Jeff Fortenberry

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, on Wednesday, May 11, 2011, I was inadvertently detained and thus I missed rollcall vote No. 309. Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye.''

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentleman for yielding me the time. Madam Speaker, Americans deserve to know how the government spends their money, and they are right to refuse the use of their tax dollars for highly controversial activities--in this case, abortion. Let me first make my own position clear. I am pro-life, and I believe that women deserve better than abortion; but certainly, we can all agree that the U.S. Government should not take tax dollars from hardworking Americans to fund abortion. I really believe it is time that we look at the reality of abortion, that we be honest and see the choice for what it is. It is interesting to note that the early feminist movement recognized that abortion is a fundamental injustice. Abortion harms women. It takes the lives of children, and it allows a man to escape his responsibility. The abortion industry many times profits from all of this pain. Abortion is also so often the result of psychological or physical coercion or even emotional or physical abandonment, which is a tragic social paradigm that has caused a deep wound in the soul of our country. No matter how difficult the circumstances, Madam Speaker, I believe we can and must do better as a society, and at a minimum, taxpayer dollars should not be involved. This issue has manifested itself again most intently during the health care debate. Unless a prohibition is enacted, taxpayers will fund abortion under the framework of the new health care law. Madam Speaker, abortion is not health care. The House of Representatives recently voted to stop the use of taxpayer funds for abortions in the District of Columbia. For decades, Congress has proscribed Federal funding for abortion in this piecemeal fashion through the Hyde Amendment and other similar provisions in annual appropriations. It is time to settle this once and for all as the majority of Americans wish. This bill will provide a comprehensive prohibition on the use of Federal tax dollars to fund the socially divisive issue of abortion, and it is time we stopped it.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, any American that may be watching tonight is probably bewildered by all of the discussion of budgets and continuing resolutions and perhaps debt ceilings, as well as the appropriations process. In order to understand where we are currently, it is important to look back at where we were. And what I would like to do tonight is share a little bit of information about what the government spends, where the revenue comes from, and then how we got into this current situation we are in. Right now, we have a $1.6 trillion deficit. We have $14 trillion of debt. That means every man, woman, and child in America, if we were to pay it off right now, owes $45,000. And the trajectory of spending is simply unsustainable. We are borrowing about 40 cents on every dollar that we spend. America cannot continue to do this. We all know that. We all know we are going to have to act with bold resolve to get the fiscal house in order. But let's look at this chart, Mr. Speaker, for a moment. It shows the President's 2011 budget proposal. There was no budget in 2011, and this is part of the confusion. There was no finishing of the appropriations process. Right now we are trying to finish the appropriations process, cleaning up the mess from last year by passing what is called a CR, continuing resolution, that will fund the government for the rest of the year. But a lot of the numbers are based off a somewhat mythical budget, and it's just easier to talk about, I think, the President's 2011 budget to get a snapshot currently of where we are in terms of the fiscal situation. Here is what the government spends and the categories in which it spends. If you look at the blue side of that chart there, that is what we in Washington call discretionary spending. And defense is about 20 percent of the discretionary spending here in the United States. The other section of the blue slice of the pie there is what we call non- defense discretionary spending. That's about 14 percent of the overall budget. A lot of the negotiations about reducing the budget at this time have centered around that particular slice of the pie. The other aspects of government that we fund, Social Security, this maroon slice right here, is about 20 percent of the budget. Medicare is about 13 percent, Medicaid about 8 percent, and then another mandatory spending category, these are programs that are on auto pilot, whatever the demand is, we spend, we write the check. And it has grown very rapidly since the year 2008 when it was 11 percent. It is now 17 percent of the budget. This includes unemployment, welfare, supplemental security income for the disabled, jobs programs, as well as some of the TARP money, the bailout money for banks and Wall Street. That's the lion's share of the budget here, 57 percent. It is called mandatory spending, discretionary, 36 percent spending, that's defense and non-defense discretionary, and then we add interest on the debt, that yellow section right there, and that's about 7 percent. So that's basically what the government spends right here. And that totaled about $3.8 trillion in last year's projected budget for this year. Now, where did the revenues for the government come from? It is important to remember this number, $2.567 trillion; $3.8 trillion expenditures; $2.567 trillion in revenues. In this blue area over here, this is the largest area where we obtain income for the government, and that is the individual income tax. That is about 44 percent of overall revenues to the government. About half of Americans are paying income tax. This orange area is what we call payroll taxes. That is about 36 percent. Anybody who is working is going to pay a payroll tax. Corporate income tax, this yellowish area here, is about 12 percent. And then the rest of the budget receipts come from estate and excise taxes, as well as customs and other receipts. But the important number to remember is $2.567 trillion as opposed to $3.8 trillion in spending. This shows you the imbalance. Again, remember, this was last year's projections. We were projecting $1.267 trillion based upon this spending level and this amount of receipts. But in reality we have just found out that the new deficit estimate is actually about $1.6 trillion. It is skyrocketing. It is simply unsustainable. Now, let's look at the next chart, which is the budget proposed for this year by the President; and it has spending a little less, down from about 3.8 to 3.7, revenues up slightly from about 2.5 to 2.6, and this is due to some spending reductions as well as tax increases, which gives you a different balance here. You have a deficit projection of $1.1 trillion based upon these numbers. Remember, Mr. Speaker, I said this is somewhat bewildering given that we don't have a 2011 budget or finished appropriations bill for this year, and we are now beginning to consider a 2012 budget in the midst of potentially, as well, bumping up against a debt ceiling vote shortly. Again, it is important to understand how we got here with such enormous deficits. If we look back in time, the last 20 years, look at spending. In 1990, it was $1.25 trillion. In 2000, it was $1.79 trillion. This year, $3.8 trillion. The size of the Federal Government has basically doubled in the last decade. If you look at deficits as well, in 1990 we were talking about $200 billion deficits. I was a much younger person then, but I remember how shocking that figure was back then and how there were demands that something be done. In the year 2000, because of extraordinary productivity gains in the late nineties, we had a $200 billion surplus to the Federal Government. But this year, a $1.6 trillion deficit. It is off the charts. Our debt in 1990 was about $3 trillion. In the year 2000 it was close to $6 trillion. Again, this year it will be $14 trillion, and it is set to continue to skyrocket in the coming years. The debt per person, per capita, $13,000; $12,900. In 2000, it was $20,000. Now it has doubled to about $45,000. Mr. Speaker, I used to be on the Lincoln City Council in Lincoln, Nebraska. One of the responsibilities we had every year with our $90 million budget was that it had to balance. There was never enough money to have the ideal number of police officers that we wanted or the exact number of firefighting apparatus that we would have preferred or the street or road or park maintenance that we would have liked, but you had to make a decision. You had to make a decision about what were appropriate tax rates and reasonable public services and balance those. And by law, we also had to set a little aside. Yet Washington doesn't have to do that. It can get away with enormous deficit spending because we have a big credit card. And for a long time, it really didn't matter. At a negotiating table up here, there are really three factors: spending, benefits, and debt. And guess which one loses every time, Mr. Speaker? Debt. Just pile on the debt, because the consequences can be hidden from the American people. But the numbers now have gotten to be so shocking and the reality is coming home that I believe, I know, most Nebraskans and most Americans want this Congress to act with bold resolve to tighten the belt, to ask for some shared sacrifice to get this fiscal house in order, because this level of spending is unsustainable. A business can't do it. A family can't do it. A government should not be able to do it, because the consequences are really threefold; and they are no longer hidden. They are out in the open. This amount of debt and deficits creates basically three problems: one, it pushes off the obligation for the way in which we are currently living and spending onto children and grandchildren in terms of future taxes on them. It is unjust. The second problem is that it creates the potential for inflation. There is already an argument going on that the Federal Reserve policies are monetizing our debt, basically printing money; and now you are seeing commodity inflation with price hikes in gasoline and other commodities. The effects are very real. The third problem is we are transferring ownership of America to foreign countries. China officially owns about a trillion dollars of this debt; but if you look at the numbers more closely, it could be as high as $2 trillion. That means a transfer of the assets of this country overseas. So this level of debt, I believe, and I think most Americans know, is actually undermining the ability of the economy to turn around and create jobs. Now it is not only creating economic volatility and economic problems; it creates national security problems as we transfer more and more of this debt overseas and sell the assets of the country to others. So it is simply unsustainable, Mr. Speaker, and we have to act with bold resolve. We are staring at white water rapids. The choice is we can either build a boat, put on life jackets and try to navigate those rapids as best we can, or we will be swept away by them. We are going to have to go through them; it is just how we do it. That is what all the debates are this week, and will be in the coming weeks as to how do we set up the right framework of responsible budgets, responsible appropriations, so that we can reset our economic course, get our fiscal house in order, begin to give the economy some stability, create jobs and, in turn, revenues come into the Treasury. So that is the course before us. Mr. Speaker, I did want to talk about another topic tonight as well, and it is very important that even in the midst of these budget negotiations that are going on, we not overlook the fact that the State Department recently released its annual report on human rights around the world. This report spanning 194 countries calls out those governments that routinely and brazenly violate their stated commitments to universal human rights. I think it is important that we draw back the veil on cruelty that is often perpetuated by the world's most powerful against the world's most vulnerable and appropriately elevate the issue in our national dialogue, as well as our international diplomatic efforts. The report spans 194 countries; and to the extent it is available, the report details the prevailing human rights conditions over the past year. First, let me start with some good news. Of the countries surveyed, Colombia, Guinea, and Indonesia stand out for notable human rights improvements, the first democratically elected President since independence in 1958, and consistent improvements across a range of indicators, respectively, in those countries. Countries where human rights conditions very sadly prompt serious concerns over the past year include Cote d'Ivoire, the Ivory Coast, where vicious fighting in recent weeks pursuant to a contested election has claimed numerous lives; in addition, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where rape is used as a political weapon; Iran, which still supports the stoning of women; Russia, which routinely and often violently suppresses the freedom of the press; and China, which has a history of forced abortion and sterilization to its demographic detriment. Other countries highlighted in particular this year: Nigeria, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Burma, Cambodia, North Korea, Vietnam, Belarus, Ukraine, Bahrain, Iran, Libya, Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, where rapid deterioration of civil rights and evidence of tightening dictatorial rule are particularly tragic. The fundamental message that this report conveys to the world is that responsible governance rests upon two pillars. The first is a respect for human rights, and the second is a respect and responsibility for the rule of law. No society can flourish and prosper without these important transcendent principles as they are exercised in the form of religious liberty, freedom of speech, the right of assembly and peaceful protest, as well as fair and free commerce. The human rights reports describe abuses that shock the conscience and tear at the elaborate fabric of the community of nations in which we live. These include the ill treatment of dissidents, appalling prison conditions, extrajudicial killings, and, as I mentioned, forced abortion and sterilization policies that treat human beings like animals, violating their most intimate and fundamental human dignity. The reports present detailed accounts of systemic corruption, security forces run amok, acting with state-sanctioned impunity, kangaroo courts that condemn innocents without recourse, making a mockery of the rule of law. These dark trends are very often deeply entrenched, creating enabling environments that fuel violence--and even genocide in some countries--toward vulnerable persons and ethnic groups. The reports address the barbaric scourge of human trafficking for sexual and other forms of ruthless exploitation, such as forced labor. The reports speak truth to perpetrators of heinous crimes of violence against women and children, and they highlight the feckless enforcement of laws to protect civilians against torture and other forms of cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment. Taken together with related reports on human trafficking and freedom of religion, these particular reports on human rights provide keen insights into the state of our world in which we live today. Mr. Speaker, even as we consider these sobering matters, let us also recognize with due humility that the struggle here in the United States for the right to life, the most basic of human rights, particularly for unborn persons as well as the terminally ill and elderly and those suffering from cognitive disabilities that render their deplorable marginalization as ``vegetables'' even in our most esteemed medical, political, and social circles, is a very deep problem that we must wrestle with here in our own country. Yet we have one basic advantage. This Nation has learned through bitter experience that self- determination and reasoned discourse are far more powerful engines of growth and prosperity than subjugation by the nature of a police state. Sadly, too many countries in the international community lag significantly in the development of this fundamental ideal, that of the notion of a people having a basic say, having a voice, in shaping the governments under which they live and the ability to shape their own futures according to transcendent and universal norms of justice. Over the past year, as natural disasters summon us to compassion for people in Japan, New Zealand, Chile, China, Colombia, Haiti, Iceland, Indonesia, and Pakistan, as well as other nations ravaged by violent storms, including our own, we are witnessing another upheaval, a remarkable upheaval, in an important world region which calls for our focused attention. The Arab Spring movement has been driven by individuals joining their voices, motivated by a common thirst to realize their human potential and the desire to secure a decent operating space within civil society. This movement is emblematic of lessons learned throughout the centuries. History has shown us that rule by suppression in its various forms and degrees is very difficult to sustain over the long term, particularly now with the opportunity we have for the sharing of ideals and principles. State-sanctioned force and coercion against the innocent, in various manifestations, has tended to backfire against their enforcers and enablers sooner or later. The human rights reports challenge today's leaders to shake off the archaic and destructive patterns of abuse that foster so much needless human misery, sapping the productivity and vitality of countless millions, perhaps hundreds of millions, Mr. Speaker, in our world today. However, as useful as these reports are, they do not tell the full story. As the difficult work of societal transformation begins for newly enfranchised citizens in the key countries of Egypt and Tunisia, for instance, many people throughout the world, in places like China and North Korea and Iran, continue to suffer silently with no one to tell their story, with no one to document their plight, far from the gaze of cameras that convey real-time images for all the world to see. But these reports hold an important message for us as well. In this interdependent world of shared technology, shared communication, travel, and commerce, we have failed to recognize a shared vision of justice. The United States is constantly called upon by the nations of the world to stand up against the forces of brutality. We are constantly called upon to engage in all matters of complexity that are causing human misery, which are really due to three factors: the generosity of the American taxpayer; the philosophical ideals that govern us and which do not allow us to sit by idly when we see human misery and suffering; and the fact that we are an exceptional and unique superpower. Though other nations are growing in economic strength, given our philosophical ideals and our historic role as that exceptional superpower, it is a bit ironic that the world still turns to us, even though many other economies are growing very, very rapidly, when people cry out for justice. So, Mr. Speaker, it is time to elevate at the table of dialogue and negotiation basic norms of human dignity and the governmental structures which nurture and protect that dignity. Let those norms sit alongside the negotiations over trade, commerce, and security, for this is ultimately more valuable than any economic gain, which is transient and passing. I believe it is time to focus on the permanent things, those which last, which will be the legacy we will leave to the future of our country and to the future of the world. With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Chairman, recently a woman came to my children's school to talk about the healing power of forgiveness. She was a survivor of the 1994 Rwandan genocide when nearly 1 million people were mercilessly hunted, hacked and killed. Now let's fast forward to the year 2007. In an ironic twist, Rwanda's President Kagame expressed his interest in reducing the number of births of children in that country by 50 percent. In recent weeks, confusing reports have surfaced as to whether the Rwandan Government had launched a campaign setting a target for hundreds of thousands of male sterilizations. While the reports which implied possible complicity of U.S.-funded organizations were subsequently dismissed, the concerns they raised are very real. Let's note China's one-child policy, or Fujimori's Peru. Mr. Chairman, the United States should be a champion for human dignity, and yet, sadly, we have our own sorted past with sterilization campaigns. In 1924, the State of Virginia passed what was called the Racial Integrity Act, which remained intact well into my own lifetime, until it was overturned by the Supreme Court. I think the title ``The Racial Integrity Act'' speaks for itself; legislation so outrageous that then-Governor Warner, now Senator Warner, issued a statement of apology in 2002 saying, ``We must remember the Commonwealth's past mistakes in order to prevent them from recurring.'' Mr. Chairman, this is a proscriptive amendment, which I believe is consistent with current law, that seeks to prevent human rights abuse, that just says, No, we will not return to this shameful past, nor will we impose it on other people in other places with America's tax dollars. This amendment, I believe, is a reasonable application and extension of the current law. It is important because sterilization campaigns involving a subtle element of real or perceived moral suasion directed at vulnerable individuals can easily blur the distinction between what is voluntary and involuntary. The question here is whether to take hard-earned taxpayer dollars and apply them in these campaigns-- aggressive outreach efforts--to sterilize persons. Mr. Chairman, while I recognize that this amendment has been ruled out of order, I do believe it is a reasonable application and extension of current law. However, I will accept the judgment of the Chair and withdraw this amendment.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I appreciate that. Thank you for the kind words.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Chairman, in 2008, this body passed the Child Soldiers Prevention Act. It was part of the William Wilberforce Human Trafficking Victims Protection Act. The bill declared that the United States would not provide military assistance to countries found guilty of child conscription. With broad bipartisan support, we declared that this is an affront to human dignity and an affront to civilization itself. We made it known that all children, no matter where they are, should be on playgrounds and not battlegrounds. Mr. Chairman, it is very difficult for us to envision that a child would be put in military fatigues, a gun in their hand, and then forced to fight. But it does happen, and it does happen in the world today. The government of Chad, to which we provide military assistance, was found guilty of using child soldiers in the 2010 State Department Trafficking-in-Persons Report. As the law we passed provided, Chad was granted a national security interest waiver in the hopes that Chad would take serious and aggressive strides toward ending this serious human rights violation and be a valuable military partner with the United States. But we have to ask, where is the progress? With the withdrawal of the U.N. mission in Chad at the end of last year, children as young as 13 years old are now being preyed upon as child soldiers. In this past week, the United Nations and a respected international human rights organization both issued reports warning of Chad's continued flouting of our law. The Washington Post, along with other international media outlets, has given attention to this issue as well in recent days. Mr. Chairman, to use child soldiers is wrong. This is why we passed the law in the first place. Yes, we want a good military relationship with Chad. Chad is a valuable military partner. But to strengthen that partnership, the horrific abuse of children must end. So I offer this amendment as a challenge to our Government. We are operating inconsistently. We passed a law saying one thing, but we continue military assistance with no apparent attentiveness to stopping the pernicious use of child soldiers. Mr. Chairman, several years ago I was in the country of Liberia. I had the opportunity to visit the interior part of that country as well. Liberia had gone through a devastating civil war, and this particular area we were in had been caught in a very bad crossfire between rebel groups, and I was invited to visit a missionary school there run by a British Catholic priest. As we entered the compound, the beautiful children came out and sang us a song and greeted us. And this priest told us that during the worst part of the war, he himself had been abducted, his children had been left unattended, and many had died of starvation. He showed me the mass grave. But he also asked me to spend a few more minutes with him. We went to a classroom and he discretely pulled two young boys out of that classroom. He told me they had been child soldiers. One had been shot in the hip. The other had had his father killed while he was standing next to him. Both of the boys were withdrawn. They wouldn't look me in the eye. Clearly they were deeply wounded. But this priest wanted to thank me and to thank the American people for providing a little bit of assistance to him to help integrate these children back to some degree of normalcy. So which way are we going to have it? We need to be consistent. On one side of the hallway we have a very good program to help heal those who have been victimized by child soldiers, but on the other side we are aiding a government that is not stopping this pernicious practice. William Wilberforce, the British statesman and unyielding abolitionist, for whom our antihuman trafficking law is named, said this: ``You may choose to look the other way, but you can never say again that you did not know.'' Mr. Chairman, we must make it clear to the government of Chad that we now know, and we cannot look the other way.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentleman for the time. Madam Speaker, health care reform, the right type of reform, is important to me and important to every American. The right type of reform will actually reduce costs and improve health care outcomes while we protect vulnerable persons. However, the current health care law, as we all know, is a complicated mess that is going to shift costs to more unsustainable government spending and actually reduce health care liberties. America deserves better. Following yesterday's vote in support of the repeal of this law, I believe it is important to craft a new commonsense policy that provides new insurance models for families, farmers, and small business owners. Yet, as to any model that we craft, the replacement must continue to build upon a culture of health and wellness, allow newly insured persons to keep their current coverage and also retain protections for preexisting conditions. This will be important. So now the hard work begins; but this time we have the opportunity to get it right.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, at the outset let me stress the importance of managing our complex relationship with China in a manner that honors the transcendent principles that define America's national purpose and our identity. Tonight, President Obama, perhaps as we speak, and President Hu Jintao will toast one another just blocks from here at the White House at an official State dinner. While appropriate for heads of State, we must remember that untold thousands in China continue to suffer horrific tortures for exercising their right to self-expression. Beijing's ruthless treatment of democracy activists and their families, Internet freedom advocates, religious minorities, and women and families victimized by a callous policy of coerced abortion and forced sterilization must continue to make us uncomfortable even as dinner is served. Nobel Prize winner Liu Xiaobo, whose photo is right here, languishes in prison right now as his wife and family members remain under house arrest. And how many more people suffer in silence, people who have disappeared into the vast network of gulags that no human being, much less any animal, should ever have to see or experience? Mr. Speaker, we must continue to press these points to remain deserving of our own identity as a Nation founded on freedom of religion, a Nation that embraces freedom of speech and justice, and free and fair commerce as worthy foundations for prosperity in future generations. Our China policy should reflect these transcendent and universal principles. On the economic front, nearly $2 trillion of debt and a bilateral trade deficit approaching $300 billion also impose weighty concerns. We must challenge China to abandon its embrace of unbridled mercantilism, which manifests itself in massive subsidies and other trade-distorting practices that contribute to this staggering imbalance. China must know that global responsibility and accountability are inseparable. We must, Mr. Speaker, also look ourselves in the eye and order our own fiscal affairs, revise stagnant manufacturing industries, refurbish our industrial base, and take responsibility for our economic future. We need to look closely at our willingness to place profit over principle, and to point the finger of blame at China while perpetuating our own economic dysfunction. With regard to the future of civilization itself, China is modernizing its nuclear arsenal. China is giving cover to North Korea's nuclear program. China trades with Iran. And China has controversial plans to break with international precedent and build nuclear reactors in Pakistan. Just last week, in a show of its ever expanding projection of power, China tested a new Stealth fighter aircraft. What kind of world are our children and our allies in the Pacific standing to inherit? Neither the United States nor China can afford to allow six decades of peace and security to slip through our fingers. Mr. Speaker, do I want a good relationship with China? Yes, absolutely. But we have a responsibility to work together to shape our complex relationship with that country, to seek meaningful progress on the tough issues, to acknowledge the positive elements of China's extraordinary culture and past civilization. However, we must do so without shrinking from challenging outright affronts to our principles and whitewashing threats to international security.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, yesterday afternoon a suspended student at Millard South High School in suburban Omaha opened fire. Assistant Principal Vicki Kaspar was killed, and Principal Curtis Case remains in serious condition. After fleeing the school, the student killed himself. This morning Nebraska has been blanketed by a profound wave of shock and sorrow. My heart goes out to the victims and their families and the innocent schoolchildren whose first day back at school was shattered by this nightmarish act. Today school is closed as counselors begin to help the community to try to cope and make sense out of what can be considered a senseless act of violence. I ask for this body's thoughts and prayers, Mr. Speaker, to be with those students and teachers, their families, and all members of the Millard South community in the aftermath of this horrific tragedy.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. ``. . . or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.''

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, on August 26, 2010, the world began the year-long celebration of the centenary of the birth of Mother Teresa, the Blessed Teresa of Calcutta. Mother Teresa's enduring legacy of humility and sacrifice has been heralded across cultures and in many languages throughout the world. And just earlier this year, the United States Postal Service created this stamp in commemoration of Mother Teresa's life's work. Mother Teresa worked among the poor in conditions that would weaken the hardiest. Yet she stood with strength before presidents, kings, and queens. She saved lives and gave countless thousands hope, hope for the leper, hope for the expectant mother who had been abandoned by family and community, hope for the orphaned child who only wanted a helping heart and a home, hope for the indigent poor who sought a meal and belonging. The United States Congress honored Mother Teresa with a U.S. Congressional Gold Medal in 1997. And as we commemorate the 100th anniversary of her birth, I urge my colleagues to join me in again uplifting Mother Teresa's life's work, especially during this time when the world is yearning for meaning.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Thank you, Judge Poe, for the time. And I also wish to thank Chairman Conyers as well as Chairwoman Lofgren of the Immigration Subcommittee and Lamar Smith, the ranking member on the full committee, for your efforts in this regard, especially your diligence in getting this to the floor today. I also, Madam Speaker, want to thank the many adoptive families, members of the international adoption community and others who have worked behind the scenes to spur action today. Thanks to this outreach of so many concerned Americans, Congress is finally doing the right thing here to help as many as 1,200 voiceless and vulnerable Haitian orphans and their adoptive American families. We can now give these new families, who have endured so much heartbreak and tragedy, the comfort of knowing that their children's legal status is now in good order. Many of us received heartbreaking calls for help in the wake of the January 12 earthquake. American families in various stages, as we have heard, of adopting Haitian orphans feared for the safety and the security of their children. Extraordinary work was done swiftly to evacuate these children and unite them with their new families on U.S. soil. Yet instead of coming here as fully adopted U.S. citizens, these children arrived under a legal status known as humanitarian parole. Due to a destructive, unpredictable act of nature, the normal process for international adoptions in Haiti was upended, and these American families were prohibited from finalizing the adoptions in Haitian courts. While their status remains in limbo, these vulnerable children have fewer legal protections, may not be eligible for critical resources, and potentially risk being forced to return to Haiti. With each passing day, some children are aging out of the international adoption system as well. Once a child turns 16, he or she may no longer gain U.S. citizenship through adoption. So the urgency is clear. I recently spoke, Madam Speaker, with the mother of a Haitian orphan who just turned 16. We have to act. We need to pass this bill today to give so much more security to these generous American families who have opened their hearts and homes to children in extraordinary need. Again, I want to thank all of those who have been involved in helping get this important legislation to the floor today.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentlelady from Florida for the time and also for her good words earlier. Mr. Speaker, the selfless love inherent in adoption shows the remarkable capacity of the human heart to strengthen a fractured world one child in need at a time, and I am very glad that Congress today is taking the time to honor adoption. I must add, however, that I am very disheartened that a bill to help Haitian orphans, which has passed this House, as the gentlelady from Florida has said, and which has passed the Senate with amendments, has now been abandoned in secret meetings by this body's leadership. The Help HAITI Act helps 1,200 Haitian orphans who were in the process of being adopted before the tragic earthquake hit that country. We could have passed this on Monday, and it could be law by now. Yet now, I understand, this bipartisan Help HAITI Act may be used as a vehicle for a controversial immigration measure for which there is no consensus in this body or across America. While the legal status of these vulnerable Haitian orphans remains in limbo, they have fewer legal protections. They may not be eligible for critical resources, and they may be at risk of being returned to Haiti. Now, surely, we can act to solve this problem free of partisan provocation. So, Mr. Speaker, I say this: These poor children and their heroic American families deserve better than what we are giving them today.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Speaker, last Friday, 24-year-old Army First Lieutenant Mark Noziska was laid to rest at West Lawn Memorial Park Cemetery in Grand Island, Nebraska. He was killed on August 30 near Malajat, Afghanistan, following an IED attack on his patrol. His decorations include the Bronze Star, Purple Heart, and Army Commendation Medal. Lieutenant Noziska was born in Grand Island, and attended high school in Papillion. He enlisted in the Army National Guard in March 2004, before he graduated from high school that year. He was named Nebraska Soldier of the Year in 2005, and after graduating from the University of Nebraska-Omaha in 2008, earned his commission. His love of Husker football was well-known among his family and friends, many of whom wore ``Husker Red'' to his funeral. He also loved the Army. He planned a lifelong career of service to our nation, and hoped to one day become a General. While Lieutenant Noziska's life was tragically cut short, it is clear that he touched and inspired so many of those around him, including the many people from the local community who lined the streets to honor his service and memory. May God bless Lieutenant Noziska and his family, and all our nation's fallen soldiers.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Speaker, In 1885, former Congressman and Senator Gilbert Hitchcock founded what would become the largest employee-owned newspaper, and the newspaper with the highest percentage of subscribers in a home circulation area, in the United States. This paper, the Omaha World-Herald, recently celebrated its 125th anniversary of bringing the news to Nebraskans' and Iowans' hands and homes. The Omaha World-Herald has won many awards through the years, including three Pulitzer Prizes for coverage of the senseless violence against African-Americans in Omaha in 1919, the large-scale scrap-metal drive in Nebraska during World War II, and an emotional photograph of a World War II soldier's homecoming to Iowa. One of its most recent awards was bestowed by the Columbia Journalism Review for its coverage of the war in Afghanistan. Notably, the Omaha World-Herald is one of the few remaining independently-owned papers with statewide coverage. This is shown in its localized content and strong commitment to community. Congratulations to the Omaha World-Herald on 125 years of reporting and serving Nebraska's communities.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Speaker, last Friday, 24-year old Army First Lieutenant Mark Noziska was laid to rest at West Lawn Memorial Park Cemetery in Grand Island, Nebraska. He was killed on August 30 near Malajat, Afghanistan, following an IED attack on his patrol. His decorations include the Bronze Star, Purple Heart, and Army Commendation Medal. Lieutenant Noziska was born in Grand Island, and attended high school in Papillion. He enlisted in the Army National Guard in March 2004, before he graduated from high school that year. He was named Nebraska Soldier of the Year in 2005, and after graduating from the University of Nebraska-Omaha in 2008, earned his commission. His love of Husker football was well-known among his family and friends, many of whom wore ``Husker Red'' to his funeral. He also loved the Army. He planned a lifelong career of service to our nation, and hoped to one day become a General. While Lieutenant Noziska's life was tragically cut short, it is clear that he touched and inspired so many of those around him, including the many people from the local community who lined the streets to honor his service and memory. May God bless Lieutenant Noziska and his family, and all our Nation's fallen soldiers.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow we celebrate the 223rd anniversary of the signing of the United States Constitution. As we do so, I think it is important to consider the humbling legacy bestowed by those who founded this country and the lawmakers who actually did come before us; because each day those of us who are currently holding office, we are so mired in the challenges and complexities of modern public policy, we scurry through these stately, ornate halls, often without so much as a glimpse at or a thought of the profound history that is depicted around us. For instance, just steps away, within the interior of the majestic Capitol Dome, is the Rotunda. I spent some time there recently, Mr. Speaker, reflecting on the moments in our Nation's history that gave rise to the gift of liberty we strive to safeguard each day in this body. Inside the Rotunda is a series of paintings that offer rich glimpses into some of these moments, starting with the Landing of Columbus in 1492, the Discovery of the Mississippi by DeSoto in 1541, as well as the Baptism of Pocahontas in 1613. They all depict the opening of a new, mysterious world full of promise and things yet to come. The painting, the Embarkation of the Pilgrims in 1620, also speaks of opportunity, the anticipation of realizing a dream of freedom. The Declaration of Independence in 1776 follows. The Surrender of General Burgoyne in 1777, and the Surrender of Lord Cornwallis in 1781, as well as George Washington Resigning His Commission in 1783 are all celebrated pieces depicting the first moments of that new Republic. Possibly the most famous of these paintings is John Trumbull's 12-by- 18-foot-large Declaration of Independence. This historical piece of art depicts the presentation of the Declaration to the Second Continental Congress. Standing at the forefront of this painting are Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Roger Sherman, Robert Livingston, and Benjamin Franklin, the authors of the profound document that gave way to the birth to our Nation. Painstaking care was given to each word in the Declaration, none of which may be more memorable than these: ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.'' You see, the Declaration built upon a theory of natural and universal rights, the consent of the governed, and a right of redress when government was in violation of those essential principles. After setting forth those standards, the Declaration continued with a litany of grievances against King George, which, Mr. Speaker, is a very interesting prospect to reread that part of the Declaration. And then the Declaration finally concludes by saying, ``We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States . . . And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.'' Fifty-six individuals signed the Declaration, though it is possible that few knew the historical significance the document would ultimately bear. Historians suggest that the list of grievances against King George was of the highest importance to the signers, but today, like the revival of nationalism that did follow after the War of 1812, we perhaps find the greatest profundity and timeliness in the Preamble of the Declaration, and I think it bears repeating. ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, and that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.'' These words inspire reflection on our personal independence as American citizens secured through times of tumult and uncertainty. Not long after these words were handed down, another extraordinary document expressing our rights as American citizens was given unto the people. On September 17, 1787, 39 individuals signed the United States Constitution, a document that changed the history of our nation--and the world. The Constitution holds special meaning for this body. We placed our hands on a Bible and swore to uphold the Constitution. It is because of that deep abiding commitment to the Constitution that Congress prioritized celebration of the anniversary of the signing of the Constitution many years ago, and why we now celebrate ``Citizenship and Constitution Day'' each September 17. This 223rd Citizenship and Constitution Day, let us recall the extraordinary circumstances that gave rise to our great nation, and the words of our founding documents that endure as a call of conscience to a world crying out for meaning.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, he was called ``a young man of integrity and respect,'' ``a great marine who loved the Marine Corps,'' ``a loving husband and father.'' This is how the late Staff Sergeant Michael A. Bock was remembered by those who knew him. Staff Sergeant Bock was conducting combat operations in the Helmand province in Afghanistan when his patrol came under fire. He died from those injuries on August 13. He had served four deployments in both Iraq and Afghanistan and was awarded the Purple Heart, the Navy and Marine Corps Achievement Medals, and the Combat Action Ribbon. He was raised in Springfield, Nebraska, and attended Elkhorn's Mount Michael High School, where he met his future wife, Tiffany. Tiffany and Michael also had a 3-year-old son, Zander. Zander's birth, Michael said, was the happiest moment of his life. While in Afghanistan, he watched online as his son blew out three birthday candles; and for Valentine's Day, he recorded a message and sent it to his young son. Now I'm certain that Zander will always carry his father's voice in his heart. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of a grateful Nation, I offer my condolences to the Bock family. May God bless Staff Sergeant Bock and grant eternal life unto him.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentleman from Texas for the time. Mr. Speaker, I would also like to add that, as we heard, more than 1,000 Haitian orphans who were already in the process of being adopted by American families prior to the earthquake that struck Haiti last January stand today in legal limbo; and, as mentioned by Chairwoman Lofgren, in the tragic aftermath, these orphans were evacuated by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security for humanitarian reasons and with the Haitian Government's permission to American soil. Catastrophic circumstances prompted the evacuation of these children to the United States before their adoptions could be finalized in Haitian courts. Happily, in my home State of Nebraska and throughout the United States, many of these Haitian orphans were able to unite with the very American families who were seeking to adopt them and who are now working to finalize their adoptions in the courts of the United States. Due to a technicality in the law, however, these Haitian children, upon establishing a legal relationship with their adoptive U.S. parents, will have to wait 2 years before they become legal permanent residents. As international adoption case workers can attest, much can happen to these orphans and their families in 2 years. So long as their status in the United States remains temporary, these vulnerable children will have few legal protections. They may not be eligible for critical resources, and they may face the risk of being forced to repatriate to Haiti if something were to happen to their adoptive families. To mitigate the risks that these orphaned children from Haiti face, I introduced the Help Haitian Adoptees Immediately to Integrate Act of 2010, also known as the Help HAITI Act. This legislation is the product of continual dialogue and outreach both to the United States Department of Homeland Security's U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service and to my Republican and Democratic colleagues in the House of Representatives and the Senate. The Help HAITI Act would provide legal certainty and protections to these evacuated Haitian orphans by enabling adoptive American families to obtain permanent residency for these children more quickly and more efficiently. Had the earthquake not happened, these orphaned Haitian children would have gone through the normal process for international adoptions. American families would have finalized the adoption of these orphans in Haitian courts. Then, upon entering the United States to join their adoptive families, these children would have automatically received U.S. citizenship. However, the catastrophe disrupted the normal process for international adoption for these children. The Help HAITI Act would help to normalize the immigration procedures that these adopted orphans now face. It would allow adoptive American families to apply immediately to obtain legal, permanent residency for these vulnerable children and enable them eventually to qualify for U.S. citizenship. This legislation, I would like to point out, would also help reduce the staff, monetary and other resource demands on the Department of Homeland Security's U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service. As we all know, Mr. Speaker, these orphaned Haitian children have endured great hardships, and they have also endured heartbreaking tragedy to come to this country and unite with their American adoptive parents. Given the uncertainty and danger that these children have faced, we now are in a position to provide them with a measure of comfort and certainty as to their future with their adoptive families here in America. So, with that, I would like to thank Chairwoman Lofgren for her leadership and work on this bill, along with Ranking Member Smith. I appreciate your input and support.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, on a happier note, this weekend I had the great honor of participating in the 2010 Special Olympics National Games opening ceremony in my hometown of Lincoln, Nebraska. The pomp and pageantry of the official ceremony appropriately welcomed a very enthusiastic and excited audience of more than 3,000 athletes, 1,000 coaches, and 13,000 fans gathered at the University of Nebraska. As I marched in with Nebraska's delegation to the Games, I was struck by how inspiring the moment was as the community boisterously and loudly gathered to celebrate these very special athletes. The Special Olympics have grown tremendously both in the number of participants but also in the heart of our Nation. The Special Olympics oath is, ``Let me win. But if I cannot win, let me be brave in the attempt.'' Mr. Speaker, to all of these brave and special athletes in Lincoln's 2010 Special Olympics National Games, I wish to extend a heartfelt congratulations.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentlelady for the time and her leadership on this important issue, as well as Chairman Berman. Mr. Speaker, the time to stop Iran's nuclear drive is running very short. Unless the community of responsible nations takes decisive actions, the world will soon awake to the headline, Iran has a nuclear bomb. A nuclear-armed Iran will pose a very real threat to civilization itself, increasing the dangers of a destabilizing nuclear arms race in the world's most volatile region. Iran clearly doubts the collective resolve of world powers. It is not difficult to see why. While some European leaders vacillate, European corporations continue to do business with Iran. And Russia and China as well continue to exploit international hesitancy for their own geopolitical and financial gain. The community of responsible nations must prevail upon Iran to abandon its dangerous nuclear ambitions and forge a new path to security and stability for itself. We all look forward to the day when Iran is governed by leaders who fully respect the rights of their own people and faithfully observe the obligations of international law. Today's Iran sanctions legislation represents an intermediate yet important step in that sustained effort. We need to do even more.