Dick Gephardt

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. GEPHARDT. I yield to the gentleman from California.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. I yield to the gentleman from Massachusetts.

Mr. GEPHARDT. Vote no on the previous question. The gentleman knew what I meant. Madam Speaker, let me end with this last point. This is perhaps the most important legislation we will consider in our whole time in the Congress. There is not a more important, far-reaching bill or bills than this set of proposals. I urge Members to allow the fullest possible debate. This bill will affect our people's lives more than anything we will vote on in the time we are in the House of Representatives. Vote no on the previous question, vote against the gag rule. Let all of the alternatives be debated in a completely open rule.

Mr. GEPHARDT. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to defeat this gag rule so that we can shred the veil of secrecy that shrouds this amendment and tell the American people what is really at stake in this debate. My colleagues, when we talk about tacking amendments on to the Constitution of the United States, we are talking about the most sacred responsibility we have as legislators: To ensure that the document that has steered our ship of state for more than two centuries advances the goals we share as a nation, openness, fairness, opportunity for all. That is why I think it is crucial that a balanced budget amendment, an amendment that would touch on every aspect of the lives of our constituents, is considered in an open, fair, and honest manner. I would urge and urged yesterday an open rule for this debate, one that allows every amendment that has been presented to be considered by the House, every argument that has been presented to be heard, and every avenue for having a constitutional amendment to be understood. How else will the American people know that we looked before we leapt? You see, for Democrats, the question is not whether we balance the budget, the question is how we balance the budget, and who is affected and how they are affected. When we ask our friends on the other side of the aisle what gets cut, whose belt will be tightened, to borrow the words of my good friend the Republican leader, ``Their knees buckle.'' So we say we are not signing this contract until we can read the fine print. That is why I asked for a vote during this consideration of the balanced budget amendment on a statute that I call the honest budget bill that would force the Congress to say in a budget resolution exactly how we want to balance the budget before the amendment is sent out to the States. But this rule refuses to allow us to consider that legislation. So my question is, is there a hidden agenda here? Is there somewhere in here a veiled attack on Social Security have threatened in the past? Our States have a right to know. And our people, most importantly, have a right to understand how this budget will be balanced. I know the Republican majority is trying to move fast on the contract. I think it is because the contract is losing ground with every passing opinion poll. The reality is the more that the people know about the contract, the less they like it, and I sympathize. But is this not what democracy is all about? Giving people the information that they deserve to make informed, educated, choices about their own lives? Even if it means sometimes our contracts, our ideas, our proposals, are rejected and we have to go back to the drawing board. I urge Members, vote for the previous question, defeat this gag rule. If this amendment is not good enough to withstand the bright light of truth, then, my friends, it is not good enough for the American people.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to defeat the Flanagan resolution, to defend one of the greatest acts of Government that this Nation has ever known, the Social Security Act. Social Security needs to be defended, because Republican Members of the House are pushing a balanced budget amendment that could open the Let us be clear about what is at stake: Social Security is not just another line on a spreadsheet. It is not just a poker chip to be bargained away while Republicans renegotiate their faulty contract. Social Security is every American's guarantee of dignity and decency and security in their golden years. That is why this party, the Democratic Party, fought to create it 60 years ago. And now, six decades later, it is incomprehensible that an elderly American would die in poverty. That is our contract with the American people, a contract not forged in a focus group, but on the bedrock of decency and humanity that has always been at the heart of this country. For years now we have been saying let us balance the Federal budget. Let us pass a constitutional amendment even to do it. But let us not balance our books on the backs of the senior citizens of this country. The fact is Social Security pays its way. And if we try to use it to close the deficit, we threaten the program's very solvency and integrity. When we ask Republicans what gets cut, who gets hurt, they squirm in their seats. When we say promise us you will not cut Social Security, they say trust us. They give us the Flanagan resolution, a nonbinding, noncommittal, and in my view, nonsensical fig leaf that promises nothing and accomplishes nothing. We can do this. We can defeat this see-through resolution and include an amendment that will truly exempt Social Security. If we want to pass a resolution, if Social Security is so important that we need this resolution, why would we not put this in the Constitution? If it is important enough to say in the Constitution we are going to balance the budget, let us put into the Constitution we will not balance the budget on the backs of the senior citizens of this country. Do not vote for a fig leaf. Do not vote for a see-through resolution. Vote for the real thing. Vote for the Gephardt amendment and put the exemption in the Constitution of the United States of America.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my strong opposition to a motion that was forced through this House last night by the Republican majority. While this may seem like nothing more than a trivial, administrative matter, it speaks to the very heart of our purpose here as Representatives of the people in this country. Last night the Republican majority pushed through a motion that said the committees of this House can meet to consider urgent legislation even while there is urgent legislation on the floor of the House. In other words, Members of Congress have to be in two places at one time, and if that means we have to miss crucial votes, if that means that on some of those dangerous and potentially devastating proposals, the voices of our districts will be missing in action, then that is just too bad. When we tried to object to a motion which is impractical, illogical, and just unfair, we were gagged. We were told that we only had 3 minutes to speak, and we were defeated by one of our closed, no- discussion, no-debate votes that have come to define the Republican Congress. This is not just a partisan issue. I think Republican members should be as concerned and outraged as Democrats. What do we tell our constituents? That we wanted to fight to protect Social Security or Medicare but we missed the vote because we were running from one room to another, that we wanted to preserve clean air and clean water, but there was a scheduling conflict and we were missing in action? I know the Republicans want this to be the Hundred Days That Shook the World, but we have an obligation to stand up for those who may be shaken. This motion last night was wrong, it was undemocratic, and I call upon all of my colleagues to resist it and denounce it for what it is, a gag rule on the people of this House.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. I thank the gentleman.

Mr. GEPHARDT. Does the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Rules have any idea at this point of how the rule will be structured, or is that left to the committee?

Mr. GEPHARDT. I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. GEPHARDT. I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. GEPHARDT. One additional question. Could the gentleman make a prediction on whether or not there might be late votes on Wednesday and Thursday into the evening, or do you know that at this point?

Mr. GEPHARDT. Finally, Mr. Chairman, on the last couple of days the 1-minute speeches have been limited at the beginning of the day. Does the gentleman expect this to continue, or can he tell us if there is a policy?

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Chairman, two additional questions on the balanced budget amendment. On the balanced budget amendment, could the gentleman let us know the majority's intention with regard to amendment?

Mr. GEPHARDT. Another question, Mr. Chairman, to the gentleman with regard to the loan guaranty on Mexico. Mr. Chairman, would the gentleman tell me if that is scheduled for next week, or if not, when it might be scheduled? Is there any general idea?

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman. Mr. Chairman, I would first ask whether or not the gentleman believes there will be votes on Friday. I heard the gentleman say that the balanced budget consideration would go into Friday. If it does not go into Friday, if we are able to finish on Thursday, would there be other legislation that would be brought up on Friday?

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Armey], the distinguished majority leader, to inquire about the schedule for next week.

Mr. GEPHARDT. I yield to the gentleman from Minnesota.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, while the Republicans advance their ``Contract With America,'' Democrats will stay true to the oldest contract we have in this country: to disavow Government by gimmickry, and to govern in an open, honest, responsible way. Rather than rewriting the Constitution in a flash of ideological ink, it's time to live up to the principles of the Constitution itself. So I am introducing House Resolution 33, the Honest Budget Resolution, and I am delighted that both the President and Senate Democratic leader Tom Daschle are joining me in supporting its passage. It says simply that before a balanced budget constitutional amendment can be sent to the States for debate, Congress must pass a plan to show exactly how we would balance the budget. Our States have a right to know. The people deserve a real plan of action--not just a bill of goods. Democrats support balancing the budget as long as it's done honestly and responsibly. That's why we passed the largest deficit reduction package in history, without a single Republican vote. It was a $500 billion down payment toward getting our fiscal house in order. Republicans talk a good game about cutting the deficit, but actions speak louder than words. For years, they claimed that if they were in power, they could balance the budget. Now that they have the gavel, they're discovering what Democrats already knew, balancing the budget means tough choices. And the American people have a right to know what those choices will be. After all, at the dawn of the 1980's, Republicans claimed they could give huge tax breaks to the wealthy, enact massive defense increases, and balance the Federal budget at the same time. The rhetoric didn't come close to the reality. Trickle down economics raised taxes on the middle class, exploded the deficit, and devastated our economy. Today, that same fool's gold glimmers in the Republicans' eyes. More tax breaks for the wealthy; a tougher tax burden on hard-working, middle-class families. More space invaders defense systems; less support for crucial needs here at home. Reaganomics was a catastrophe in 1981, and it won't work in 1995. When the Republicans bring their balanced budget amendment before the House, they must expect more from Democrats than blind faith without real proof. Democrats will demand that they give us facts, not fiction. Seniors have a right to know if Social Security or Medicare will be on the chopping block. Veterans have a right to know if their pensions will be slashed. Parents have a right to know if school funding or college loans will evaporate. Farmers have a right to know it Government will abandon its mission to help them feed our Nation. It's time for the Republicans to put their money where their mouth is. The honest budget bill will force them to do that, once and for all.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and recognize the Autism Society of America on its 30th anniversary. The timing of this tribute is no accident. This week, January 9-15, is National Autism Awareness Week, and no organization has done more to promote awareness of autism than the Autism Society of America. The mission statement of the society reflects its commitment to the autism population: The Autism Society of America exists to promote lifelong access and opportunity for all individuals within the autism spectrum and their families, through education, advocacy, the promotion of research and increased public awareness, to be fully participating, including members of their community. In 1994, the national office of the society responded to over 12,000 requests from parents, relatives, teachers, doctors, service providers, and professionals wanting information on topics like education, research, programs, laws, and family-coping strategies--all provided free of charge. Each week, the national office handles over 200 telephone calls on its toll-free line from parents and professionals wanting information, advice, and advocacy. With over 200 chapters nationwide, run by parent volunteers, caregivers, parents, and family members are offered much-needed information, referrals, and support. In addition to these efforts, the Autism Society of America also runs mail order bookstores housing the largest collection of classic and contemporary works on autism; annually publishes six issues of the Advocate, a comprehensive national newsletter on the latest developments in the area of autism; and sponsors an annual conference at which experts and parents from all across the country join for 4 full days of seminars, presentations, workshops, and research findings. Finally, the Autism Society of America has been a persistent voice on Capitol Hill, advocating for increased Federal commitment to biomedical research. Last year, the society successfully worked with the National Institutes of Health to arrange for the first-ever workshop on autism, which is scheduled for this spring. Mr. Speaker, as we observe National Autism Awareness Week, I ask my colleagues to join me in congratulating the Autism Society of America for its 30 years of service.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. GEPHARDT. I understand that.

Mr. GEPHARDT. As soon as we can do that.

Mr. GEPHARDT. I am happy to yield to the gentleman from California.

Mr. GEPHARDT

Mr. GEPHARDT. Mr. Speaker, let me say to the ladies and gentleman of the House that I first want to thank my Democratic colleagues for their support and their confidence. I noted we were a little short, but I appreciate your friendship and your support. As you might imagine, this is not a moment that I had been waiting for. When you carry the mantle of progress, there is precious little glory in defeat. But sometimes we spend so much time lionizing the winners and labeling the losers, we lose sight of the victory we all share in this crown jewel of democracy. You see, Mr. Speaker, this is a day to celebrate a power that belongs not to any political party, but to the people, no matter the margin, no matter the majority. All across the world, from Bosnia to Chechnya to South Africa, people lay down their lives for the kind of voice we take for granted. Too often the transfer of power is an act of pain and carnage, not one as we see today of peace and decency. But here in the House of Representatives, for 219 years, longer than any democracy in the world, we heed the people's voice with peace and civility and respect. Each and every day, on this very floor, we echo the hopes and dreams of our people, their fears and their failures, their abiding belief in a better America. We may not all agree with today's changing of the guard. We may not all like it, but we enact the people's will with dignity and honor and pride. In that endeavor, Mr. Speaker, there can be no losers, and there can be no defeat. Of course, in the 104th Congress there will be conflict and compromise. Agreements will not always be easy; agreements sometimes not even possible. However, while we may not agree on matters of party and principle, we all abide with the will of the people. That is reason enough to place our good faith and our best hopes in your able hands. I speak from the bottom of my heart when I say that I wish you the best in these coming 2 years, for when this gavel passes into your hands, so do the futures and fortunes of millions of Americans. To make real progress, to improve real people's lives, we both have to rise above partisanship. We have to work together were we can and where we must. It is a profound responsibility, one which knows no bounds in party or politics. It is the responsibility not merely for those who voted for you, not merely for those who cast their fate on your side of the aisle, but also for those who did not. These are the responsibilities I pass, along with the gavel I hold, will hold in my hand, but there are some burdens that the Democratic Party will never cease to bear. As Democrats, we came to Congress to fight for America's hard-working middle-income families, the families who are working, often for longer hours, for less pay, for fewer benefits in jobs they are not sure they can keep. We, together, must redeem their faith that if they work hard and they play by the rules they can build a better life for their children. Mr. Speaker, I want this entire House to speak for those families. The Democratic Party will. That mantle we will never lay to rest. So with partnership but with purpose, I pass this great gavel of our Government. With resignation, but with resolve, I hereby end 40 years of Democratic rule of this House; with faith and with friendship and the deepest respect. You are now my Speaker, and let the great debate begin. I now have the high honor and distinct privilege to present to the House of Representatives our new Speaker, the gentleman from Georgia, Newt Gingrich.