Jeff Fortenberry

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, first, let me thank my colleague and good friend, Congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey, for his tireless efforts on a whole, broad spectrum of assaults on human dignity. He is constantly trying to elevate the conscience of this body and the worldwide community. I thank the chairman, as well, for coordinating this effort and speaking favorably to it, as well as Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel, who passed this through the Foreign Affairs Committee. I need to also, because she is not here, thank Anna Eshoo, a Democratic colleague from California. We are living in a time when our country looks at Congress and sees stagnation, anger, and gridlock and not being able to get things done. What we have before us today is a transpartisan resolution. It has risen above the petty and difficult differences that we often work out here on the floor of the House of Representatives. It has risen above it because of its essential nature. Not only is there a grave injustice happening in the Middle East to the people, to the Christians, Yazidis, and other religious minorities who have as much a right to be in their ancient homeland as anyone else, but this is a threat against civilization itself. When a group of people, ISIS--8th century barbarians with 21st century weapons--can systematically try to exterminate another group of people simply because of their faith tradition, violating the sacred space of individuality, conscience, and religious liberty, you undermine the entire system for international order building out of rule of law and proper social interaction--civilization itself. That is why so many Members have come together here in a bipartisan, transpartisan way and said, ``Enough.'' This is a genocide against Christians and Yazidis. It is a crime against humanity and against others, as well, who are suffering because of their religious faith. By the way, it should be noted that the group of people who have been most killed by ISIS are innocent Muslims, as well. This is an important resolution to speak clearly about what is happening in the land. Why is it important? Because it raises the international consciousness, and it compels the responsible communities of the world to act. Secondly, it creates the potential preconditions for when there is a security settlement in the Middle East that will allow these ancient faith traditions to reintegrate back into their homeland and continue to contribute to the once-rich tapestry that made up the Middle East. That is why this is so essential. It is just. The responsible communities of the world must act, and it is essential for international order and international stability if there is going to be a chance for any type of hope and long-lasting viability of order and tranquility in that area. As my colleague, Mr. Smith, mentioned, Genocide Watch has labeled this genocide. The International Association of Genocide Scholars has called this genocide. The Yezidi Human Rights Organization- International has said this is genocide. Pope Francis has said that this is genocide and has decried the scandal of silence and the scandal of indifference in this regard--again, another reason why action by this body is so essential. In addition to that, I want to leave you with one quick story. I represent the largest Yazidi community in America. I have been dealing with this community for many, many years, many of whom resettled in Lincoln, Nebraska, because they were given special visas to come to America because they worked side by side with our soldiers during the Iraq war as translators. Because of the grave threat that they were under, they were given special privileges to become citizens here, and many settled in my State of Nebraska, my hometown, Lincoln. I have been working with the community for a number of years about a number of concerns. About a year and a half ago, a group came to see me. Young men who had worked as translators were on the verge of tears. They were passionate and angry. I don't blame them for being angry. Their mothers, their sisters, and their family members were trapped on Mount Sinjar. They were pleading with me: Congressman, act. Do something now. We can't wait. To the Obama administration's credit, shortly thereafter--and the House had passed a resolution creating some groundwork for trying to stop the annihilation of Yazidis--the Obama administration, President Obama, acted, and I am thankful for that. This week we have an opportunity to continue to plead and urge the State Department to act as well. I know they are under an evaluation as to this real genocide that is happening. I respect their process, but I think the facts are clear; and it is my sincere hope that Secretary Kerry and the State Department will meet their lawful deadline this week and declare this fact: there is a genocide against Christians and Yazidis, and civilization itself is at stake. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for yielding me the time.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, we are living in a time of great political difficulty. That is not a secret to anyone. Just moments ago the House of Representatives did something essential. We came together not in a bipartisan fashion, but in a trans-partisan fashion, rising above the petty difficulties that we seemingly cannot ever resolve, and spoke to the heart of something that is essential for all of humanity. We declared together what is happening in the Middle East to Christians, Yazidis, and others to be genocide. I am extraordinarily proud of this body for speaking clearly, for speaking factually, and for speaking about this grave injustice that is happening to so many ancient faith traditions. This is a grave injustice, and it is an assault to human dignity. This grave injustice is a threat to civilization itself when one group of persons, namely, ISIS, can systematically target another group of persons because of their faith. That destroys the very basis for international order, tranquility among people, and for civilization itself. That is why what we did tonight in speaking so clearly and rising above differences in a unanimous fashion is so extraordinary. I owe an extreme debt of gratitude to my colleague, Anna Eshoo from California. Anna has been a stalwart leader in this effort. Her own ethnic background is Chaldean. She has an intimate familiarity with the Middle East and the suffering of this group of people. Anna has led Congress on her side of the aisle and my side of the aisle, in partnership with me, to continue to try to confront the scandal of silence, the indifference toward what is happening to these ancient faith traditions that have as much a right to be in their ancestral homeland as anyone else. In June of 2014, in the Iraqi city of Mosul, there was an eerie silence one morning. For the first time in two millennia, the church bells didn't ring. Mosul is one of those diverse cities in the Middle East. It had a rich tapestry, a vibrancy of various faith traditions: Christians, Yazidis, Muslims. There were differences of religious perspectives, sometimes tension, but they found a way to continue to contribute an interdependency toward the well-being of that community. They were invaded by eighth century barbarians with 21st century weaponry: ISIS. The Christians who were there were told to leave, convert, or die by the sword. Many fled with just what was on their back. The remaining Christians in the homes had this painted on their door. This is the Arabic symbol for the letter N. It stands for Nazarene, which is a derogatory term used by some in the Middle East to describe the Christians. This was painted on their door as a sign that it was time for them to go or they would die, except it wasn't painted in nice gold like this. It was painted blood red. We have so many tragedies and difficulties facing humanity, we can sometimes become numb to the violence that is happening in so many places in the world because it is overwhelming. But when you have one group of people who has extreme disregard for that sacred space of humanity, for that sacred space of conscience and individual rights that are expressed in religious freedom, you not only have a threat to a group of people far away, but you have a threat to the underpinnings of civilization itself. I happened to be in the room when Pope Francis was given a small Christian cross, a crucifix. This cross had belonged to a young Syrian man. He had been captured by the jihadists. He was told: Convert or die. So he chose. He chose his ancient faith tradition. He chose Christ. He was beheaded. His mother was somehow able to recover his body and this cross and bury him. She fled and came to Austria. Through this means, the small cross came into the possession of the Holy Father. This is not an isolated story. It has happened over and over and over again, as persons who were denied their life or denied the very conditions for life and they had to flee. This is called genocide. The International Association of Genocide Scholars, the prestigious academic body, has labeled this genocide. Genocide Watch has called this genocide. The Yazidi international community has labeled this a genocide. Pope Francis has said so. Presidential candidates on both sides of the aisle have said so. Now the House of Representatives has declared it so as well. I live in Lincoln, Nebraska, and I am privileged to represent the largest Yazidi community in America. It is not a community that I have gotten to know just recently because of all the difficulties that they have had. We have worked with them for many, many years. Many of these Yazidi families were translators for the United States Army during the height of the Iraq war. Because of that, this body, by law, gave them special citizenship options to live here in America, and many settled in Lincoln, Nebraska. About a year and a half ago, a number of young men in the Yazidi community came to see me. They were on the verge of tears. They spoke passionately, even angrily--and I don't blame them for being angry--Congressman, do something. Our mothers, our sisters, our families, are trapped in Sinjar and ISIS is coming for them. We don't have the capacity to stop them. Help us. You are the only ones who can. Help us. Please, do something. There is no more time. The Yazidi community also took its case to Washington. Around the same time a resolution that was led by my good friend, Congressman Vargas, who will speak momentarily, and passed by us in the House of Representatives, which called for international humanitarian assistance in northern Iraq for the besieged people, laid some of the groundwork, which was a very prudential decision--and I commend President Obama for it--to stopping what was certain to be a slaughter on Mount Sinjar, saving the remnants of the Yazidi people who were still there. So today we, as a body, are calling upon the international community as well as the fullness of our own government to act and to call this genocide. This is one of those Yazidi translators. His name is Omar. Again, he gained his citizenship because he was so sacrificially helpful to us during the height of the Iraq war. He has lost 36 family members of the Yazidi community to the violence. He recently went back to the liberated areas of Sinjar and saw the bombed remains of the ancient Christian church here. He took it upon himself--a Yazidi man that does not share the Christian tradition--to put a makeshift cross over the site where the Christians previously lived. Why is this genocide designation important? It is just to Omar and his family. It is just to the Christians who died or had to flee. It is just to the other people who are under severe persecution. By the way, I should note that the people who have been killed the most by ISIL are innocent Muslims. The genocide declaration, though, declares that there is a systematic attempt to exterminate this ancient faith tradition of the Christians, Yazidis, and others. What it means is we are helping set the preconditions, if you will, for when there is, hopefully, a real security settlement in northern Iraq and in Syria and in other places and that the Christians, Yazidis, and others are fully integrated back into their ancient homeland and given fullness of rights as citizens, given fullness of protection and process, full integration into their own governance structures. By raising this banner tonight, I think we have done something good. It is a word, but it is a powerful word. In 2004, Colin Powell, then-Secretary of State, came to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and he declared there what was happening in Darfur to be a genocide. In doing so, it helped put an end to that grim reality. So today the House has spoken, and I am proud that we have done so in a transpartisan manner, with unanimity. What I hope this does is, again, elevate international consciousness, calling upon the responsible communities of the world to seek out constructive, creative ways to help stop the violence, to help stop the persecution, to push for the right type of security arrangements that will restore what was once the rich tapestry of diversity of perspectives and beliefs in the Middle East. Without that, I have little hope. But with this, and the return of persons like Omar and others who respect differences, who have true friendships, who are willing to sacrifice for their deep beliefs, these are the nobility of values that the ancient traditions can bring back to their shattered homeland; and that is why it is so important that we acted today. Mr. Speaker, let me turn to, again, my good friend from California (Ms. Eshoo), who has worked tirelessly on this resolution and wants to share her thoughts as well tonight.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentlewoman for your impactful, important, heartfelt, and beautiful words of sympathy and compassion, but also for your action. What you said, particularly regarding not only respecting the ancient faith traditions, but honoring them in their native lands, ought to be what we are all striving for. So I thank you for your beautiful statements. Now I would like to turn to my friend and colleague, Congressman Trent Franks, a Congressman from Arizona who, again, has been a stalwart leader on all types of assaults to human dignity as they manifest themselves in so many difficult ways across the spectrum of life. So I am grateful for your friendship and for your leadership as well.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank my friend, Congressman Franks of Arizona, for his powerful statement. Not to speak is to speak. Of all people in the body, I think that is a marked tribute to the Congressman who has worked tirelessly and spoken out on behalf of the protection of innocent persons. Now I want to turn to my good friend, Congressman Juan Vargas from California, who as well has helped in an extraordinary way to further not only this cause, but, again, trying to elevate the nobility of the ideal that we should all be united in mind, heart, and spirit if we are going to be persons who respect the rules of law, the standards for international order, or, more basically, our need for one another. I am so grateful for your willingness to speak out on a whole host of issues, and thank you for coming tonight, Congressman Vargas.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I want to thank my good friend, Congressman Vargas, for your impactful words. If it does take your coming over here to punch me, come on, let's go, because that is worth it. I want to also reiterate something I mentioned earlier. It was your resolution that called for an international humanitarian intervention that I feel created the environment, the condition, which was empowering to the Obama administration to intervene on behalf of the Yazidis trapped on Mount Sinjar. That is an overlooked fact and consideration around here. But I am glad to say it, and I want to thank you for calling as well, urging the administration to act in this regard. You have the moral authority to do so. I know Secretary Kerry has sympathies in this regard, but just like the Yazidis when they were trapped on the mountain, to wait in the face of clear facts is to potentially not only lose time, but to lose lives and lose the option for, again, setting the preconditions for reintegration of these ancient faith traditions back into their ancestral homelands. So I thank you for your good words. Now I want to turn to my good friend Congressman Sean Duffy from Wisconsin, an outspoken man of the House who has not been afraid to confront, as well, the various problems facing humanity and the assaults on human dignity as they have manifested themselves and fractured our society and so many others in so many ways. So I thank you, Congressman Duffy.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Thank you for your powerful words, Congressman Duffy. The report that you mentioned is right here. Again, it is a 280- page report submitted to the State Department just recently. The cover shows that moment where these Coptic Christians from Egypt, who are guilty only of the crime of going to Libya to try to work and earn enough money to sustain their families, were captured by ISIS and then beheaded. This report lays out the facts. It is not the opinion of the House of Representatives. It is not my opinion or yours. The fact is that this is a genocide. I am grateful not only to the Knights of Columbus and the organization called In Defense of Christians for producing this, but it basically is a thorough documentation of what has happened that adds further credibility to what we already know and so many people around the world have called genocide. Thank you very much. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Black), my good friend. Thank you for being here tonight.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Thank you, Congresswoman Black, for your leadership not only on this issue, but so many others. We often are in very important economic debates, debates about finances and debates about roads. Not often enough, perhaps, do we go to the core of the reason for which exists a country and its laws, namely, to protect human dignity. I want to thank you for your leadership in this regard. Thank you so much. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Rothfus), my good friend, for his good words. Let me again thank you for your leadership. Your consistency and the continuity in which you apply your principles is very noble and uplifting to me.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Thank you, Congressman Rothfus, for your powerful words, and thank you for reminding us that this is about the essence of what it means to be human, to stand in solidarity with people far, far away who we may never know, but whose fate and our fate should be intertwined because of our mutual concern not only for one another from the heart, but also for the structures that give rise to essential principles, such as religious liberty. Thank you for your good words. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Mrs. Comstock), my good friend. Thank you for your tireless efforts as well on this resolution. Behind the scenes you have worked very aggressively in this regard. While it has been stated clearly that Anna Eshoo and I led this, nonetheless, your work in compelling Members to be involved in this question and raising consciousness has been invaluable. Thank you so much.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank Congresswoman Comstock for her powerful words and her faithful leadership. The gentlewoman had big shoes to fill after Frank Wolf's retirement, and I am sure tonight, if he is watching, he would be very proud of her efforts in this regard and in so many others, leading the fight to try to stop the assaults on human dignity. Mr. Speaker, when I was a much younger man, I entered the Sinai Desert in Egypt. The year was 1979. I was a college student. At the site of the fighting that had taken place between Israel and Egypt in the 1973 war, there was an all-too-familiar scene of a concrete pile of rubble. Scrawled on the side of the concrete pile, both in Arabic and in English, were the words: ``Here was the war, and here is the peace.'' Mr. Speaker, maybe, just maybe, on this, the remnants of this Christian church where this cross was planted by this Yazidi man who returned to his hometown of Sinjar just recently in January, one day will see those same words that here was the war, but now here is the peace. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on S. 2426.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I had the extraordinary privilege of being in the room when Pope Francis was given a small cross, a crucifix. This crucifix belonged to a young Syrian man who had been captured by the jihadis and then given a choice--convert or die--and he chose. He chose his ancient faith tradition. He chose Christ. And he was beheaded. His mother was able to recover his body and the crucifix that he wore and bury him, and then she subsequently made her way to Austria by which this cross came into the possession of the Holy Father. This type of incident--the killings, the beheadings, the crucifixions, the immolations--occurs day, after day, after day to the beleaguered religious minorities of the Middle East--the Christians, the Yazidis, and others--who have ancient faith traditions, who have every right to be in their ancient homelands as does anyone else. This is a genocide. This is a deliberate attempt to exterminate an entire set of peoples based upon their faith. Mr. Speaker, in the year 2004, then-Secretary of State Colin Powell came to the United States Congress and in a committee hearing--the Senate Foreign Relations Committee--he declared what was happening in Darfur in Sudan a genocide. In making that simple declaration, using that powerful word, he helped put an end to that grim reality. Thankfully, what is happening now that should give the beleaguered communities of the Middle East some hope is that there is an international coalition developing that has recognized the fact that this is a genocide being committed. Nearly 200 Members of the United States Congress, this body, have signed on and are cosponsoring a resolution that declares this a genocide. The International Association of Genocide Scholars has stated it as such. Others, including the Yazidi community, the United States Catholic bishops, Pope Francis himself, Hillary Clinton and Marco Rubio, both Presidential candidates, have declared this to be a genocide. Genocide is a powerful word. It evokes special meaning. It creates the conditions for when there hopefully is inevitably and perhaps miraculously some proper settlement in the Middle East--security arrangements, political, economic, and cultural settlement--that the religious minorities of that area who once made up the rich tapestry of that region will have their rightful place restored and reintegrated back into those communities. This would give hope again to persecuted peoples. It provides a gateway for the discussion of further policy recommendations, for instance, that could place people who are being forced to flee under the threat of genocide in proximity to where their ancient homeland is so that, once stability is restored, they can return and reclaim what is rightfully theirs. A little while back when the Yazidi community, primarily women and children, were trapped on Mount Sinjar, President Obama, to his credit, acted quickly. The House of Representatives had passed a resolution calling for additional humanitarian assistance, and the President, with great deliberateness, decided to save their lives. I want to personally state that I am grateful for that. I represent the largest Yazidi refugee community in America. This is an ancient faith tradition that usually enjoyed a quiet and peaceable life in areas of Iraq and who began to come under increasing pressure during the Iraq war and now are, of course, subjected to ISIL's attempt to exterminate them. They were saved by quick action. So in an exchange with Secretary Kerry today, I commended the administration for that quick action to save the Yazidis and I asked the administration to actively consider and call this what it is, a genocide. When we do so, again we create the conditions not only for which the international consciousness on this problem will be raised and other international organizations, including the European Union Parliament who have spoken to it. Other parliaments around the world have also declared this a genocide. However, in our complicated times, we rush from urgency to urgency. It is difficult to keep the mind focused because the horrors that continue to come at us are so extreme we almost get numb to it all. Yet, we have to act. In doing so, we can save lives. We can reposition and potentially preserve the remnant of the rich tapestry of minority voices that are critical to stability in the Middle East and are critical to saving civilization itself and stopping this grievous assault on human dignity. That is why I urged the Secretary to make the declaration of genocide. It was a thoughtful exchange, but we will continue to do so. I am so grateful to so many of my colleagues who, again, have signed onto this resolution that calls it such, a genocide against the Christian Yazidis and others. I am also grateful to have some colleagues here, including my good friend, Congressman Dan Lipinski of Illinois, who has tirelessly spoken to the issue of human rights and stood for life, stood for stability, stood for justice on the whole spectrum of issues that are facing humanity now. I yield to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski) so that he may give us his consideration on this essential topic.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous materials on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I thank Congressman Lipinski as well for his tireless commitment to justice, to human dignity, to human flourishing. Really, ultimately, that is what this resolution is intended to do, to call it what it is, a genocide, in order that there might be the proper settlement, when we finally come to the day when there is a proper security arrangement in the Middle East, when there is a reintegration of the religious minorities who, again, made up the rich diversity of the Middle East in a prior time who are critical to the ongoing stability of Iraq and Syria and other places. I am grateful as well that the gentleman pointed out the extraordinary work of our colleague, Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, a Democrat from California. I am a Republican. We have other Republicans here who will speak in a time when Congress seems so divided on every issue--again, we have 200 of our colleagues-- in a transpartisan initiative to say that this is unjust, this must be stopped. By our actions of calling it a genocide, we not only elevate international consciousness, but again we create the conditions for the proper redress once we come to some proper settlement in the Middle East. I am so grateful for the gentleman's time and efforts on this behalf and for his leadership in Congress. I thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski.) Let me turn to my good friend as well, Congressman Jody B. Hice, a new Member of Congress from Georgia, who has shown initiative, entrepreneurial endeavor, integrating quickly as an impact player, if you will, in the proceedings here in Congress. I am grateful for his willingness to speak on this topic, but, more than that, grateful for our growing friendship. I yield to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Jody B. Hice).

Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank the gentleman from Georgia for his thoughtful commentary and leadership as well on this essential issue. In fact, it is not an issue at all. This is an assault on all humanity. This is a threat to civilization itself. If a group of people can succeed in exterminating another group because they have the power to do so, because they do not believe in another's religion, they violate that sacred space that is essential to all persons and, therefore, the conditions of liberty that are necessary for human flourishing. This goes beyond the grotesque tragedy in the Middle East. It is a call to the entire responsible community of nations to act, to say that we will not allow eighth-century barbarism that happens to have 21st- century weaponry to rule in a land, destroy, kill, maim, and exterminate entire groups of people because of their religious tradition. It is wrong. It is unjust. If not addressed, all of civilization is at threat. That is the core of the problem here. I thank you so much for your willingness to spend a little bit of time and your leadership on these critical points. Thank you so much. Mr. Speaker, again, it is H. Con. Res. 75, House Concurrent Resolution 75. It has been introduced here in the House, and there is a similar resolution in the Senate. It will be forthcoming in the coming weeks. The House Committee on Foreign Affairs will be considering this resolution soon. I am hopeful that, again, with my colleague, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo), and others, who have shown just extraordinary leadership and deep concern and compassion for those who are in need, we can continue to build the numbers and make the case to all of our colleagues and our government that it is time to call this genocide and, by declaring such, again setting the conditions that will be necessary to reintegrate people, those who have survived, back into their ancient lands for which they have a rightful claim. I heard a story recently from a commander who had been in Mosul during the height of the Iraq war. Part of their obligation and responsibility was to protect the various religious minorities who were there. He talked about seeing the very beautiful Christian church that was there. All the Christians are gone from Mosul. The remaining ones had the Arabic letter N, Nun, spray-painted on their door in blood red. That is a symbol for the word Nazarene, which some use as a derogatory term to Christians. They were told: Convert, leave, or die. Many had to flee with whatever they had on their back. Of course, we know the horrific stories of those who gave their life in fidelity to their faith. This is a systematic attempt to wipe certain peoples off the map. It is not fair. It is unjust. It must be countered with a worldwide response. The designation of genocide is that critical first step, again, toward the possibility of restoring some tranquility of order whenever there is the right type of security and economic and cultural settlement that must come to the Middle East if it has any chance, again, to flourish. We can lead in this regard. We must lead. Other countries around the world have already taken up this banner. As I said earlier, the European Parliament has declared it so. Mr. Speaker, I am grateful for the ability to converse today with my colleagues on this threat, this threat to civilization itself, and our need to act. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. When I was informed of the Justice's death, it came across my electronic devices. I texted my wife back home, and I said: I just want to cry. I had the extraordinary privilege of getting to know the Justice on a more personal basis. In western Nebraska there is a large outcropping. It is called Chimney Rock. Chimney Rock was the place that marks the halfway point across America. When the settlers crossed the great country, when they got to Chimney Rock, they knew that they were halfway along their journey. In the shadow of that rock, just this last December, I was in a duck blind with Justice Scalia who, as we all know, had that as an avocation. When you spend a couple of days in a duck blind with somebody, it is a bonding experience. You get to know them more personally. In my own reflections about what Chimney Rock meant to the country, a bridge between the past and the future, I thought it appropriately captured the character, the nature, the wisdom of the great Justice. He was a great student of American history, our legal system, a great protector of the Constitution and precedents. He understood how important it was to act in a consistent manner with principle while looking forward and applying that principle in ever-changing circumstances of American life. Because he did so with continuity and with consistency, he was a man of great integrity. His inner voice matched his outer voice. When we saw this beautiful outpouring of support at his funeral from people all across the political aisle, I think the common narrative there was a deep respect for this great man. Mr. Speaker, when he died, I felt like America lost her grandfather. He was a soaring intellect, had an incisive wit, and had in a certain sense a humble personality. He loved to share a joke. For me to have the privilege of spending some time in a personal intimate setting with him I count as an extraordinary privilege of my time in public service. May God rest his soul. May God grant him peace. May God continue to bless the United States of America and give us all the strength to continue to think through how we are going to elevate and form the next generation of Americans who can apply themselves in such an extraordinary, sacrificial way as Justice Scalia did. I remember one other comment I wanted to leave with you. I remember when the Justice asked me: How many children do you have? You beautifully talked about how he was so devoted to his family and faith. He asked me, knowing that I knew he had nine, he asked me how many children. I said: I have five. He paused. He said: Respectable. That was it. I thank the gentlewoman from Virginia for her beautiful remarks and for giving me this moment to honor this great American.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, today I would like to honor the accomplishments of James H. Billington as founding chairman of the Open World Leadership Center in Washington, DC, in recognition of his retirement in September 2015. James H. Billington served as the 13th Librarian of Congress from 1987 until his retirement in 2015. ``Jim'', a native of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, is an accomplished author, scholar, educator, and administrator and has earned the respect and admiration of his students, colleagues, peers, and fellow Trustees. Librarian Billington earned a Bachelor of Arts degree from Princeton University in 1950 and a doctorate from Balliol College, Oxford, where he was a Rhodes Scholar. After serving with the United States Army and in the Office of National Estimates, Mr. Billington taught history at Harvard University from 1957 to 1962 and subsequently at Princeton University where he was professor of history from 1964 to 1973. James H. Billington became director of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in September 1973, an institution created by the United States Congress in 1968 as a living memorial to the 28th President. He grew the Woodrow Wilson Center International Center for Scholars allowing American and invited foreign scholars to spend time reflecting on issues central to understanding a complex world. He then helped create the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies in 1974, believing that the relationship with the Soviet Union was America's most important international challenge. As a scholar of Russian history and culture, Dr. Billington has accompanied 10 congressional delegations to Russia and the former Soviet Union, and joined President Reagan at the summit meeting in June, 1988. On September 14, 1987, Professor Billington was sworn in as the 13th Librarian of Congress where he oversaw the largest collection of books, maps, photographs, recordings, and motion pictures in the world. Dr. Billington is the author of Mikhailovsky and Russian Populism (1956), The Icon and the Axe (1966), Fire in the Minds of Men (1980), Russia Transformed: Breakthrough to Hope, August 1991 (1992), The Face of Russia (1998)--a companion book to the three-part television series of the same name, which he wrote and narrated for the Public Broadcasting Service, and Russia in Search of Itself (2004), books translated and published in a variety of languages. James H. Billington has received over 40 honorary doctorates-- including from the University of Tbilisi in Georgia (1999), the Russian State University for the Humanities in Moscow (2001), and the University of Oxford (2002), has been awarded the Woodrow Wilson Award from Princeton University (1992), the UCLA Medal (1999), the Pushkin Medal of the International Association of the Teachers of Russian Language and Culture (2000), the Karamzin Prize (2005) from the Foreign Literature Library in Moscow, the Likhachev Prize (2006) from the Likhachev Foundation in St. Petersburg, the inaugural Lafayette Prize by the French-American Cultural Foundation, the EastWest Institute Outstanding Leadership Award, and the Presidential Citizens Medal by President Bush in 2008. Dr. Billington is a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. He was decorated as Commander of the Order of Arts and Letters and as Chevalier of the Legion of Honor by the President of France, as Commander of the National Order of the Southern Cross of Brazil, the Order of Merit of Italy, a Knight Commander's Cross of the Order of Merit by the Federal Republic of Germany, the Gwanghwa Medal by the Republic of Korea, the Chingiz Aitmatov Gold Medal by the Kyrgyz Republic and the Order of Friendship by the President of the Russian Federation; the highest state order that a foreign citizen may receive. Dr. Billington will continue to study and write on important Russian- American issues, after retiring as the second-longest-serving Librarian of Congress, and as Founding Chairman of the Open World Leadership Center. It is fitting that the United States Congress recognize his deeds throughout his 28 years of service as Librarian of Congress and the accomplishments and achievements of James H. Billington as founding Chairman of the Open World Leadership Center throughout his 16 years of service.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I want to share a story with everyone tonight. Although I live in Nebraska, I keep an old family van here in Washington, D.C., which is particularly helpful when our children are visiting. On one particular occasion, the van was very messy. My children were smaller then, and I had not had the time to clean it. I was actually parking the van in a downtown garage here in the city, and somewhat embarrassingly, I handed the keys to the attendant and said to him: Sorry, I have five children. He looked at me and smiled. He says: Oh, don't worry. I have seven children, and they are going to take care of me when I am old. I looked back at him, and I also smiled. I said: You know what that is called? That is called social security. He then said: I like that. Could I say that? I said: You can say it all that you like. Mr. Speaker, while we think of Social Security as that important retirement security program, which is so essential to so many people, I want to take a moment to just explore a broader understanding of how we find our security together as a people, as a Nation. I want to re-imagine this term ``Social Security'' in a wider sense of the phrase, what it means to find belonging, protection, and mutual support. Ultimately, society depends upon a binding set of narratives and an agreement with one another about one fundamental fact: the agreement that we should care about each other, that we are committed to one another, and that we have a common vision. Now, Mr. Speaker, Americans are continuing to confront a number of longstanding challenges to our country's well-being. Let's be honest. There is widespread distrust of government, and the economy's capacity is sadly deepening a sense of division and further fracturing our society as more and more people seem to feel left out. Fortunately, Mr. Speaker, our Nation still does have great character and great strength, found first and foremost in durable values that keep us resilient with the ability to adapt and change, even in the most turbulent of times. So although there is justifiable anxiety and anger at the present moment--in fact, they are a hallmark of the present moment--Americans do desire a new settlement of both security and opportunity. Mr. Speaker, here is the dilemma: a constant focus on a Washington- based solution offers a false sense of solidarity and is no substitute for community. Technocratic management through centralized government cannot rekindle the vibrancy of our society. And far from healing our wounded culture, the government simply cannot fix everything that is wrong. Doing so, attempting to do so will simply recalculate winners and losers. This is especially true when America's political system suffers from so much discord and dysfunction. So here is the answer: a hopeful politics and a truly good society are ultimately relational. For instance, although we are not immune from harsher downward trends where I live, we have, in my State of Nebraska, to some degree, I believe, safeguarded the importance of community, the necessity and integrity of the family, and the quality of care for ourselves as well as those around us. I am proud of this fact, Mr. Speaker. I often refer to it as the Nebraska model. Such social vibrancy reduces the necessity for government intervention and actually creates happier outcomes. Mr. Speaker, the Social Security program itself is so critical to protecting the well-being of America's seniors. I believe strongly in this program, as so many others do. In fact, when I was a child, I received Social Security myself due to the premature death of my father when I was 12 years old. It helped get the family through. This is an important program for America's security and for peace of mind of so many of our elder citizens. But I think a broader view of this concept, this ideal, of Social Security demands that we regrasp the ideals of community and interdependency with one another. Proper progress in our Nation recognizes that our individual liberty is not merely a license to do whatever we want. A hyper sense of individualism can obscure the foundational truth of our shared humanity, which longs for community. It inhibits the common endeavors necessary for advancing a brighter future together as a nation, as one people. Liberty and, therefore, human happiness are inextricably intertwined with our society, with our responsibility to one another, and that is what gives fullness to the meaning of Social Security. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for yielding. I want to point out something about Mr. Gohmert. He was speaking about our military a moment ago. He, himself, is a veteran. He served in the United States Army during the Vietnam war, and I appreciate his service. Madam Speaker, I also want to share something with the body today. I write a weekly report, generally, called the Fort Report. This week, I sent one that I hoped would have a broader meaning to the House of Representatives and, perhaps, to anyone else who might encounter this. It is entitled, ``Nebraska Values.'' It is stories about America's political and economic and cultural crises. As we all know, they are dominating the headlines across our Nation. There is widespread, bipartisan dissatisfaction with the status quo, and it is propelling a new conversation against the dysfunction and gridlock that have long thwarted effective government here in Washington, D.C. As families across our Nation face pressing challenges, it is sad, but elected officials often prioritize divisive rhetoric instead of empathy and understanding. Now our disagreements have widened into chasms. It is exhausting--exhausting to America's spirit--and it is distracting us from the possibilities that are before us. In the midst of this contentious Presidential primary season, Madam Speaker, maybe it is time to just pause, change the subject, and celebrate some of the best examples that our country has to offer. In a small town gym in Beemer, Nebraska, at Beemer Elementary School, the community recently gathered to celebrate the life of Joseph Lemm. While deep sadness marked the occasion, the community's desire to gather and tell stories and honor this remarkable man pointed to a much deeper understanding of the values that bind us. Joe chose to put on three different uniforms in his life--first, by enlisting in the United States Air Force after high school. Then he went on to have a career with the New York City Police Department and, finally, with the New York Air National Guard. Joe served three tours of duty in Iraq and Afghanistan. This past December, Joseph Lemm gave his all for his country, along with five other Americans who were killed in Afghanistan. Although Joe left Nebraska a very long time ago, I am quite certain that he carried his early formation with him throughout his life of service, and I suspect my State, Nebraska, was never far from Joe's heart. Before the service that memorialized him, I saw Joe's mother, Shirley. Shirley embraced me as though we were family members, and, perhaps, we were. She embraced our Governor, Governor Ricketts, and United States Senator Sasse in the same way. Everyone in the gym in the little town of Beemer knew, in the midst of this deep grief and loss, that Joseph Lemm's life had great value, had great purpose. Madam Speaker, several weeks ago, Washington, D.C., was buried in an avalanche of snow, the remnants of which are still around. I was intending to come back to Washington but had to cancel that trip, and I had more time than I had anticipated in my hometown of Lincoln. As I was in my office, I noticed some young people who were walking around the complex in their signature blue Future Farmers of America jackets, the FFA jackets. I love those jackets, Madam Speaker. They are emblazoned with the name of their hometown below the FFA symbol. These young people had gathered along with others from the Distributive Education Clubs of America; the Future Business Leaders of America; the Family, Career and Community Leaders of America; Educators Rising; and the Future Health Professionals Skills USA to talk about a very important issue: food security. In Nebraska, we are very fortunate to have a very, very low unemployment rate. We have the convergence of some extraordinary natural resources, that of our farming and ranch community; we have manufacturing; we have a financial sector; we have had a long tradition of solid community leadership, which has left our economic situation much better than most across the country. Even so, even in our State, we face problems with structural poverty. These young students came together because they recognized the need to engage in the issue of children who face hunger--of children who return from school hungry, of children who have to worry about not having enough to eat when they get up in the morning. These young people were there, gathered to lead the way--to find realtime solutions in their own small communities, to help the impoverished, vulnerable members who are all around them. Madam Speaker, that same snowstorm that kept me out of Washington, though, did not deter hundreds of other Nebraska students who left the comforts of their homes and drove on buses through the night to exercise their fundamental American rights: the freedom to assemble and the freedom of speech. In the face of that devastating blizzard a couple of weeks ago, these principled boys and girls participated in the annual March for Life. They are young people in our country who refuse to accept the current settlement in our wounded culture. They refuse to stare at pain and woundedness and then walk away. They refuse to accept what has been fostered upon us for the last four decades of brokenness, of fracturing in family life, and the deep wounds that abortion has caused in so many women. They are demanding that we do better as a country. They are saying to all of us that women deserve better, that we deserve better. They traveled to Washington to explicitly express this pro-life perspective and to proclaim that we should care for unborn children, for their mothers, and for our society as a whole. This is the new generation--the Millennial Generation--that, in many ways, is standing upon the ash heap of broken tradition, and they are longing for more. They are saying there is a better way no matter how deep and difficult the problem is. Although our Nation, particularly in our politics, still experiences deep and sad divisions over the question of abortion, I do think we should all commend these students for responsibly exercising their rights to peaceably demonstrate, for standing up for what they believe. That is a source of renewal and strength in America. Sometimes it discomforts us. Sometimes it challenges those of us in power when truth has spoken to us. Sometimes it bumps up against systems that seem stacked against the ordinary person. These young people are not willing to accept the current economic, political, and cultural settlement in our country. They are saying let's strive for more. Let's imagine what we could be. Let's put aside the pain. Let's heal the past and look forward when all life is celebrated as a beautiful gift. I respect what they did, and I think, again, all of us here can look to these young people who have responsibly demonstrated in front of us as good future stewards of a rebuilt America. So, Madam Speaker, that is really what I wanted to say to you today. I am proud of these Nebraskans who have continued to demonstrate a better pathway for America in public servants and in military heroes, such as Joseph Lemm, who gave his life for his country, in the young people back home who are deciding to tackle systemic childhood poverty and hunger, and in the students who trekked all this way in hazardous conditions to stand in defense of vulnerable persons. Perhaps, in the example of these young people, we can find an answer to what is right about America at a time when so much seems to be going wrong. We can carry forward the best of our traditions, those put forward by small communities and families that are really the renewing social force that will help turn our country around.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Did the prior speech violate that rule?

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. FORTENBERRY. What is the rule on attacking personalities in the House?

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, today I want to say goodbye to a good friend who died this week: Charles Francis Clifford, Jr. Mr. Chuck was a World War II veteran who served in the Navy for 35 years, where he attained the rank of captain. He spent his professional career with State Farm. Along with his loving wife, Ann, they raised four children together. Chuck lived an honorable and dutiful life. He served his country faithfully. He was devoted to his family and to his faith, and he saw his business career as an extension of the call to service. He was a kind man, always with a smile. After Ann died 7 years ago, Chuck continued to be an ongoing presence in our community, volunteering at our church. He received frequent requests from the children at St. Joseph's School to tell his story about living through the Depression and his service during World War II. Chuck Clifford was an example of manly steadiness and goodness. He was my friend, and I will miss him. Well done, good and faithful servant.

Mr. FORTENBERRY

Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, I was listening to a talk show one day when a 13-year-old girl called in. She was confused. At that tender age, to put it mildly, she talked about how she had been walked all over by her peers and subjected to the exploitation of an older man. She had no sufficient sense of self-possession to know that she had been used. She had no community support, no adult around her to protect her. The radio commentator was aghast. But, sadly, Mr. Speaker, this was another troubling example of a culture of exploitation that is raging all around us today. However, Mr. Speaker, there is a bit of light on the horizon. In a few weeks, tens of thousands of young people from around the country will assemble around this Capitol to deliver a simple message. These young people are saying this: They will no longer tolerate the indifference. They will no longer tolerate a culture of exploitation. They will no longer tolerate the darkness of the abortion industry. They are members of the generation that have witnessed firsthand the devastating consequences when wrong ideas take hold in a society, when the smartest people in the land--the Supreme Court Justices--are misguided and do not value all lives, when certain industries profit from pain. These young people are saying that women deserve better than abortion. They are saying that children should be welcome, no matter how hard the circumstances. They are saying that no one should be abandoned. There should be no choice between a child and that child's mother. Mr. Speaker, it is understandable that many people are reluctant to enter into arguments about abortion. It is difficult. It is painful. So many people have experienced this individually or with family members. But we have to be honest. Mr. Speaker, if you look behind me at the dais here, you can see the words ``peace,'' ``liberty,'' and ``justice.'' We have these words all around our Nation's capital, our Nation's monuments. But, in truth, we cannot find peace in a society that does not protect its most innocent lives. We cannot find liberty when we are indifferent to one another and simply turn away when a woman faces difficulty. We cannot claim justice for all when we throw away the innocent unborn life. Mr. Speaker, I want to delve for a moment into the deeper reasons for these divisions over abortion and the deeper reasons why we have such a caustic debate. For those of us who are pro-life, it can be hard, frankly, to understand why everyone just doesn't see our perspective. But I believe that much of the ugliness surrounding the abortion debate hinges upon the competing values of personal autonomy versus relational responsibility, once again, personal autonomy versus relational responsibility. Of course, working hard, making something of yourself, refusing to let difficult circumstances overcome you, are all hallmarks of a well- ordered life essential to an individual's progress as a person. But, Mr. Speaker, rugged individualism can lead to rugged isolationism, crushing the vitality of the human heart and leading to loneliness, hopelessness, and ultimately despair. And could it be, Mr. Speaker, that the confusion surrounding abortion is the loss of an understanding of the dignity of each person as they are set in the environment of a community? On this deeply painful topic of abortion, the primary community in question is, first and foremost, the unique bond between a mother and her child, followed by the bond of the extended family and extended community. All politics--all life--Mr. Speaker, is ultimately founded on relationships. Happiness depends upon social life, on interdependency. A healthy society depends upon stable and healthy relationships for promoting sustainable values and our greater ideals. But because of cultural confusion, we establish a false choice. Is it a woman's right to choose or is it a child's right to life? This should not be a consideration in the broader community that is committed to bonds of solidarity. Sadly, I believe, we have lost sight of the degree to which the logic of radical autonomy, severed from foundational principles that order human relations, namely, in charity, have created the circumstances in which we now find ourselves. Individuals who are alone so often become disassociated from mutuality and community. Decades upon decades of this cultural conditioning leaves us with an aggregate understanding that our strength is only found in ourselves. No wonder a young woman, scared, alone, or abandoned feels such pressure to abort. Mr. Speaker, during last year's historic papal visit to the United States, Pope Francis highlighted the need for what I call social conservation. At its root, social conservation is the answer to the widespread longing in all of our hearts, that longing for a culture of meaning, of purposefulness. Pope Francis promoted universal human values, the importance of society, the primacy of the family, the dignity of work, the responsibility of people to properly steward the natural environment, and the sanctity of all life, especially the poor, the elderly, those who are marginalized, and the unborn. This holistic approach of Pope Francis does not fit our political class distinctions, which rage all around us in this body. So this is not a Democrat or Republican issue, it is about the protection of persons and how we build a truly healthy society. Children in the womb are vulnerable, precious members of their families. We must defend them, not in isolation, but as a part of the social fabric upon which our shared future as a people depends. Now, some abortion advocates charge that defenders of the unborn are pro-life only until birth of the child; that the pro-life position is a part of a grotesque fiction called the war on women. That is a very painful accusation. In the end, I wish we could rise above this, because I believe everyone should agree that the choice between radical autonomy as a justification for abortion, versus relational responsibility, is a false choice. To be pro-life is to be genuinely pro-child, pro-woman, and pro-family. No matter how hard the circumstances, we should all be loving enough, caring enough, and we certainly have resources enough to protect both the mother and her child. Now, Mr. Speaker, I would like to look for ways to reframe this entire debate, to look for some light. Maybe there will continue to be deep philosophical differences over the question, but maybe there is some common ground. A spectrum of policy proposals could more effectively build wider coalitions, I believe, in the pro-life debate, advancing cultural conversion instead of cultural war. Initiatives could include an assault on the scourge of coercion, which forces many women, including young girls, to have an abortion at the hands of an uncaring boyfriend or unscrupulous doctor. Can't we find it in ourselves to attack this injustice? I would like to believe we can. What about incentives for businesses to provide better pregnancy and new parenthood assistance, including maternity and paternity leave? Some of my colleagues speaking before me mentioned some of these proposals. No woman should be forced to choose between a paycheck and her child. Other ideas could be adoption, enhanced adoption facilities, countermeasures against workplace pregnancy discrimination, classifying pregnancy as a qualifying event for health insurance, initiatives for responsible fatherhood. That is not my idea, that is President Obama's idea. In fact, I commended him for that because he raised it in the State of the Union, as I recall, about 2 years ago. Finally, I think we should channel money from the abortion facilities which are receiving America's taxpayer dollars, which most Americans disagree with, by the way, toward nurturing pregnancy health centers, and there are many beautiful examples of this all around the country. By pursuing these policy proposals, maybe we shift the cultural understanding that it is not a choice between radical autonomy--I can only find strength in myself, me, as an individual, I am alone, abandoned, no matter how much I need others--and a relational responsibility that we all have for one another. Let's elevate this idea of that relational responsibility of interdependency within community because we are living in a shattered society. Nothing else is working, Mr. Speaker. We are in an age of anxiety and a time of growing threat to the family, the very basis of the strength of this great Nation. Now, more than ever, compassion should be our first principle. Abortion is violence. Abortion is not health care. Abortion is a false choice that no one should ever be forced to make. Let's elevate the ideal of motherhood, protect it, nurture it, respect it, provide for it, celebrate it, the genius of the feminine, and the beauty of all life. Mr. Speaker, in a few short weeks, these young people who will, by the thousands, tens of thousands, crowd around this Capitol, they are really telling us one simple truth: Love them both, just love them both. I yield back the balance of my time.