John Faso

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to congratulate the Sergeant Andrew Brucher Veterans of Foreign Wars Post 5419, located in Kauneonga Lake, New York, which will soon be celebrating its 50th anniversary. At the anniversary dinner, the post will honor two very special people: Mrs. Mabel Brucher, a Gold Star mother whose son Post 5499 is named for; and Mr. Raymond Jankowski, a veteran of the Second World War and founding charter member of Post 5499. Honoring those who have served our Nation should be a top priority for all Americans, and the VFW is an essential organization that fosters camaraderie among American veterans and advocates on their behalf. Congratulations to Post 5499. I look forward to honoring this important milestone with members of the post this weekend.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chairman, I thank Chairman Simpson for yielding the time. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 3219, the Defense, Military Construction, Veteran Affairs, Legislative Branch, and Energy and Water Development National Security Appropriations Act. Specifically, I would like to discuss division D of the bill, which appropriates additional funding to the Army Corps of Engineers. This bill allocates $289.5 million to fund projects and activities to enhance the Nation's economic growth. The Whaley Lake Dam, located in my district in Pawling, New York, Dutchess County, will be eligible to compete for these funds, and is authorized pursuant to section 5003 of the Water Resources Development Act of 2007. Originally built in the mid-1800s, the Whaley Lake Dam is in critical need of repair. The outlet of the dam feeds a stream necessary to the movement of treated wastewater from multiple municipal water treatment facilities. Additionally, the town of Pawling is the home to nearly 9,000 residents, including 500 homes located on Whaley Lake specifically. Mr. Chairman, could the chairman please confirm that the Whaley Lake Dam project could compete for funding included in the bill?

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chairman, I thank Chairman Simpson for this confirmation. I urge my colleagues to support this important bill.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor the memory of Officer Miosotis Familia. Officer Familia was a member of the New York City Police Department's 46th Precinct in the Bronx who lost her life in the early hours of July 5. She was targeted by a deranged ex-convict who assassinated her in cold blood. As New York City Police Commissioner James O'Neill said at Officer Familia's funeral: ``Everything our government stands for--freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear-- everything starts with public safety. Miosotis knew this, and she wanted all of to us play our part. ``That is why violence against police and what we represent is a dishonor to civilized society.'' With a renewed dedication to law enforcement and the communities they serve, we pledge to keep Officer Familia's legacy alive. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record Commissioner O'Neill's remarks. Remarks by Commissioner O'Neill for Officer Familia's Funeral Good morning everybody. Barbara [NYPD Chaplain Rev. Dr. Barbara Williams-Harris], I'm not sure if I'm ready to celebrate yet. I have to work on it. Members of the NYPD Chaplains Unit; Pastor Davidson and the staff and congregation of World Changers Church--I love the name; Mayor de Blasio; Adriana, Gennie, Peter, Delilah; Inspector Phil Rivera and all the men and women of the 4-6 Precinct in the Bronx; law enforcement officers from all across our nation and the world, many of whom traveled great distances to support us in this time of incredible sorrow; and all other friends and family gathered here this morning: On behalf of the entire New York City Police Department, I extend our most profound condolences. Police Officer Miosotis Familia was a kind and authentic woman. One of 10 children raised in Washington Heights before she and her family moved together to the Bronx, she was serious but sharp-witted. And though she was the youngest, her siblings say she was never spoiled. Miosotis was the glue that held her large family together. She would mediate any dispute, especially among her six feisty sisters. Known as a lovable goof, they playfully called her ``La Loca,'' or Crazy Girl. And later, as a mother, she would teach her own children life lessons--like being kind to strangers, blessing others with a smile, and respecting those less fortunate. I'm told that Valentine's Day was her favorite holiday. She'd really go overboard with the hearts and the decorations in their Kingsbridge apartment, just so the kids could see all the love that was theirs. Like every New Yorker, Miosotis just wanted to do her job, work hard, live without fear, improve her life, and the lives of 86-year-old mother, her two daughters, and her son. But she also wanted to do something else: She wanted to improve the lives of other families, as well. When she made that decision 12 years ago to become an NYPD cop--a Bronx cop--she epitomized why many people choose to become police officers. Gennie, Peter, Delilah: I can talk forever about the great things--the fantastic things that police officers do every single day for millions of people--but nothing I can say will bring your mom back. I'm sorry for that. But I can make you this promise: Your mom didn't die in vain. Your mom's legacy will never fade from importance or memory. Your mom made it her mission to make your home--New York City--a better and safer place for everyone. And I vow to you we will continue to find our way forward in her honor. Because that's what cops do. Cops are regular people who believe in the possibility of making this a safer world. It's why we do what we do. It's why we run toward, when others run away. Your mom believed in the possibility of being part of something larger than herself. She accepted the vast responsibility that came with her decision, knowing that it would be challenging, recognizing that someone has to do this job, and believing she was willing and able to fill that role. And she was right. Miosotis wanted other people to know her, to work with her, and to help her make this a better city for all of us. Everything our government stands for--freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear-- everything starts with public safety. Miosotis knew this, and she wanted all of us to play our part. That is why violence against the police and what we represent is a dishonor to civilized society. We should be outraged that any single person had so little regard for your right to public safety. On the night our nation celebrated its independence, the coward who committed this atrocity did not walk down the street after midnight and shoot just anybody. He shot a cop. Mental illness and medication may have played a part--I don't know. What is certain, however, is that he hated the police. He saw us as the ``bad guys'' because countless times he heard it in conversation, saw it on television, read it in the newspapers. Combine that toxic blend with his special brand of evil, and you get . . . this funeral. Hate has consequences. When we demonize a whole group of people--whether that group is defined by race, by religion, or by occupation--this is the result. I don't know how else to say it: This was an act of hate, in this case, against police officers--the very people who stepped forward and made a promise to protect you, day and night. This amazing woman, this mother, this daughter, this sister, this friend, this New York City police officer, was assassinated solely because of what she represented and for the responsibility she embraced. All her killer could see was a uniform, even though Miosotis was so much more. He blamed the police for his own terrible choices in life. And for the way he emerged after our society agreed he should go away to prison for a while. As a city, and as a country, I don't believe we're in the same place we were at the end of 2014, when Detectives Rafael Ramos and WenJian Liu were assassinated under similar circumstances in Brooklyn. We are on firmer ground now, with police and communities working more effectively together. But in mid-2017, there unquestionably is a creeping apathy among the public about the work and role of its dedicated police officers. I think of it this way: You don't really notice the lights are on . . . until they go out. If we do wrong, we are vilified. If we do right, we are ignored. There is little attention paid to positive changes in policing, in general, and in this police department, in particular, no matter how effective they may be. But the manner in which Miosotis was killed should remind everybody that the civility of our society balances on a knife's edge. And the 36,000 uniformed members of the NYPD are just regular people who made a selfless decision to help maintain that balance. There is nothing more human than a 48-year-old mother of three, living in the Bronx, who decided to swear an oath, put on a uniform, and live a life with meaning. Fighting crime and keeping people safe is not a responsibility that the police take lightly, and neither should the public. While crime continues to go down, year after year, that provides little comfort when the fabric of our society, the blanket of public safety we provide, is torn by a senseless, direct assault on one of our protectors. Here are the numbers we don't talk about nearly enough: Since our start in 1845, more than 840 New York City police officers have died in the line of duty. Miosotis is our seventh cop to be shot and killed in just the last five years. And she's our third female officer ever to be murdered on the job. Across our nation, 135 police officers were killed in the line of duty last year, the sharpest spike in the last five years. And just yesterday, New York State Trooper Joel Davis was killed in the line of duty while responding to a radio run of a domestic dispute in upstate New York. Each of these murdered officers has one thing in common: They lost their lives while protecting the lives of others. Some people say: ``Well, that's what cops signed up for, right? That's their job.'' Let me tell you something: Regular people sign up to be cops. They sign up for this job of protecting strangers, knowing there are inherent risks. But not one of us ever agreed to be murdered in an act of indefensible hate. Not one of us signed up to never return to our family or loved ones. So, where are the demonstrations for this single mom, who cared for her elderly mother and her own three children? There is anger and sorrow, but why is there no outrage? Because Miosotis was wearing a uniform? Because it was her job? I simply do not accept that. Miosotis was targeted, ambushed, and assassinated. She wasn't given a chance to defend herself. That should matter to every single person who can hear my voice, in New York City and beyond. We know there's evil in this world. That's why we need the police. But as New Yorkers, we can decide that people like Miosotis' killer will ultimately fail. He will not drive us apart. We can decide to come together and make our city reflect the good inside all of us, the hopes and simple dreams we share. I'm asking the public to make a commitment to support your police, to work with us. Commit to watching the backs of those you call when you're scared, those you call when you're in trouble. NYPD cops answer about four-and-a-half million radio runs a year, and are flagged down countless other times. AnAfor good or bad, only a tiny handful of our actions make the news. That tiny handful--some when things go right, others when things go wrong--because that's what sells newspapers--those are the ones that define us. And the millions--literally millions--of our other actions go unnoticed. But we don't turn away from criticism, because we know it comes hand-in-hand with the possibility of making the safest big city in America even safer. We know you need us. And we need you. We want all our neighborhoods to be safer places for our children, for our elderly, for ourselves. But without peace and safety, we have nothing. It's a shared responsibility. You must participate. You must not retreat. It seems that we put all our societal failures on our police to solve. If there's not enough drug addiction funding, many say it's the police who should change their tactics. If there's not enough money for mental health, many say it's the cops who need to alter what they're doing out on the streets. If our society hasn't adequately invested in schools, the cops need to figure that out. We tell our police: ``You're the counselor, you're the parent, you're the social worker, you're the referee.'' But policing was never intended to solve all those problems. It's our obligation to continually drive down crime and keep people safe. That's what Miosotis vowed to do. And that's the work we vow to continue in her stead. What we are left with are the memories, moments shared, lives touched, friendships forged. There is no making sense of what is truly senseless. There is no explaining the unexplainable. Words do not do it justice. We cannot fix the hurt. We have to put that in the hands of a higher power. And the higher power I'm talking about is you. We need the public to take a more-active role in our city's safety. I'm asking you to connect with your police. Listen to my words: Your police. We are yours. We're here to help. We're here to make things better. But we nee your assistance. We need it now, more than ever. Because no one knows what's going on a street, or a block, better than those who live and work there every day. That's how your neighborhoods will keep getting better. And that's how we're going to continue to keep driving crime down and keep everybody safe. And that's how we'll find our way forward, together. That's Miosotis' legacy. The pain we feel today will not soon pass, but we know she did not die in vain. Our anger can be transformed into effective change. Our sorrow can make us a better society. We may not ever match the sacrifice made by Miosotis, but surely we can try to match her sense of service. If we cannot match her courage, we can strive to match her devotion. In the last few days--the 4-6 Precinct, Police Plaza, all across New York--we've received many, many messages of hope and support. They tell us that people around the nation and around the world love the police very much, and mourn with us. They tell us they need us, and that they are proud of us. I, too, couldn't be more proud of our cops. To the men and women of the NYPD who bravely put on that uniform every day--and they do, it takes courage--and to all those who have come before us: Thank you for your dedication, your leadership, and your powerful example. And I also couldn't be more proud of--and thankful for-- Miosotis, whom I promote today to Detective-First Grade. Please rise and applaud her life and service. To Gennie, Peter, and Delilah: Here we are, today, literally surrounded by a sea of blue as far as the eye can see outside this building. And know this: Our family will always be with yours. We don't ever forget. We will always be here for you and this city. And to all the members of the NYPD: Do not ever forget why you chose to become a police officer. Be proud of who you are and what you do. Always remember that Miosotis lived to protect all New Yorkers, and her legacy protects us still. We pray that she now finds rest, and that her beloved family finds solace and peace and the strength to live the lives their mother fought to give them. God bless Miosotis. God bless her family. God bless every member of the New York City Police Department, who will forever carry on her most important work. Thank you.

Mr. FASO. I also include in the Record my full statement. May God bless Officer Miosotis Familia's memory. Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, today I rise to honor the memory of Officer Miosotis Familia. Officer Familia was a member of the New York Police Department's 46th Precinct in the Bronx who lost her life in the early hours of July 5th. She was targeted by a deranged ex-convict who assassinated her in cold blood. All of New York was affected by this evil act. The 48-year-old loving mother devoted her life to helping others. Sadly, she becomes the third female NYPD officer to be murdered on the job; the first in New York since 9/11. Officer Familia had two daughters and a son. She wanted to leave them a better future, a safer city. Every one of the 36,000 uniformed members of the NYPD goes to work every day for this vision. They sacrifice. They risk bodily harm, and worse. Too often they do so despite a hostile media and an indifferent public. As New York Police Commissioner James O'Neill said about her, and all law enforcement personnel, at Officer Familia's funeral: ``Cops are regular people who believe in the possibility of making this a safer world. It's why we do what we do. It's why we run toward, when others run away.'' He remarked, furthermore, ``Everything our government stands for--freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear-- everything starts with public safety. Miosotis knew this, and she wanted all of us to play our part. That is why violence against the police and what we represent is a dishonor to civilized society. We should be outraged that any single person had so little regard for your right to public safety.'' Through it all, Officer Miosotis Familia carried love in her heart: love for the Bronx neighborhood she patrolled; love for the people of her city and state; and love for the oath she swore all those years ago when she made the decision to enter law enforcement: To serve and protect. Her killer--and I refuse to mention his name--was driven only by hate. This is the hate which in 2016 resulted in the sharpest spike in police killings in five years. It is the hate that robbed three children of their mother with a single gunshot on a dark Bronx street. I want to share with this Chamber a recollection by Officer Familia's oldest daughter, delivered at her funeral. She said that Miosotis came into her room on July 4 before going to work, a regular person believing in the possibility of bringing about a safer world. She said, ``I'm going to work now. And I love you.'' She hugged her daughter, twice, and left to join her fellow officers. Now Officer Familia joins those lost in the line of duty. With love in her heart, she kept us safe. With a renewed dedication to law enforcement and the communities they serve, we pledge here to keep Officer Miosotis Familia's legacy alive.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, as we plan to celebrate Independence Day on the Fourth of July, it is important for us also to recognize a human rights tragedy and an abomination of democracy as totalitarian rulers of Venezuela are suppressing their people in our southern hemisphere. To call attention to this tragic situation where thousands of people are being suppressed, where armed mobs are running around the streets intimidating people, and where Venezuelans cannot achieve the basic necessities of life, I include in the Record an article that recently appeared in The Wall Street Journal, ``The Last Battle for Democracy in Venezuela,'' and to call attention to the human rights tragedy which is occurring in South America. [From The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2017] The Last Battle for Democracy in Venezuela Under Nicolas Maduro, a county that had been one of Latin America's wealthiest is having its democratic institutions shredded amid rising poverty and corruption (By David Luhnow and Jose de Cordoba) Almost two decades after Venezuela's late president, Hugo Chavez, came to power in an electoral landslide, his country's transformation seems to be taking an ominous new turn. A country that was once one of one America's wealthiest is seeing its democratic institutions collapse, leading to levels of disease, hunger and dysfunction more often seen in war-torn nations than oil-rich ones. Mr. Chavez's successor, President Nicolas Maduro, has called for a National Constitutional Assembly to be elected on July 30 to draft a new constitution, in which ill-defined communal councils will take the place of Venezuela's traditional governing institutions, such as state governments and the opposition-dominated Congress. The new assembly appears to be rigged to heavily represent groups that back the government. The Maduro government says that the new assembly will find a peaceful way forward for a country enduring an economic depression and standing on the brink of civil conflict. The government says it is building on the legacy of Mr. Chavez, a military man who vowed to fight corruption, dismantle the venal old political establishment and be a voice for millions of poor Venezuelans. But the opposition, which is boycotting the assembly vote, calls it a naked attempt to end democracy and turn the country into a Cuba-style communist autocracy. The government's own attorney general calls the vote illegal. The 545-member assembly, a modern-day soviet, would hold unlimited power while it writes a new governing charter, which could take years. Meantime, the assembly is widely expected to scrap next year's presidential elections. ``This is the last battle for democracy in Venezuela,'' says David Smilde, a Venezuela expert at Tulane University. For the U.S., the prospect of a new Cuba sitting atop trillions of dollars of oil reserves is profoundly unpleasant. For the past decade, Venezuela has aligned itself with Russia, China, Iran and Syria. Whether it thrives or implodes, Mr. Maduro's petrostate could cause far greater headaches to the U.S. and Latin America than isolated Cuba. An implosion could mean bigger shipments of cocaine to Central America and the U.S., as well as a massive increase in the current flow of tens of thousands of refugees already fleeing the country for the U.S., Colombia, Brazil and elsewhere. And a consolidation of power could let Mr. Maduro deepen his partnership with U.S. adversaries. The Trump administration has criticized Mr. Maduro's plans to change the constitution, urging ``respect for democratic norms and processes.'' The U.S. has called for Venezuela to free political prisoners, respect the opposition-controlled congress and ``hold free and democratic elections.'' Mr. Maduro's move has aggravated Venezuela's political crisis. The opposition, sensing a do-or-die moment, plans to ramp up daily street protests. Some 80 people have died in such demonstrations in the past three months, and the president is unlikely to ease off on the tear gas, rubber bullets and water cannons. ``Maduro's ultimate aim is to turn Venezuela into Cuba. And we will not accept being put in that cage,'' says Julio Borges, the head of the opposition- dominated National Assembly. Venezuela's momentous new step isn't taking place amid the kind of revolutionary euphoria that Mr. Chavez may have imagined before he died of cancer in 2013. Rather, it is being pushed by an unpopular government trying to keep power amid an economic implosion. By year's end, Venezuela's economy will have shrunk by nearly a third in the past four years--a plunge similar to Cuba's after the fall of the Soviet Union, and one rarely seen outside of conflict zones. In a nation estimated to be sitting on as much oil as Saudi Arabia, it is common to see poor families rummaging through garbage for food, even as the wealthy pack nearby gourmet restaurants. Inflation was estimated by the International Monetary Fund at 720% this year; it is expected to surpass 2,000% next year. Shortages are so acute that three out of four Venezuelans lost an average of 18 pounds last year, according to a survey by Venezuelan universities. Diseases not seen there in decades, such as malaria, are back. ``The government is desperate because they know the next presidential election will be their last,'' says Cesar Miguel Rondon, a popular radio host. When the host recently tried to leave Venezuela on a business trip to Miami with his family, he had his passport seized. ``I'm a hostage in my own country,'' he said. Amid the economic crisis and protests, the government has headed down an increasingly authoritarian path. It has raised the number of political prisoners over the past year to 391, according to the Venezuelan human-rights group Foro Penal-- nearly four times the total from a year ago. Most are being tried in military courts. And the government is seeking to remove its rebellious attorney general through a case in the supreme court. The government didn't answer requests for comment. The so-called Bolivarian revolution has become less about ideology and more about money. Venezuelans often call it a ``robolucion'' rather than a ``revolucion,'' using the Spanish word for robbery. If Cuba is an ideologically motivated communist dictatorship, Venezuela is something different; as oil-rich as Saudi Arabia, as authoritarian as Russia and as corrupt as Nigeria. Spectacular accusations of drug trafficking and corruption have sullied Mr. Maduro's own family. Two nephews of Venezuela's first lady, Cilia Flores, are awaiting sentencing in New York after being found guilty last year of conspiring to import 800 kilos of cocaine to the U.S. through Honduras. They pleaded not guilty. The interior minister, Gen. Nestor Reverol, has been indicted in the U.S. for drug trafficking; Vice President Tareck El Aissami is on the U.S. Treasury Department's kingpin list for allegedly protecting drug traffickers; and the head of Venezuela's supreme court is on another Treasury blacklist far gutting the country's democratic institutions. They all say that they are innocent and accuse the U.S. of trying to destabilize Venezuela. In some ways, analysts say, the extent of these accusations has made a negotiated solution to Venezuela's crisis more difficult. ``The regime's connection to crime and drugs is what makes it difficult for them to give up power,'' says Harold Trinkunas, an expert on Venezuela at Stanford University. ``Many have to be worried that if they step down, they will be put on a plane to the U.S.'' In Cuba, the Castro dynasty has kept power despite decades of disastrous economic policies due to devotion to the charismatic Fidel, popular achievements such as universal free health care, ideological loyalty to Marxism, discipline enforced by security forces, and the nationalist frisson of facing off against the U.S. In Venezuela, aside from a similar devotion to Mr. Chavez, the glue that has held the regime together is simpler; oil-soaked corruption on an epic scale. Former planning minister Jorge Giordani, one of Mr. Chavez's closest confidantes, said in 2015 that of an estimated $1 trillion in oil revenue received during the Chavez years, two-thirds had been distributed to workers through subsidies and cash transfers. The rest, more than $300 billion, had ``fallen through the cracks,'' he said. Mr. Giordani quit Mr. Maduro's government in disgust in 2014 and now lives in a quiet neighborhood of Caracas. This year, the U.S. Treasury Department put Samark Lopez, a Venezuelan businessman, on a blacklist, accusing him of being a frontman for Vice President El Aissami, an alleged drug trafficker. Announcing the seizure, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said that the U.S. had frozen assets worth ``tens of millions'' of dollars when it seized a slew of properties and firms owned or controlled by Mr. Lopez in the U.S., the U.K. and elsewhere. In a statement, Mr. Lopez denied any wrongdoing and called the accusations ``politically motivated.'' The government didn't respond to requests for comment, but in the past, Mr. Maduro and other officials have dismissed accusations of corruption, economic mismanagement and repression as part of an ``economic war'' being waged by Venezuela's private sector, in cahoots with the U.S., to destabilize and overthrow the socialist government. As in many petrostates, oil accounts for 95% of Venezuela's foreign-currency earnings. Since the government administers the oil, one sure way to get ahead is not by creating a new business but by getting close to the government to secure access to oil rents. Venezuelans call the enterprising class following this model ``los enchufados''--the plugged-in ones. The path to power in Venezuela is often said to run through the army and oil. Once in power, the populist Mr. Chavez went after the oil, eventually firing 19,000 employees of the state-run oil firm Petroleos de Venezuela to stack the company with his yes-men. After a brief and unsuccessful coup against him in 2002, he also cleaned out the barracks, handing over indoctrination and training to his Cuban allies. In the following years, oil prices rose sharply, and Mr. Chavez spent lavishly. He saved none of the windfall, ran large budget deficits even at peak-oil prices, raided the country's rainy-day oil fund, and borrowed heavily, first from Wall Street and then from the Chinese and the Russians. He handed out billions of dollars worth of cut-rate oil to Cuba, Nicaragua and even Boston and London to show off Venezuela's growing energy clout. The number of government employees doubled, to five million, and spending skyrocketed. Printing so much money caused inflation, so the government set prices, sometimes below the cost of production. Companies that refused to sell at a loss were seized, aggravating shortages. Less local production made the country ever more reliant on imports. But once the price of oil began to drop in 2014, Venezuela could no longer afford the imports, which have fallen from $66 billion in 2012 to about $15.5 billion this year. And there is little domestic industry left to pick up the slack. ``It is classic Latin American populism on steroids, and now we have the worst hangover in history,'' said Juan Nagel, a Venezuelan economist living in Chile. Beyond some new public housing, little was built. Mr. Chavez left Venezuela littered with the bones of ambitious, half-finished public-works projects. Among them was a $20 billion scheme to build a train network, which now lies abandoned. In Caracas, a new subway line ended up being just one additional stop on an existing line, prompting local wags to call it the Centi Metro (centimeter) rather than just a plain Metro. Unperturbed, the flamboyant leader focused on projects like changing Venezuela's time zone by half an hour. He renamed the country the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. And to mark the shift in Venezuela's political course, he changed the direction of a wild stallion on the country's coat of arms, making the horse gallop left instead of right. Mr. Chavez's revolution attacked the old elites, sending nearly two million Venezuelans--and billions of dollars-- packing in the past 10 years. But in their stead rose a new elite: the so-called Boliburgueses, or Bolivarian bourgeoisie, who enjoyed a life of premium wines, Scotches and cars as poverty levels rose. ``You don't see that in Cuba or Vietnam. But here, you see Hummers, private jets and obscene new mansions,'' says Miguel Pizarro, an opposition leader whose father was a Marxist guerrilla in Venezuela and whose mother served in Mr. Chavez's first political party in the mid-1990s. ``These guys literally bought the homes where Venezuela's elite lived, tore them down and built even bigger ones.'' Few enjoyed la dolce vita of Caracas more than Wilmer Ruperti, a businessman who earned Mr. Chavez's loyalty in 2002 when he helped break an oil strike. Mr. Ruperti was a familiar sight in Caracas, riding in an armored Jaguar accompanied by two North Korean bodyguards. The magnate cemented his friendship with Mr. Chavez by buying a pair of Simon Bolivar's pistols for $1.7 million in a New York auction and presenting them to the Venezuelan leader. Last year, Mr. Ruperti paid the multimillion-dollar legal fees for the criminal defense of Mr. Maduro's nephews. At the same time, Mr. Ruperti's firm won a $138 million contract from the state oil company. Mr. Ruperti said it was his patriotic duty to pay the nephews' legal fees as a way of relieving the pressures on Mr. Maduro. He denied any link between the payment of the fees and the state oil-firm contract. Corruption helps the government maintain political control. And no tool has been more effective than exchange controls, initially adopted by Mr. Chavez in 2002 during a national strike to control capital flight. Fifteen years later, they have reshaped Venezuela's economy and given the government enormous power to pick who gets dollars from the country's oil wealth--often at absurdly low rates. For instance, firms and others who import food get dollars at the official rate of 10 bolivars. But they can turn around and sell those dollars on the black market for 8,300 bolivars. Venezuela's army recently got the rights to set up its own mining and oil companies, and the armed forces are in charge of most critical imports. In 2016, 18 generals and admirals were tasked with importing key foods and sanitary items. One brigadier general was put in command of acquiring black beans; another was charged with acquiring toilet paper, feminine napkins and diapers. Logically, an admiral was placed in charge of acquiring fish. No one knows how much money has been lost. Mr. Giordani estimated that a third of the $59 billion that the government handed out to companies to bring imports into the country in 2012 might have ended up in fraudulent schemes. ``It's a terrible economic model, but it's great for politics and power,'' says Asdrubal Oliveros, a prominent Venezuelan economist. The opposition and the regional governments don't know how to turn the tide. An Organization of American States resolution this week urging Venezuela to return to democracy was supported by every major country in the hemisphere but blocked by Venezuelan allies like Nicaragua and a handful of statelets like St. Kitts and Nevis. Many in Venezuela hope that parts of the army haven't been tempted by money and will want to honor the country's democratic past. Ibsen Martinez, who helped write some of the country's most beloved soap operas, says that hope is likely in vain. ``The army is now a criminal organization,'' he said in an interview from Bogota, where he now lives in exile. ``But in every culture, there are mythical creatures. In Venezuela, it is the idea of an institutional military man, who will come out like Captain America to resolve everything.'' That instinct, he added, led to Mr. Chavez in the first place. His revolution's mournful impact can be seen everywhere. Venezuela's national baseball league now plays to empty stadiums and is considering suspending this year's season. The Teresa Carreno theater, an architectural masterpiece in Caracas, used to produce some of the region's best operas and dramas; it now mostly hosts government rallies. In the nearby Caracas Museum of Contemporary Art, water drips into buckets near paintings by Picasso and Mondrian. The museum is so empty that a thief replaced a Matisse portrait with a fake without anyone noticing for several years. Alberto Barrera, the author of a biography of Mr. Chavez who now lives in Mexico City, thinks that the time is fast approaching when he and the opposition may need to say goodbye to their hopes. ``I wonder when I will wake up and realize, `They beat us.' That it's all over and the county I knew is gone,'' he said.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, it is vitally important that we stand up on this Fourth of July, not just for democracy here in the United States, but for democracy in other parts of the world as people are struggling. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues, and Happy Fourth of July to all of our countrymen around the United States of America.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor the Spencertown Fire Company, which is celebrating 100 years of service to our communities in Columbia County, New York. Twenty-four hours a day and 365 days a year for the past century, this fire company has served with pride and courage. I express my gratitude for the past and present volunteers of this organization who have made great sacrifices and performed heroic acts to protect their neighbors. Upon recognizing the need for organized fire protection, a group of 10 men came together and drew up the Articles of Incorporation for Spencertown Fire Company on November 6, 2017. Their names were: John W. Hartmann, George S. Barden, George W. Demler, George Whiteman, Alfred Taylor, T. F. Niles, L. Harvey, Ray Barden, Erie Chace, and Elvin Barden. Today, 38 individuals make up the team at Spencertown Fire Company. Two thirds of this group are active, highly skilled volunteer firefighters. Mr. Speaker, the members of Spencertown Fire Company: Alan Silvernale, Jeffrey Prack, Steven Ulmer, Brian Geel Sr., Brian Collins, David Page, Daniel Howes, Mathew Verenazi, Henry Barens, Lorin Brink, John Daval, Mark Dempf, Joel Dyslin, Kendall Eckstrom, Jay Engel, Russell Gauthier, David Harrison, Jr., Robin Howes, Evan Kerr, Guy Madsen, Donald McComb, Paul Mesick, Rich Nesbitt, Jr., Timothy Newton, Stephen Oleynek, Eric Pilkington, Bill Rogers, Chrissy Rundell, Chris Rundell, Dan Rundell, Josh VanAlstyne, Greg Verenazi, Edward Walsh, Arthur Welch, George Wenk, Gary Williams, Shaun Williams, and Gary Wood. Their commitment to Spencertown and its neighboring communities does not stop at fire safety: Every year since 1985 they have awarded a $1,000 scholarship to a college-bound high school graduate chosen from within their service area. I thank Spencertown Fire Company President Alan Silvernale; Austerlitz Fire Chief Eric Pilkington; and the entire Spencertown Fire Company which, in the great tradition of New York fire companies, continues to raise the standard in ensuring and furthering the well- being of our local communities.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to honor the Spencertown Fire Company, which is celebrating 100 years of service to our communities in Columbia County, New York. Twenty-four hours a day, 365 days a year for the past century, this fire company has served with pride and courage. I express my gratitude for the past and present volunteers of this organization, who have made great sacrifices and performed heroic acts to protect their neighbors. Today, 35 individuals make up the team at Spencertown Fire Company. Two-thirds of this group are active, highly skilled volunteer firemen. Their commitment to Spencertown and its neighboring communities does not stop at fire safety. Each year, since 1985, they have awarded a $1,000 scholarship to a college-bound senior, chosen from within their service area. I thank Spencertown Fire Company's President Alan Silvernale, Austerlitz Fire Chief Eric Pilkington, and the entire Spencertown Fire Company, which, in the great tradition of New York fire companies, continues to raise the standard in ensuring and furthering the well- being of our local communities.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I come before the House today to express support and ask my colleagues to support our legislation, H.R. 2847, the Improving Services for Older Youth in Foster Care Act. I would also like to acknowledge and thank the cosponsors of this legislation, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Bass), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reed), the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Danny K. Davis), the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Lawrence), and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Cartwright). Our legislation is designed to help support older foster youth as they transition into adulthood by making limited but much-needed changes to the John H. Chafee Foster Care Independence Program. While the Chafee program has largely enhanced outcomes for former foster youth, there is still room for improvement. Of the individuals who age out of foster care, nearly 20 percent will be homeless after 18, only half will be employed at age 24, and less than 3 percent will earn a college degree. This legislation seeks to improve on those results. If enacted, our legislation would support the education of foster youth who leave care by extending the age of eligibility for education and training vouchers up to the age of 26. By changing the eligibility, we can help improve employment outcomes and job opportunities for older youth as they leave the system. Additionally, this legislation will help youth who age out to maintain benefits by ensuring that they are provided with the necessary documentation that proves they were previously in foster care. Finally, our legislation would extend the financial, housing, counseling, employment, and other services for former foster care youth. Currently, support services are only available to youth between the ages of 18 and 21. Under this legislation, States would be able to extend coverage up to the age of 23. Mr. Speaker, I would also like to note that this legislation is supported by many organizations throughout the Nation, including the Alliance for Children's Rights, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the California State Association of Counties, the Child Welfare League of America, Children Now, County Welfare Directors Association of California, the March of Dimes, and the National Association of Pediatric Nurse Practitioners.

Mr. FASO. I encourage my colleagues to support this bipartisan legislation so that we can help improve outcomes for some of our Nation's most vulnerable individuals.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Reed. I think he raises a very timely and very good point. The fact is the level of government that designs the program, that confers the benefit, that says who is eligible should also be the level of government that has to go to its citizens and say: ``Here is why we need to raise the revenue to pay for that benefit.'' But, indeed, what New York does is wholly different. What New York does is they simply say: Here is the benefit, and we are going to shift part of the cost of that benefit to taxpayers at the local level, to the homeowners and to the property taxpayers, and their county governments have nothing to say over how that program is run or operated or administered. They just have to send the bill to Albany once a month. This is what we are seeking to address. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Collins) who is from Erie County.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the topic of this Special Order.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, I rise this evening with my colleagues from upstate New York to discuss a matter that is extraordinarily important to all of the people throughout New York State, but particularly to those who reside in New York State outside of New York City. New York State is one of the few States in America that requires a portion of its share of Medicaid costs, which is healthcare for the poor and the elderly, its share of Medicaid costs to be paid by local property taxpayers. It has now been 51 years that New York State, since the days of Governor Nelson Rockefeller, that New York State imposed this incredibly onerous burden on the local property taxpayers in our State. In fact, in the entire United States of America, there is approximately $9.5 billion being spent by local governments on Medicaid costs which, in virtually every other State, are paid for by the State government--$9.5 billion. But in New York State, our taxpayers pay $7.2 billion of that $9.5 billion in Medicaid costs mandated by New York State, mandated by Albany. This is an outrageous burden. The county property taxpayers--those are homeowners and commercial property taxpayers in our State--pay over $2.2 billion each year in property taxes, in mandated costs, over which the county governments have no control whatsoever. So tonight, Mr. Speaker, I rise, and I am pleased to have organized this Special Order with my colleagues from New York State, to discuss this dire situation that our taxpayers endure and what our recommended solution is. Mr. Speaker, my colleagues and I were successful in including in the American Health Care Act a provision which would, as of 2020, eliminate the ability of Albany to impose this burden on local homeowners and commercial property taxpayers. It would improve the real estate values in our State. It would be one more reason for people to stay in New York rather than to flee New York. The thing that I hear from people over and over again in my district, in the 19th District in the Catskills and the Hudson Valley of New York, is their kids and grandchildren are being driven out of State because there are no jobs, and they are being driven out of State by high property taxes. One of the reasons for those high property taxes is the New York State Medicaid mandate. So, with Mr. Collins, Mr. Reed, Ms. Tenney, Mr. Zeldin, and Ms. Stefanik, we were successful in including in the American Health Care Act a provision which would, as of 2020, eliminate this burden on local homeowners and require Albany to do what other States, the 49 other States, do, which is to take control of its own Medicaid system and not impose these burdens on the counties. Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, you can see in the 11 counties that I represent in the Mid-Hudson and in the Catskills of New York State, over $224 million a year is coming out of homeowners' pockets, coming out of commercial real estate owners' pockets and going to pay for Albany's costs. We are ending that as of 2020 under the provision in the legislation that I have authored with Mr. Collins, Ms. Tenney, Mr. Reed, Mr. Zeldin, and Ms. Stefanik because we know that this burden is unjust and it is uncalled for. So, Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, I am delighted at this time to yield to the gentleman from western New York (Mr. Reed), from the Southern Tier.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate Mr. Collins' strong support. As a former county executive in Erie County, you had that experience of having to write the check every month to Albany for a program and services that you had no control over. I very much appreciate it. One of the ironies here is that New York State, with 19 million people, spends more on its Medicaid system than Texas and Florida combined. Those two States have more than double our population, yet we spend more than those two States--Texas and Florida--combined. It is no wonder so many New Yorkers have fled to places like Texas and Florida through the years. So I appreciate Mr. Collins' consistent leadership on this issue from the time the gentleman was the county executive in Erie County.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his support. The fact of the matter is that New York has driven away so many people. In my 19th Congressional District, every single county has lost population in the last 5 years. School district populations are down 30, 40 percent. Part of the reason is because of a lack of jobs and high property taxes. What we are simply saying is there should be accountability. When I ran for office last year, I promised the people of my district that I would introduce a measure, because then people would say: how can the Federal Government get involved in this question? The reason is because the Federal law authorized the States to impose part of their costs on the counties or on the local governments. The fact is that only New York State did it to the degree that New York did. That is why it is going to require us to amend the Federal legislation to preclude New York from doing this. We are giving Albany 2\1/2\ years to reform their program, to eliminate waste, and to make other priorities in its spending. There is no reason for cuts to hospitals or nursing homes, as Governor Cuomo has alleged falsely. What he needs to do is take full responsibility for this program, as most of the Governors in the 49 other States do, and then we will be able to relieve this burden on our local homeowners. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Tenney), who was also elected with me in 2016, for her comments on this important matter.

Mr. FASO. I appreciate the gentlewoman's remarks and her strong support for this reform measure. I would also point out that a 2015 report from the New York State Comptroller indicated $513 million in improper payments in the Medicaid program were identified. In the same report, the Comptroller questioned an additional $361 million in transactions that would require agency actions to reduce costs or recover funds. In the past decade, the Office of Inspector General for the Federal Department of Health and Human Services found 10 specific instances in which New York State received improper Federal Medicaid payments in excess of $50 million, with six of those instances each exceeding over $170 million apiece. So there is a lot of room in the New York State Medicaid program to reduce improper payments and outright fraud that we have seen. I know my colleague, Ms. Tenney, from her experience in the State legislature, has seen firsthand what was going on with New York State's Medicaid system. Part of the reason this has occurred is because Albany was able to spend someone else's money. The old iron rule of government and the iron rule of family budget is that it is always easier to spend someone else's money. What Albany has been doing for 51 years has been shifting part of its Medicaid responsibility from the State level down to the local level, and so Albany was less responsible. This wasn't a Democrat or Republican thing, either. This happened under the Republican Governors. It happened under Democratic Governors. It is true, through the years, New York State has partially reduced the burden that was falling upon the county property taxpayers, but they have never eliminated it. Do you know what? The leadership in Albany today shows no signs of ever taking steps to finally eliminate this. In Ms. Tenney's district, it is over $167 million a year in property tax relief. In my district, it is over $224 million. In Mr. Collins' district, it is close to $400 million. In Nassau County, it is over $300 million; in Suffolk County, over $300 million; Westchester County, over $200 million. All throughout the State of New York, outside of New York City, the property taxpayers are being crushed. They are being driven away. Our jobs and our economy are being driven away, in part, because of Albany's Medicaid mandate. We can change it by changing Federal law. That is what we are going to do. We have placed this provision in the healthcare legislation. It is my hope and expectation that it can be included in the final legislation that is passed. But regardless, I know Ms. Tenney, Mr. Reed, Mr. Collins, Ms. Stefanik, Mr. Zeldin, and the rest of us will be fighting very hard to make sure that we can finally eliminate this injustice. What Albany does is taxation without any representation. In my District, in Ulster County, almost half of their entire property tax levy goes to pay for Albany's Medicaid costs. In Rensselaer County, about 57 percent of every nickel the county raises in property tax levy goes to pays for Albany's Medicaid costs, and they have no say over how those funds are expended, over how the program is operated. It is truly taxation without representation. I yield to the gentlewoman if she has anything to add in conclusion.

Mr. FASO. I thank the gentlewoman for her comments. I would close, Mr. Speaker, simply by pointing out that New York State has among, depending on what the measure is, either the highest or second highest real property taxes in the entire Nation. We are the only State that imposes this type of burden on local homeowners, local property taxpayers. If you look at the gross amount that people pay in their real estate taxes, the downstate counties--Westchester, Nassau, Suffolk, Rockland-- pay the highest in gross amount. But if you calculate the property tax burden as a percentage of the home value, the counties in upstate New York; in western New York; along the southern tier; in the Mohawk Valley, where Ms. Tenney lives; in the Catskills and Mid-Hudson, where I live; and in the Adirondacks, which Ms. Stefanik represents, those counties are being crushed. Those homeowners are being crushed by the burden of real estate taxes. A large part of that reason is this 50-year mandate that started under Nelson Rockefeller that has been imposed on New York homeowners, which is crushing them, driving them out of their homes, and this is what we are intending to stop. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the support of my colleagues here tonight, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express support for my legislation, H.R. 2292, which would extend the construction period for the hydroelectric project at New York City's Cannonsville Dam in Delaware County, New York. Once completed, the Cannonsville hydroelectric project will generate over 42,000 megawatt hours of electricity each year, enough to avoid the emission of 24,000 tons of greenhouse gases. But, unfortunately, the project is in jeopardy due to this time lag. Current Federal Energy Regulation Commission regulations allow a licensee 2 years to begin construction of a hydroelectric project once the license has been issued. The FERC may extend the deadline for an additional 2 years, but this may only be done once. If construction has not begun on the project by the expiration of the second extension, the Commission will terminate the license, risking all of the hard work and planning that had been put into the project development. I introduced this legislation to further extend the deadline for construction at the Cannonsville site, because the second FERC-granted extension will expire shortly, and construction has not yet begun. By allowing for additional time for commencement of construction, we can help protect downstream communities and ensure the safe development of a clean and renewable energy project on this New York City-owned facility. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank Mr. Upton, the chairman of the subcommittee, and Ms. DeGette, the ranking member of the subcommittee, and also thank the sponsors from New York State on this bipartisan legislation, including Mr. Espaillat, Ms. Meng, Mr. Nadler, Ms. Clarke, Mr. Engel, Mr. Tonko, Mr. Donovan, Mr. Collins, and Mrs. Maloney. By bringing together the stakeholders from across the Empire State, we have ensured that a variety of constituent concerns have been met in the development of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 2292 so that we can further protect public water supplies for New York City and help strengthen and modernize our Nation's energy infrastructure.

Mr. FASO

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chair, I rise today to express my support for the Financial CHOICE Act, to express my appreciation to Chairman Hensarling and the committee for all their fine work, and to offer an amendment that will help small community banks, organized as mutual holding companies, attract investors and maintain longevity in communities across America and in upstate New York, which I represent. Seven years since its enactment, it has become glaringly apparent that Dodd-Frank has worked to advantage big banks on Wall Street; but for many of my constituents, the most detrimental aspects of Dodd-Frank to upstate New York aren't necessarily what is going on on Wall Street but, rather, the damage it has inflicted upon small community banks and Main Street. As has been highlighted here today, the U.S. is losing community banks at a rate of one per day. These disappearing institutions are neighborhood banks that are willing to make loans to families for mortgages or home equity, to small businesses to cover payroll and investment, investing in our communities, sponsoring our kids' baseball teams, and understanding the core principles of the communities that they serve. Mr. Chairman, my amendment is quite simple. It seeks to help all community banks that elect to raise capital through a mutual holding company, or an MHC, charter. Dodd-Frank and the implementing Federal Reserve regulations came down hard on these mutual holding companies, putting onerous, expensive regulations on these mutual holding companies just for them to waive the receipts of dividends, a practice which was common pre-Dodd-Frank, and it worked very well. In New York State, banks such as the Bank of Greene County, NorthEast Community Bank, Lake Shore Savings Bank, and many others throughout the Empire State and throughout the country have been burdened by Dodd- Frank's nonsensical dividend waiver rules. My amendment cuts the red tape, restores the dividend waiver process to what it was prior to Dodd-Frank, and frees up capital to be reinvested in our communities. I ask my colleagues to support my amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chair, how much time do I have remaining?

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chair, I have listened to the statement of the gentleman from Minnesota, and I have to say I am reminded of what former Senator Moynihan said about we are all entitled to our own opinion, but not our own facts, and here are the facts. The banks that are organized as mutual holding companies organize that way. They are owned by their depositors, and they have also been able to sell publicly traded stock, but they keep a majority position in the mutual holding company. Why? Because they want to maintain the community involvement. They want to maintain the community ownership and not have their bank taken over by a distanced series of investors. That is what is exactly happening with the Bank of Greene County, for instance, in my district. The Bank of Greene County, as a mutual holding company, they own 55 percent of the bank. So it is owned by the depositors, the public shareholders, 45 percent; but because of Dodd-Frank and because of the change in the regulatory process that was eliminated in Dodd-Frank, every time the mutual holding company has dividends, annually, to waive, they must send a notice to every depositor. A depositor who might have $5 in the account or $50,000, they have to mail a notice to them. It costs them $150,000 a year that is simply wasted, and that money can't be reinvested in our community. Mr. Chair, I regret that the minority is misrepresenting what we are trying to do here. We are defending the interests of small community banks organized as mutual holding companies that want to keep their ownership of their bank local. In fact, the bank that I am talking about, they don't even securitize their mortgages. They underwrite and they keep all their mortgages locally in their portfolio. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. FASO. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling), the distinguished chairman of the committee.