Raúl Grijalva

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Chair, tribal energy resources are vast, largely untapped, and critical in our fight to move towards a secure and sustainable energy future. Despite this potential, many tribal homes lack access to electricity and affordable heating sources. Our amendment increases the Office of Indian Energy Policy and Programs by $2 million and reduces Fossil Energy Research and Development by $2.4 million. This increase should be allocated specifically for renewable energy. This amendment ensures that we place a higher priority on energy needs and capabilities within tribal lands and communities, by slightly reducing a growing and outdated fossil fuel account. The funding will provide financial and technical assistance to enable tribes to evaluate and develop their renewable energy resources and to reduce their energy costs through efficiency and weatherization. Funds may be used to offer education and training opportunities designed to foster clean energy technology adoption, promote green jobs and growth, and strengthen overall native communities' self- determination. Through these projects, tribes can continue to build the capacity to manage their energy needs. Many tribes' energy costs are higher than the national average, making installation of renewable energy a permanent improvement in their finances and lives. Investing in renewable energy technologies provides many benefits for tribes: It creates economic stability by protecting these communities from fluctuations of conventional energy sources and by providing steady revenue into the future. It creates employment in manufacturing, operations, and maintenance. Installing wind turbines, solar heaters, and solar panels in the communities provide opportunities for hands-on education and training. Onsite renewable power can contribute to tribal energy self- sufficiency by providing electricity in rural areas underserved by the existing power grid and save tribes revenues. Developing local renewable energy resources can improve local air quality and health conditions, as well as improve the communities' response to climate change impacts and extreme weather disruptions. This amendment will help Indian Country by moving a small amount of funding away from old energy sources that are leaving us reliant on out-date and harmful energy sources. Despite the need to transition to a clean energy future, the Fossil Energy Research and Development account has increased $72 million since 2017. Currently there are 573 recognized tribes, yet the Office Indian Energy is appropriated at only $25 million. The longer we postpone an orderly transition away from fossil fuels the more vulnerable we become as a society--what better way to move forward than to present our Native nations with the opportunity to be leaders of our energy future. This amendment will make a difference in the quality of life of American Indians and Alaska Natives by bringing renewable energy and energy efficiency options to their sovereign nations. I would like to thank the chairman and the committee for their work on this bill. I appreciate the opportunity to speak on this amendment, and I would urge all of my colleagues to support this amendment.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I rise today in honor of Tucson, Arizona's four students who won first place at the National Endowment for the Humanities' National History Day contest. The young history buffs, Sean Choudhry, Elias Rice-Bensch, Zia Rice-Bensch, and Keona Wallen all attend the Accelerated Learning Laboratory in my district. Their website Radium Girls: From Jaw-Dropping Tragedy to Glowing Triumph earned the top prize in the contest that featured more than 3,000 students from across the country. National History Day began in the 1970s and is the culmination of a yearlong academic program for students in grades 6 through 12 to engage in historical research. Students produce essays, exhibitions, films, performances, or websites to enter into local and state competitions. State winners move on to compete in the national finals at the University of Maryland at College Park. The National Endowment for the Humanities has been a sponsor and partner of National History Day for more than 30 years. The theme for this year's competition was ``Triumph and Tragedy in History'' and more than a half million students submitted entries. On their website, Sean, Elias, Zia, and Keona state, ``The radium girls were young factory workers who unknowingly consumed lethal amounts of radium, often resulting in slow, painful deaths. Despite their tragic circumstances, their desire for change and persistence in court caused revolutionary change to workplace safety regulations and sparked monumental scientific advancements regarding radium and radioactivity.'' The students go on to document how radium was commonly used and recommended. At the focus of their website is the story of the women who, at the start of the 20th century, were exposed to high levels of radium in their work as they painted watch dials. Such exposure proved quickly fatal and resulted in physical deformities and cancer. The legal battles that followed were tumultuous and provided minor relief for the women who had been exposed to radium. Their legacy, however, lives on today as workplace protections continue to be a focus on Capitol Hill. These four incredible students have demonstrated truly admirable talent and skill in their deep dive into history. I am moved by their desire to shed light on an overlooked and long-forgotten story that still resonates today. I want to congratulate Sean, Elias, Zia, Keona, their families, and the educators who have helped them get where they are today. I expect great things from each of them in the near future and look forward to the positive impact they will have on our district and abroad.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, my amendment will direct $4 million within the International Boundary and Water Commission to clarify the responsibility for the maintenance of the International Outfall Interceptor, the IOI. This is in addition to, and separate from, the funding that currently exists for the long-overdue repairs of the IOI. I think it is important to put some historical context into this amendment. The amendment seeks to clarify responsibility, the responsibility of the community, the city of Nogales and the county of Santa Cruz, that make up the two major jurisdictions in that area most affected by the need for this amendment. It is an infrastructure issue; it is an interceptor. In 1944, the United States and Mexico entered into an agreement in which waste treatment was going to occur in the United States for Nogales, Sonora in Mexico. As time went by, since 1944, we now find that the waste coming from Mexico, 92 percent of the effort that the wastewater facility has to undertake is in Santa Cruz County and in Nogales. I mention that because of how we have to transport the waste from Nogales, Mexico, to the United States for treatment under the treaty that Mexico and the U.S. signed is 8.5 miles of pipes are needed to transport this waste. Over the last decades, and the people of those communities can attest to this, there is almost daily occurrences and seasonal occurrences during the rainy season of damage to this pipeline. The infrastructure is as old as the treaty. The infrastructure and pipes are in dire need of repair. It has been identified by people through the State and Federal Government as an urgency, a public health risk. When there is discharge of waste into the drainage areas, into the streams, into the river, it creates an extraordinary public health risk for the people of Santa Cruz and Nogales, Arizona. In 2017, the Governor of Arizona set to commence the disaster declaration process for the State of Arizona to secure Federal assistance to remedy and prevent raw sewage exposure to these Arizona residents. My amendment seeks to clarify that very important issue of responsibility. This is a treaty, an international treaty, sanctioned by the State Department that was established in 1944 that deals with an infrastructure that is falling apart and exposes issues of security for the area, it is on the border. There are issues of public health, and issues of liability for the county of Santa Cruz and the city of Nogales, a fiscal responsibility that they cannot undertake and a responsibility to repair that they cannot undertake. Because it is a treaty and it needs to be treated as a responsibility of the Federal Government, my amendment seeks to address that issue. This ongoing international issue that impacts the safety and the well-being of these communities across southern Arizona has been addressed in the past. Senators and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle of the Arizona delegation have collaborated to remedy the situation. Mr. Chair, I would like at this point to thank Senator McSally for bringing the companion legislation in the Senate. I also want to thank the chair of the committee and her staff for their work on the bill. Mr. Chair, I appreciate the opportunity to speak on this amendment. I would urge my colleagues to support it, and we can finally begin to find a solution to the public health threat to the residents of the area, to security issues underlying the whole tunnel system and pipe system in Nogales, and establish the responsibility and accountability for transporting this waste from Mexico to be treated in the United States that was established by treaty, placing it squarely where the responsibility belongs, and that is with the Federal Government in the enactment of this treaty. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I rise today to congratulate the Tucson Botanical Gardens for their achievement in bringing a piece of Tucson's rich cultural heritage to the National Mall in Washington, D.C. and recreating their Barrio Garden in the U.S. Botanical Gardens. For 55 years, the Tucson Botanical Garden has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to connecting people with plants and nature through art, science, history, and culture, and I'm proud their work will be shared in the heart of our nation's capital. As the oldest botanical gardens in North America, the U.S. Botanical Garden's displays include plants and visual elements to provide visitors with a deeper understanding of the variety of flora and garden cultures found across the country--including their styles, regional characteristics, and missions. The theme of this year's exhibit is Gardens Grow Diversity, and I can think of no better representative of this than the Tucson Botanical Gardens. As one of only 14 public gardens to be selected, the Tucson Botanical Garden will share Tucson's own Barrio culture and the rich local heritage it represents with the millions of guests who visit Washington, D.C. every summer. Founded in 1964, the Tucson Botanical Garden has been committed to creating a garden that was aesthetically appealing and educational. Containing an extensive collection of over 5,400 plants, this garden serves to showcase the local community and the diversity it reflects. The Tucson Botanical Garden has received numerous honors and was named one of the top ten gardens to visit in North America by Readers Digest and the Canadian Garden Council. I am especially grateful for their dedication to creating a community resource for Tucson's learners of all ages, knowledge levels, and abilities. In hosting events such as farm to fork feasts, dog days, and exhibits showcasing local and national art, the garden has lived up to their mission, and is an invaluable resource to the Tucson community. I congratulate the Tucson Botanical Gardens on being selected for this honor, and am excited to see a piece of Southern Arizona's Sonoran Desert culture in Washington, D.C.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize and celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the Fred G. Acosta Job Corps Center in Tucson, Arizona. Over these past forty years, thousands of young people have benefited from the Fred G. Acosta Job Corps Center's comprehensive residential, academic and career technical training program. Each year, the Fred G. Acosta Job Corps Center serves hundreds of young adults by providing a career in technical education and a path to a high school diploma. Furthermore, the center provides social skills training and other services to empower young men and women to start a career, enroll in advanced training, enroll in college, or enter the Armed Forces. I am specifically grateful for the Center's accomplishments in breaking the cycle of poverty, strengthening local communities, improving the quality of life of thousands, and for its continued contributions in educating and training the youth of Arizona's 3rd District. For these reasons, I move that the United States House of Representatives celebrate the Fred G. Acosta Job Corps Center today, on Fred G. Acosta Job Corps Center Day which is celebrated in July 10th.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Ms. Betty Liggins, a nurse and community civil rights activist, whose work tackling rampant crime and drugs in her neighborhood helped create a safe environment for families to thrive and grow. Although she lost her final battle on May 8, 2019, her legacy as a nurse working out of her mobile health clinic and helping those in need lives on. Ms. Liggins' service was inspired by a chance meeting with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at a civil rights march in Chicago, where Dr. King encouraged her to go back to school, finish her education, and help others. Inspired by his words, she attended the University of Arizona where she received her degree and became a Licensed Practical Nurse (LPN) and vowed to use her talents to champion the causes of the voiceless. Ms. Liggins received many awards for her service to our community. She received the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. ``Drum Major Award'' and the National Jefferson Award in 1993 which was awarded in our nation's capital. Her activism and leadership helped lift our community beyond what we could ever imagine, and she was recognized as one of the 25 Most Influential African Americans in Southern Arizona. Ms. Liggins also took pride in her political activism and worked tirelessly to register voters and use the ballot box for change. An active member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), she continually advocated for criminal justice reform to give incarcerated young African Americans a chance at a better life. Bearing witness to the blatant racism and prejudice of her youth endowed her with the grit and determination to ensure that that mistakes and trauma of the past were not inflicted on future generations. In that vein, she took on the education system and advocated for better policies to improve the graduation rates of African American students. Instead of being discouraged by a justice system that sometimes turned a critical eye to the poor, and a health system that put corporate interests over the health of her community, she remained motivated to create positive change. Betty Liggins didn't hold back. Her life is an example of how ordinary citizens with ordinary means can always stand up against the evils of injustice and poverty and accomplish extraordinary things.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following Congressional Budget Office communication regarding H.R. 312. U.S. Congress, Congressional Budget Office, Washington, DC, May 16, 2019. Hon. Raul M. Grijalva, Chairman, Committee on Natural Resources, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. Chairman: The Congressional Budget Office has prepared the enclosed cost estimate for H.R. 312, the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe Reservation Reaffirmation Act. If you wish further details on this estimate, we will be pleased to provide them. The CBO staff contact is Jon Sperl. Sincerely, Mark P. Hadley, (For Keith Hall, Director). Enclosure. H.R. 312, Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe Reservation Reaffirmation Act--May 15, 2019 [By fiscal year, millions of dollars] ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 2019 2019-2024 2019-2029 ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Direct Spending (Outlays).............. 0 0 0 Revenues............................... 0 0 0 Deficit Effect......................... 0 0 0 Spending Subject to Appropriation 0 * n.e. (Outlays)............................. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Pay-as-you-go procedures apply? No Increases on-budget deficits in any of the four consecutive 10-year periods beginning in 2030? No Mandate Effects Contains intergovernmental mandate? Yes, Under Threshold Contains private-sector mandate? Yes, Under Threshold n.e. = not estimated; * = between zero and $500,000. H.R. 312 would ratify and reaffirm the status of land taken into trust in 2015 by the Department of the Interior (DOI) for the benefit of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe in Massachusetts. The act also would prohibit any lawsuits, including pending lawsuits, related to that land. DOI is currently holding the land in trust pending ongoing legal review of the acquisition. Using information from DOI, CBO estimates that implementing the act would have no significant effect on the costs of managing the land. By prohibiting pending and future lawsuits, H.R. 312 would end rights of action related to the land held in trust for the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe of Massachusetts that are available to public and private entities under current law. That prohibition imposes both an intergovernmental and private-sector mandate as defined in the Unfunded Mandates Reform Act (UMRA). The cost of the mandates would be the forgone value of compensation and settlements associated with such legal actions if they would have been successful under current law. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the City of Taunton, and the Town of Mashpee have each entered into agreements with the tribe related to the use of the land. In light of those agreements as well as the land's reported value, CBO expects that under current law it is unlikely that any entity would bring an action resulting in compensation that would exceed the annual thresholds established in UMRA. In 2019 those thresholds totaled $82 million for intergovernmental mandates and $164 million for private- sector mandates, adjusted annually for inflation. The CBO staff contacts for this estimate are Jon Sperl (for federal costs) and Rachel Austin (for mandates). The estimate was reviewed by H. Samuel Papenfuss, Deputy Assistant Director for Budget Analysis.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from The Washington Post regarding consideration of H.R. 312. [From the Washington Post, May 13, 2019] A Riddle in New England: A Casino, 321 Acres of Indian Tribal Land and a Presidential Tweet (By Marc Fisher) Between a boast about bringing jobs to Ohio and a statement of sympathy for victims of a school shooting in Colorado, President Trump last week found time to tweet about an obscure House bill that would assure a Massachusetts Indian tribe control of 321 acres of land it wants to use for a gambling casino. The president was against the bill, he wrote, because it was ``unfair and doesn't treat Native Americans equally!'' Presidents don't usually get involved in local tiffs over a planned 900-room casino hotel. And even though this president has a four-decade-long record of slamming American Indian casinos as scams that pose unfair competition to other gambling enterprises, notably his own, Trump's decision to weigh in on a measure that had strong bipartisan support seemed unusual for a chief executive who doesn't like to be bothered with the little stuff. But a closer look at House Bill 312 and the favor it would do for the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe reveals a sprawling network of Trump-related interests, from the National Enquirer to a Rhode Island casino company--a small but strikingly intricate example of the ways this president's business dealings, personal bonds and political alliances can complicate and color the ordinary doings of government. On the surface, the matter is a simple dispute over who wants a casino and who doesn't. The Mashpee Tribe seeks to build a casino in southeastern Massachusetts. If the federal government decreed the land to be the tribe's sovereign property, the casino would be exempt from many taxes. But some residents of the town where the casino would be built sued over the project, and after the tribe broke ground, a federal judge sided with the residents, ruling that, because of the history of that parcel of land, the feds didn't have the authority to guarantee it to the tribe. So far, no Trump connection. But the tribe's site is about 18 miles from Rhode Island, and that state's politicians aren't keen to have a new competitor go up against their two casinos, both of which are run by Twin River Worldwide Holdings, a public company with strong Trump ties. Twin River's president, George Papanier, was a finance executive at the Trump Plaza casino hotel in Atlantic City earlier in his career, and Twin River's chief marketing officer, Phil Juliano, also lists experience at a Trump casino on his resume. For decades, Trump, whose Atlantic City casinos were his first big venture outside New York--they became some of his biggest failures when they suffered bankruptcies in the early 1990s--has spoken of casinos built by Indian tribes as fraudulent ventures: ``the biggest scandal ever,'' he said. In 1993, concerned about competition from the Foxwoods Resort Casino in Connecticut, Trump urged a House committee on native affairs to investigate whether members of the tribe that operates that resort were really Native Americans. ``They don't look like Indians to me,'' Trump said. In an earlier interview, he opined that ``I might have more Indian blood than a lot of the so-called Indians that are trying to open up the reservations'' to gambling. In 2000, when New York state considered expanding Indian casinos in the Catskill Mountains north of New York City, Trump, working through his longtime ally Roger Stone, funded a group that paid for TV and print ads accusing prominent members of the Mohawk Indian tribe of having mob connections and criminal records. Trump and Stone failed to report their spending on the ads as lobbying, as the state required, and state regulators imposed their largest-ever civil penalty, $250,000, on Trump, who was forced to issue a public apology. But Trump has not always opposed Indian casinos. In 1997, he cut a deal with another Connecticut tribe, the Paucatuck Indians, who agreed to pay him a management fee in exchange for his efforts to win the tribe the federal recognition it needed to open a casino. In the Mashpee case, Twin River, the operator of the two Rhode Island casinos, has hired Matthew Schlapp, chairman of the American Conservative Union and a vocal Trump supporter, to lobby for it on the land issue. Schlapp's wife, Mercedes, is director of strategic communications at the White House. Matthew Schlapp said last week that his wife played ``no role in my advocacy'' and that he lobbied against the casino because it was a ``terrible idea.'' The lobbyist apparently focused Trump's attention on the casino bill by connecting it to Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D- Mass.), who is seeking her party's presidential nomination and has been for years a favorite target of Trump's because of her since-retracted claim to be Native American. But there is no Senate version of the House bill, which the House is scheduled to vote on this week, and Warren has made no statement on the casino project. Twin River has paid Schlapp's company, Cove Strategies, $30,000 this year, according to federal records. Another lobbyist, Black Diamond Strategies. also got $30,000 from the casino firm to work on the Mashpee case, records show. One of Black Diamond's lobbyists working for Twin River, Doug Davenport, was a delegate strategist for Trump's 2016 campaign and formerly worked for ex-Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort's lobbying company, where he handled public affairs for clients including Trump. As a candidate, Trump repeatedly promised to ``drain the swamp,'' describing Washington as a den of elite thieves-- politicians, lawyers, lobbyists, domineering corporations-- whose interlocking interests were more powerful than any political party or ideological allegiance. But as president, Trump has embraced the very structures he railed against in the 2016 campaign, for example picking more than 350 former lobbyists to serve in his administration, most in agencies that they used to lobby. Spokesmen for the White House and Twin River did not respond to requests for comment. The intersections between Trump and entities involved with Twin River can be complex. Among Twin River's major investors is a $4 billion New Jersey-based hedge fund called Chatham Asset Management and its founder, Anthony Melchiorre, according to SEC records. Chatham also owned about 80 percent of American Media Inc., the publisher of the National Enquirer, the supermarket tabloid that took payments from Trump's longtime lawyer and fixer, Michael Cohen, to make certain that no stories were published about two women's allegations that they had affairs with Trump. A spokesman for Chatham declined to speak on the record about Twin River's involvement in the Mashpee Indian matter, but Chatham and Twin River have been embroiled in a lawsuit in Delaware, where Chatham accused top executives at the casino company of self-dealing and ``placing their personal financial interests above those of Twin River's stockholders.'' Twin River has denied the allegations. David Pecker, American Media's chief executive and a longtime ally of Trump's, has said that Chatham saved his company from financial collapse. Pecker last fall signed an agreement to cooperate with federal prosecutors in New York who were investigating the payments made to Trump's accusers. As part of the agreement, Pecker and the Enquirer's chief content officer, Dylan Howard, admitted to paying the women to ``influence the election.'' According to the company's website, AMI's four-person board of directors consists of Pecker, two Chatham executives and a former chief financial officer of Trump Entertainment Resorts, David R. Hughes. American Media agreed last month to sell the Enquirer to the chief executive of Hudson News, a chain of airport newsstands, for $100 million. The sale was prompted by Melchiorre's unhappiness with the Enquirer's actions on Trump's behalf, including the so-called ``catch and kill'' gambit in which the tabloid bought the two accusers' stories and then published nothing about them, and the Enquirer's exposeV an extramarital affair conducted by Amazon billionaire Jeff Bezos, who also owns The Washington Post. American Media's board and Melchiorre ``didn't want to deal with hassles like this anymore,'' according to an individual familiar with the board's deliberations who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private talks. That individual said Trump ``has been somewhat estranged from Pecker'' since the Enquirer executive began talking to federal prosecutors.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from the Daily Beast regarding consideration of H.R. 312. [From the Daily Beast, May 14, 2019] A Dark Money Group Is Running Stunningly Racist Elizabeth Warren Ads in Order To Kill a Casino A racist ad targeting Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and an obscure bill to allow a Native American tribe to open a casino in Massachusetts is connected to a longtime conservative, dark money operative, The Daily Beast has learned. The Coalition to Restore American Values has been running ads since November 2018 that, among other things, feature Warren in an Indian headdress and warn against her ``casino plan.'' The group was registered to David R. Langdon, a long time culture warrior, in July 2018, according to Ohio state records. The online ad was one of the first public salvos linking Warren to the project in an attempt to rally conservatives against legislation recognizing a Native American tribe seeking a new casino in Massachusetts. President Donald Trump himself has since declared his opposition to the legislation last week in a tweet that dubbed Warren ``Pocahontas.'' The Coalition to Restore American Values has been trying to tie Warren to the measure since last year. In September, it ran an ad in The Hill newspaper, declaring in block letters ``Pocahontas' End Run On POTUS and the U.S. DOI'', using President Trump's favorite racist nickname for the Massachusetts Senator. An accompanying website, nofauxcasino.com, features Warren in Native American garb beside a graphic depicting ``The Fauxcahontas Casino.'' Langdon is an Ohio-based lawyer who also serves as treasurer for the Campaign for American Principles, the political arm of the American Principles Project, a conservative advocacy outfit. And APP, it turns out, put the Coalition to Restore American Values ad on Congress's radar. Last week, Jon Schweppe, APP's director of government affairs, reached out to Jeff Small, executive director of the Congressional Western Caucus and a senior adviser to Rep. Paul Gosar (R-AZ), urging the congressman to oppose legislation recognizing the Mashpee Wampanoag tribe in Massachusetts. The tribe plans to build a casino in Taunton, MA, and Schweppe explicitly invoked Warren in pressing for Gosar to oppose the measure. ``Warren's involvement is especially strange, given her past ideological opposition to casino gambling and her record of voting against gambling expansion--could this be about image rehabilitation after years of embellishing her fake Native American ancestry?'' Schweppe wrote, before linking to the Coalition to Restore American Values ad. Warren, who was a co-sponsor of the bill in the last Congress, is not actually involved in the bill at issue. In fact, the legislation doesn't even have a Senate companion. But when Gosar circulated a ``Dear Colleague'' letter last week urging his colleagues to oppose the bill, he too invoked Warren's supposed involvement. He also included a link to Schweppe's email. In an email to The Daily Beast, Schweppe downplayed ties between APP and CRAV. ``I'm fairly certain [Langdon] does work for dozens of groups on the conservative side of things,'' he wrote. Langdon did not respond to a request for comment. But the connections don't end there. CRAV's website was designed by the Drogin Group, a conservative digital vendor, according to the firm's website. That website also boasts a testimonial from APP executive director Terry Schilling, who touts Drogin as ``a well-rounded digital media vendor that is technically savvy and can also offer website design, brand strategy and messaging.'' The Campaign for American Principles engaged Drogin's services as late as October 2018 for digital advertising attacking Sen. Tim Kaine (D-VA), according to Federal Election Commission records. Schweppe did not respond when asked directly if his group has any affiliation with CRAV. Langdon's and American Principles Project's involvement in the push against the bill shows the degree to which the 2020 election is injecting itself into issues as seemingly obscure and regional as the recognition of a Native American tribe and its plans for a casino. Warren has been routinely criticized by Trump and others for claiming Native American heritage-- though there's no evidence it secured her a post or a job. But some opposition to the casino measure seems to be rooted in money as much as politics. Several Trump-connected lobbying groups have been hired on behalf of Twin River Management Group, which owns a Rhode Island-based casino that would compete with Mashpee Wampanoag's casino if they get the greenlight from Congress. One firm hired by Twin River is run by Trump adviser Matt Schlapp, who has, since January, been lobbying Congress and the White House on their behalf. Twin River has paid his firm, Cove Strategies, $30,000 for its work so far this year. An hour after Schlapp tweeted his opposition to the bill last Wednesday, President Trump himself tweeted his own call to kill the legislation--a move that effectively scuttled Republican support and stalled its progress on the House floor. The legislation is expected to be up for a vote again on May 15. Without congressional action to enshrine their tribal rights, the casino deal in Taunton, Massachusetts will fall through. Unlike Schlapp, APP doesn't appear to have a vested financial interest in the Mashpee Wampanoag issue. Its top donors over the past few years include major conservative funders such as the Mercer family, the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, Missouri roofing magnate David Humphreys, and Equinox Partners president Sean Fieler, according to financial records left unredacted on the website of Florida's secretary of state. None of those funders appear to have an immediate interest in the construction of a new Massachusetts casino. Instead, APP's opposition appears rooted entirely in Warren's perceived involvement in the issue--and her ongoing campaign for the White House. The legislation pulled from the House floor last week, Schweppe wrote, ``amounted to a taxpayer bailout for a corrupt casino conglomerate, which wouldn't stand to benefit American families but would stand to benefit Senator Liz Warren, one of the leading Democratic candidates for President.''

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from The Washington Examiner regarding consideration of H.R. 375. [From The Washington Examiner, May 13, 2019] House Democrats rescheudle votes on tribal bills pulled after Trump tweet (by Naomi Lim) House Democrats have rescheduled votes on two Native American tribal bills this week after they were yanked from the floor at the last minute following pressure from President Trump. Democratic leadership has set a vote for Wednesday on H.R. 312, legislation co-sponsored by Rep. William Keating, D- Mass., maintaining the status of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe reservation in the Bay State. A second proposal, H.R. 375, introduced by Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla., would reaffirm Interior Secretary David Bernhardt's authority to take land into trust on behalf of Indian tribes. That measure is also due to be considered Wednesday, but under a streamlined process requiring two-thirds support in the House. As such, it needs the backing of House Republicans. ``Both of the bills pulled from the floor of the House, H.R. 375 and H.R. 312, are important to Indian Country,'' Cole told the Washington Examiner in a statement on Monday. ``I support both of the bills and look forward to working with my Republican and Democratic colleagues to pass them on the floor. I believe we will be successful in doing so.'' But GOP lawmakers like Western Caucus Chairman Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., have said they will not help the legislation pass the chamber. A spokeswoman for Gosar told the Washington Examiner on Monday her boss, who sits on the House Natural Resources Committee with Cole, was ``strongly opposed'' to the proposals and would vote against them ``in their current form.'' ``Gosar has been leading the charge against these bills since they were first brought up in Natural Resources Committee. He offered two amendments to both bills in committee--both failed,'' the spokeswoman said. H.R. 312 and H.R. 375 were originally scheduled for votes on May 8, but were yanked after Trump tweeted that they would be ``unfair'' to Native Americans. The Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe wants to build a $1 billion casino on its land, but the deal has been delayed by the Interior Department and Rhode Island lawmakers worried the development will undercut profits generated by its own casino industry. The opposition has resulted in the Massachusetts congressional delegation, including Democratic 2020 presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren, to push for the measure so the tribe can have full control of the reservation. Matt Schlapp, American Conservative Union chairman and husband of White House communications director Mercedes Schlapp, additionally runs a firm that lobbied against the casino. ``Republicans shouldn't vote for H.R. 312, a special interest casino Bill, backed by Elizabeth (Pocahontas) Warren,'' Trump tweeted last Wednesday. ``It is unfair and doesn't treat Native Americans equally!'' Schlapp did not immediately respond to request for comment.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from The Washington Examiner regarding consideration of H.R. 312. [From the Washington Examiner, May 13, 2019] House Democrats Reschedule Votes on Tribal Bills Pulled After Trump Tweet (By Naomi Lim) House Democrats have rescheduled votes on two Native American tribal bills this week after they were yanked from the floor at the last minute following pressure from President Trump. Democratic leadership has set a vote for Wednesday on H.R. 312, legislation co-sponsored by Rep. William Keating, D- Mass., maintaining the status of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe reservation in the Bay State. A second proposal, H.R. 375, introduced by Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla., would reaffirm Interior Secretary David Bernhardt's authority to take land into trust on behalf of Indian tribes. That measure is also due to be considered Wednesday, but under a streamlined process requiring two-thirds support in the House. As such, it needs the backing of House Republicans. ``Both of the bills pulled from the floor of the House, H.R. 375 and H.R. 312, are important to Indian Country,'' Cole told the Washington Examiner in a statement on Monday. ``I support both of the bills and look forward to working with my Republican and Democratic colleagues to pass them on the floor. I believe we will be successful in doing so.'' But GOP lawmakers like Western Caucus Chairman Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., have said they will not help the legislation pass the chamber. A spokeswoman for Gosar told the Washington Examiner on Monday her boss, who sits on the House Natural Resources Committee with Cole, was ``strongly opposed'' to the proposals and would vote against them ``in their current form.'' ``Gosar has been leading the charge against these bills since they were first brought up in Natural Resources Committee. He offered two amendments to both bills in committee--both failed,'' the spokeswoman said. H.R. 312 and H.R. 375 were originally scheduled for votes on May 8, but were yanked after Trump tweeted that they would be ``unfair'' to Native Americans. The Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe wants to build a $1 billion casino on its land, but the deal has been delayed by the Interior Department and Rhode Island lawmakers worried the development will undercut profits generated by its own casino industry. The opposition has resulted in the Massachusetts congressional delegation, including Democratic 2020 presidential candidate Sen. Elizabeth Warren, to push for the measure so the tribe can have full control of the reservation. Matt Schlapp, American Conservative Union chairman and husband of White House communications director Mercedes Schlapp, additionally runs a firm that lobbied against the casino. ``Republicans shouldn't vote for H.R. 312, a special interest casino Bill, backed by Elizabeth (Pocahontas) Warren,'' Trump tweeted last Wednesday. ``It is unfair and doesn't treat Native Americans equally!'' Schlapp did not immediately respond to request for comment.

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, for 10 years, the Carcieri decision has caused anxiety and confusion in Indian Country, creating dangerous legal ambiguities related to Indian trust lands. Today, we can finally end all that. We can remove the ambiguity and uncertainty, and finally offer Tribal nations peace of mind that their lands are protected. Mr. Speaker, I urge swift passage of H.R. 375, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, when a Tribe applies to have land taken into trust through the Department of the Interior, local concerns are already strongly considered, even more so when the land is located away from existing reservation lands. However, I do recognize there is a desire from some Members on both sides of the aisle to work on stand-alone legislation that would codify some of the process. I agree with the gentleman's statement about veto abilities. Any provision which would give counties or local governments veto power over trust land decisions is, frankly, a nonstarter. Local input is vital to these decisions and should be taken into account. However, Tribal consultation is solely the responsibility of the Federal Government, as is any final decision on transferring land into trust. And I think because of the national implications of the question of trust land and the role that communities, i.e., counties and municipalities, would play, I think there is a need to somehow accommodate a level of Tribal consultation, because they are going to be the most affected party by any decision that is made. With that said, I do commit, Mr. Speaker, to looking at any proposal on the issue and to work moving forward if it is to the betterment of all the stakeholders and I would assist the legislation in its final passage.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Gallego), my colleague and chair of the Subcommittee for Indigenous Peoples of the United States.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, we have one speaker.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy).

Mr. GRIJALVA

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 377, I call up the bill (H.R. 312) to reaffirm the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe reservation, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Upholding the establishment of Tribal homelands should be, and is, one of the most important actions that this Congress can take. It is not just about tax-exempt status or economic development, both of which are vitally important to Tribal communities. It is also about the construction of schools, housing, clinics, elder care facilities, things that are extremely vital to the quality of life and well-being of Tribal members. It is also about recognizing a Tribe's historical, cultural, and spiritual connection. It is not about protecting a market share. It is not about the tweets from the President. It is not about the scare tactics and hysteria of off-reservation gaming that is constantly used in trying to fight the self-determination and the ability of Tribes to take care of themselves. And it is about identity. I want to just follow up on the gentlewoman from Kansas' comment. To ensure Tribal sovereignty and self-governance, land is critical to the connection of people to their land. And the real-world decisions that we are making have real consequences. To strip people of their land is to strip them of their identity, to strip them of their self-governance and their self-determination. It is a sad state that, nearly 400 years later, the Mashpee still have to fight for land that is rightfully theirs. But we can remedy that today. I want to thank our colleagues Mr. Keating and Mr. Kennedy, as well as the entire Massachusetts delegation, for spearheading this effort to save the Mashpee's land, preserve their way of life, and reestablish and not allow a precedent to stand where trust land that was given is taken away. This is an important piece of legislation with implications across Indian Country. Mr. Speaker, I urge the swift adoption of H.R. 312, and I yield back the remainder of my time.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Kansas (Ms. Davids).

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time to close.

Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to address a point that was brought up during the debate on this bill, that the Mashpee Tribe will not lose its Federal recognition if H.R. 312 does not pass. That is true. We have never stated the Federal recognition was in jeopardy. What we are talking about, which is fundamental to the survival of the Tribe, is destroying a Tribe's sovereign government. That is really what is at stake. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy), another sponsor of this legislation.