their efforts to enroll children in health care programs. The SCHIP legislation makes a difference in thousands and thousands of families' lives. There were three items passed earlier this year I want to mention. In March we passed the partial-birth abortion ban. We have an agreement with the other side of the aisle to address this issue for a day sometime in September. The following month, we passed the CARE Act, the President's faith-based initiative. That same month we passed the AMBER alert. The lives of millions of Americans and future citizens will be protected by all of these efforts. Each of these items demonstrates our deep compassion for our most vulnerable citizens. The Senate is accomplishing all of this through hard work, through cooperation among Members on both sides of the aisle. I thank my colleagues for their efforts. We are overcoming partisanship. We are stressing civility and trust. We are making the legislative process work in an orderly and systematic way. One area, however, that is in some ways undermining progress is the obstruction we are seeing with regard to Presidential circuit court nominees. We have seen it with Miguel Estrada, Priscilla Owen, and William Pryor. Now is not the time to rehearse the history of the last 7 months, but it is enough to say that the process is broken. The process is not working. I would only hope as the fall unfolds, we will find ways for the Senate to vote up or down. That is really all this side of the aisle is asking for, to have that opportunity to vote yes or no, up or down on the President's judicial nominations. When it comes to the fall, we will continue our work to govern responsibly and comprehensively. We will complete our efforts with regard to the emergency supplemental as well as funding the President's request submitted in early July. In those coming weeks of the fall, we will also complete action on several remaining appropriations bills. As we outlined earlier today, we will begin with the Labor, Health and Human Services legislation. That legislation underwrites many of our Federal efforts to help where we must to make a difference in so many Americans' lives. We will also continue to work this fall on asbestos reform legislation. It is clear that is a pressing national crisis. I am convinced that with goodwill and cooperation, we will be able to responsibly address this issue. I have talked with the Democratic leadership repeatedly, and we all agree it is an issue we can address and will address sometime in the future. We will also take up at some juncture class action lawsuit reform. It is a fairly quiet bill in the background, but it is one that will make a huge difference in the fair and quick administration of justice nationwide. We will also be revisiting medical litigation reform sometime in the fall. There are other items we can address in terms of tort reform that we in all likelihood will be considering. We will continue to stand for issues surrounding life. We will complete action on the partial-birth abortion ban at some point in September, and then we will move ahead on legislation addressing the Unborn Victims of Violence Act. Yesterday Senator Judd Gregg announced hearings in September on public health issues on tobacco. I know the distinguished Senator from Kentucky, Mr. McConnell, introduced legislation on Wednesday with regard to buying out quotas from tobacco farmers. We will be addressing all of those issues in the coming months. In addition, we will be looking for other opportunities. In closing, I thank my leadership colleagues who have helped me each and every day over the last 7 months: Our distinguished President pro tempore, Ted Stevens; I talk to Chairman Stevens daily. He is an avid user of e-mail so I get three or four every day, which I quickly answer, a canny veteran whose counsel daily has proven invaluable to me and to so many others; our assistant majority leader, Mitch McConnell, whose tireless work day in and day out has kept us together as a team and a conference in these months, is really the glue to our conference; Conference Chairman Rick Santorum, who continues to work in overdrive, working overtime, working with passion to keep an eye on the midterm and the long-term issues that are so important to us, focusing so often on those basic values we share; Jon Kyl, our policy committee chairman, whose attention and focus and study, by leading the policy committee, all ensures that we legislate the very best we can, with the very best information at every opportunity; Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, our vice chairman, who stands so often as our public persona in addressing issues and explaining those issues in a way that is important for the American people to understand, addressing issues in a sophisticated, substantive way, but at the same time explaining those so Americans can indeed fully understand where this institution is moving; George Allen, our senatorial chairman, whose instincts are so often right and right on target; Judd Gregg, who I rely on daily for counsel, whose word I trust and whose support so often makes a huge difference in this Chamber; Senator Bob Bennett, our chief deputy whip, whose work with colleagues we simply could not do without; Senator Arlen Specter, who was just on the floor, whose thoughts and advice inform so many of the decisions we make here. I am grateful to all of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle who share a thought, who share with me that single word, that piece of advice out of their busy day. I am proud that together as Senators we have preserved what our predecessors have given us and are working to pass on to our successors even something a little bit better. I thank all the Senators for their hard work, their diligence, and their cooperation. I look forward to returning in September to continue our work on the people's business. I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I take this opportunity to pay tribute to one of America's greatest performers, Mr. Bob Hope, somebody who has changed all of our lives in very special and individual ways. As we all know, he died last Sunday night of pneumonia, with his family at his bedside. The family plans an August 27 mass in Los Angeles, and a public memorial later that afternoon at the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences. Today, I wish to remember, in this humble body, Mr. Hope's profound contributions to American life. Bob Hope was born one of six boys in a London suburb on May 29, 1903. His family made their way to America when he was three, and they settled in Cleveland, OH. What a blessing for America that the Hope family made that journey. Growing up, Bob Hope was a shoe shine boy, a butcher's mate, stockboy, newspaper boy, golf caddy, shoe salesman, and even a prize fighter. All of these things, before he became what we remember him as, one of America's most beloved and successful entertainers. As a performer, Bob Hope had the rare and miraculous gift of being able to touch our common humanity. His famous road pictures with Bing Crosby and Dorothy Lamour were the quintessential expressions of the adventure of being an American. But he is most loved, of course, for the thousands of hours and millions of miles he spent on selfless devotion to our troops. He traversed 9 million miles, despite a fear of flying, to comfort and entertain our fighting men and women. World War II, South Korea, Vietnam, from the Far East to Northern Africa, the Indonesian Peninsula to the heart of Europe, in jungles and refugee camps, Air Force bases, Navy ships, forward bases, and demilitarized zones, Bob Hope went wherever we needed him, and he conveyed to our troops the commitment and love of the American people. The front rows would be filled with soldiers injured in battle, limbs blown off, bodies wrapped in bandages and he would manage to make them laugh. He was able--for those moments while he was onstage giving his best to our best--to lift those young men and women out of their war torn bodies and help them forget the fatigue, fear and loneliness of battle. Time magazine wrote in 1943 that ``Hope was funny, treating hoards of soldiers to roars of laughter. He was friendly--ate with servicemen, drank with them, read their doggerel, listened to their songs. He was indefatigable, running himself ragged with five, six, seven shows a day. . . . Hence boys whom Hope might entertain for an hour awaited him for weeks. And when he came, anonymous guys who had no other recognition felt personally remembered.'' Hope narrowly escaped an attempt on his life when his hotel in Vietnam was bombed by enemy forces. He was waiting at the airport for his cue cards to be unloaded from the plane, and the delay literally saved him. You could say it was the only occasion he didn't have perfect timing, and thank goodness. Bob Hope's dear friend, legendary golfer and Hall of Famer, Arnold Palmer, said today that he believes the reason why Bob Hope lived so long was because he was fundamentally happy and doing what he loved. May we all be so blessed. Albert Einstein said, ``Try not to become a man of success, but, rather, to become a man of value.'' Bob Hope managed to become both. Four stars on the Walk of Fame--one for each child, a legendarily happy marriage of 69 years to his beloved Dolores. I wanna tell ya': Bob Hope is a giant and a national treasure. We will never forget his service to our country. Thank you for the memories, Mr. Hope. Godspeed.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Members, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. The Democratic leader is correct if Senator Cantwell offers her amendment to that bill she will get a vote on, or in relation, to it. Feinstein Amendment

Mr. FRIST. The Democratic leader is correct if Senator Feinstein offers her amendment to that bill she will get a vote on or in relation to it.

Mr. FRIST

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, because the proposal was just made, my inclination is to basically say we would move in that direction. I want to consult with the manager of the bill since it was just proposed, but if that is the Democratic proposal and that is what is on the table-- the American people deserve an Energy bill. Let me turn to my distinguished colleague, the chairman of the committee, to comment. If so, we would proceed.