Al Green

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, a proud, liberated Democrat, unbossed, unbought, and unafraid. I rise as one who is not a sunshine freedom fighter, as one who can stand before the crowds. This is what a sunshine freedom fighter does. He stands before the crowd with plenty of people to surround him and receives the cheers. I believe that there are times when one has to stand alone, and on some issues it is better to stand alone, Mr. Speaker, than not stand at all. Today, Mr. Speaker, I rise to proclaim February 4, 2025, as a day that will live in infamy. It was a day when the leaders of two nuclear powers stood next to each other, and these nuclear power representatives, these persons who had the ability to create a nuclear holocaust, something that not even the mind of Dante can imagine, these two persons made comments about Gaza. One person said: It would be nice--not in these exact words--to make Gaza a better place for people to live. I am paraphrasing, but this person went on to talk about how this superpower would take over Gaza and how this superpower might, at some point, have the American military have boots on the ground in Gaza. These are not the exact words. These two superpowers dared to work together. The other said: Well, I think this is an idea worth considering, to have the Palestinians move to another location. These two superpowers, the United States of America and Israel, were represented by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Israel. These are two superpowers that are not in the business of saying things without thought, or they shouldn't be if they do. These two superpowers could operationalize what they say. The United States of America can go into Gaza by and through its military. It can take over Gaza, and it can remove the Palestinians from Gaza. The United States of America has already, with our tax dollars, sent money into Israel and munitions to Israel, and Israel has gone into Gaza. Yes, I know why. Yes, I believe that what Hamas did was a dastardly deed. Yes, that should have been redressed. However, there is a point in time when your redress becomes an offense as opposed to a defense. Israel went into Gaza and killed thousands of babies, obliterated schools, and destroyed hospitals and infrastructure. Israel, with our tax dollars, and some of their own and others' perhaps, but our tax dollars, Israel destroyed Gaza. The President himself has said that Gaza is no longer habitable. These are not the exact words. Israel and the United States of America, represented by their various agents, are now indicating that Gaza can be taken over. I marveled, quite frankly, at something that happened. The President of the United States of America said: I talked to everybody, and everybody I have talked to agrees. Apparently, the Saudis didn't agree. Apparently, the Jordanians didn't agree. The Egyptians didn't agree. The Europeans didn't agree. There seems to be great disagreement with what the President said he would do in Gaza. Mr. President, for your edification, and Mr. Prime Minister, for your education and edification, you should have talked to the Palestinians. You talked to people other than the Palestinians about what would happen to the Palestinians. The Palestinians are not cattle, and they are not animals that you can herd and push in one corner or decide you can go here and be happy. The Palestinians have the right to self- determination in their land. Gaza belongs to Palestinians. At one time that whole area was called Palestine. Now you can't find Palestine on a map. I want you to know, Mr. Netanyahu, that what you said when you said this was worthy of consideration, you were agreeing with what the President of the United States said. I want both of you to know that this act, what you are proposing, was ethnic cleansing. It is ethnic cleansing, Mr. President. It is ethnic cleansing, Mr. Prime Minister. The two of you are superpowers. We are a global superpower, the United States of America. Israel is a regional superpower. You can operationalize what you say. You ought to be careful about the things that you say when you are speaking about the lives of other people. I want you to know, the two of you, that what you have done cannot be erased. It is indelible. It is indelible. It is a stain on Israel, and it will be a stain on Israel. From now until the end of time, people will remember that the Prime Minister of Israel, the Prime Minister of the state that passed a law that said that from the river of the sea there will be no Palestinian state. That is what the Israeli Knesset did. The Prime Minister of Israel has agreed that the Palestinians could be taken away or moved and that the United States would take over Gaza. Mr. Prime Minister and Mr. President, what you have done brings shame onto both countries. I love my country, but you have brought shame on it. That doesn't mean I don't still love it, because I love what it stands for. I salute the flag, say the Pledge of Allegiance, and sing the national anthem. However, the greatness of America is not in whether I will do these things. The greatness of America is in whether we will appreciate and allow people who do not do these things to have the freedom to do them. What I am saying to both of you is this: You brought shame on your respective countries, the United States of America and Israel. That shame is something that you cannot walk back. You can't crawl it back. You can't slither it back. You brought shame on two great countries, and I assure you that it will live on your records and live in the annals of time forever, a day that will live in infamy, February 4. It also calls to mind something else. It calls to mind now how this didn't just start on February 4, 2025. It started in 1948, when the United States of America was the first country to recognize Israel as a country. When we did it, we did not recognize a state for the Palestinians. That was the genesis of it, and it has now come to fruition that the Israelis, by and through their Prime Minister, desire to have us take over Gaza. This is shameful. Here is what I think has to happen, and I speak for myself and everybody who agrees with me: I will boycott. I will boycott. I want my colleagues to hear that. You have put us in a position such that, if we disapprove of this kind of invidious discrimination and harm that is being perpetrated, we can't say anything about it. I am saying: I will boycott. My first boycott will take place when there is a vote on sending more money, more tax dollars, to Israel. If you bring a standalone bill to the floor, I am going to boycott with my vote. I will not vote to send another dime to Israel. Israel has to do more than simply say: Well, what we said the other day was not a big deal. We were just talking about a temporary relocation. That is not what you said. We are not going to let you crawl that back, so I am going to boycott. I know that there are persons who believe that to say that is somehow inappropriate. I am saying it live here and now. I will boycott. I also understand that if I or someone else, any two of my colleagues, took to a podium and have it televised, and if you would say, ``I believe we ought to buy Israel and ought to relocate the Israelis,'' I believe that if you said that, they would never live it down. Members would be called anti-Semitic if they talked about relocating Israel the same way people are talking about relocating the people of Gaza, the Palestinians. You would be anti-Semitic. What does that make the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Israel? You have to be anti-Palestinian. You cannot say what you said and not be anti-Palestinian. This day is going to live in infamy. This will be forever a part of your history--anti-Palestinian. It didn't just start in that moment in time. It had to be a part of the Knesset of Israel when they voted. They voted to not have a Palestinian state west of the Jordan. That is another way of saying: From the river to the sea, there will be no Palestinian state. You can't say that in this country. If you say that, you will be labeled an anti-Semite. If you say that and you are a Member of Congress, you will be brought into the House and you would be sanctioned for it. It happened to one of my colleagues, someone that I have respect for--may I change that--I have great respect for. It happened to her, Rashida Tlaib. ``From the river to the sea,'' and you are sanctioned, but you can pass a law in the Knesset saying that from the river to the sea, there will be no Palestinian state? It was a slogan that she could not operationalize, by the way. You can operationalize what you say, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister. Yet, you don't want others to say what you are doing. You talk about how the Palestinians--more specifically, Hamas--are an existential threat to Israel. You, Mr. President, and you, Mr. Prime Minister, are not just an existential threat. You are operationalizing that threat. You are, as I speak and as you spoke, making your plans to take over Gaza. You ought to have some sense of justice, righteousness, and fair play, which seems to be absent from your very souls for you to say these things and then deny others the ability to say them--to have already done this, denied others the ability of saying what you are doing. There is no amount of shame that you can show now. I assure you this will be a stain on your records forever and a stain on the State of Israel and on the United States of America that you would go to the podium and do this. You have done other things, Mr. President. I am not going to go through an entire laundry list. I will talk about many of these things from time to time. I want you to know, Mr. President, that I--personal pronoun--standing alone here in the House of Representatives, not looking for a cheering crowd, not looking for people to pat me on the back--most of the people don't bother to care, it seems--but I--I--will bring what you fear the most because you have talked about how you think that we shouldn't have done what we did. I, who laid the foundation for impeachment in the House of Representatives, along with the Honorable Maxine Waters--I don't want to ever take away the role that she played because she was there, but I--I will bring Articles of Impeachment to this floor. I will bring Articles of Impeachment to the floor of the House of Representatives. I am not saying that the Articles of Impeachment will be about this, and I am not saying what I am talking about today, February 4, 2025, being a day to live in infamy, and I am not saying that they won't. I am not saying what will be in those Articles of Impeachment now because those Articles of Impeachment will become a reality on the floor after a passage of time. We need to make sure that time has given other people an understanding. You know that I support peaceful protests. At some point, there will be people in the streets peacefully protesting with signs with ``impeachment'' on them. It is going to happen. When it happens, I will come back to this floor at some point. I may come back before. I will come back before, in fact, because what I will do will help to lay the foundation for the impeachment that is to come. By the way, I have 4 years to do it. I have 4 years. There is no rush, but I want you to know and I want this to help galvanize the public because marching is a great thing, but you have to have a goal. What is the endgame? For me, the endgame is to remove a President from office who would engage in ethnic cleansing. There are other things that I shall not mention now that I would have him removed from office for. You have to have the endgame, but that is the endgame for me. When I march--and I shall be marching soon. If I march alone, it will be to remove this President from office, and I have 4 years to do it. I have this Congress, and there is another Congress. Now, there are some people who will agree with me if we take back the House. If we never take back the House, I am going to do it because people need to know that there is a certain amount of courage within these Chambers. There are people who will not stand for what we are seeing, who won't stand for taking over the Department of Education, who won't stand for attempting to vitriolize the Nation, who won't stand for attempting to roll back the clock to segregation. There are some of us who won't stand for that. There are some people who will not stand by and watch you eviscerate the FBI and install people who are going to be loyal to you and not the Constitution. There are some people who won't stand for it. Others will do things to indicate their positions. I am doing things to indicate my position. I remember when I filed Articles of Impeachment before. It was after the President fired Mr. James Comey, the Director of the FBI. He fired Mr. Comey because Mr. Comey was investigating him. Mr. Comey would not tell the President: I am not investigating you. The President wanted Mr. Comey, out of loyalty and out of the President allowing him to be the Director--he expected Mr. Comey to say: Well, Mr. President, you are all clear. We are not investigating you. Mr. Speaker, he fired Mr. Comey, and we did not impeach him for that. If we had impeached him for that, we might not be here today because we have given him reason to believe that if he could fire the Director for investigating him, why not fire everybody that was a part of that investigation, a lawful investigation, based on things that he did? It was a lawful investigation. He believes he can do it. We cannot allow this kind of injustice to go unnoticed. We cannot take this notion of ``we will get to that when appropriate, at a later time.'' Now is the time to stand up to injustice. Now is the time to let people know that you have the guts, the courage, the moral turpitude, and the strength of your convictions. Stand up for your country. Stand against what you see happening. How can you see the takeover of the constabulary, the FBI, the CIA? What Federal FBI agent will see the President commit a crime and call it to anybody's attention knowing that the President can fire him, knowing that the Supreme Court has already given him immunity, knowing that the President can take his livelihood? We are putting the President not above the law but beyond the law, beyond any means of redress for the injustices he perpetrates. That is not the country I want, and that is not the country my Republican friends across the aisle want. They are just too timid to say it. I am not. I want you to know also, Mr. President, that you are doing them a disservice. Here is why you are doing them a disservice. It is because you can do these dastardly things and bring them along, drag them along, and put anybody you want in charge of the Department of Defense--put anybody you want, just anybody. It doesn't matter. That is your choice. You can do these things, and they can support you, but here is where you harm them: America is going to wake up. Some of them won't be coming back to Congress. You don't worry about getting reelected; some of them do. You are putting them in a bad position. Someone will say, well, Al Green, you may not come back to Congress. If I don't come back, I will know that, before I left, I spoke truth not only to power but about power. Many of them will just leave in shame, afraid, in fear of the President, afraid that he will try to get Elon to spend $25 million against him just as they did Jamaal, just as they did Corey, and we never said a word about those. That is another speech. My point to you is, we cannot allow this kind of injustice to go unnoticed. I assure you that what you have done to bring shame on yourselves, what you have done, Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, to disgrace the countries that you represent will live in infamy. It will live in the records of the Congress of the United States of America not only by virtue of this speech but also by written words that will be placed in the Record, so that those who look through the vista of time, when they look upon this time, they will know who had the guts to stand here in the House of Representatives and call out your injustices. Mr. Speaker, I am a person who is not afraid of what I have been and am not. I am reaching my final comments. These are my final comments. I have said I am a liberated Democrat, unbought, unbossed, unafraid. I am also woke, not in the sense that my colleagues have redefined the words to suit their unjust means, but in the sense that it has been defined, more specifically, in a dictionary. I am awake, and I understand injustice and prejudice. I know what it looks like. I had the clan burn a cross in my yard. I know what it smells like. I have been called ugly names. I know what it sounds like. I had to go to the back door in my lifetime to use restrooms that were never cleaned it seems. I know what it hurts like because I have felt the pain myself of invidious discrimination. So I am woke. I know injustice when I see it, and what occurred on February 4th was an injustice. I am woke, and I have this flag. This is my favorite T-shirt. I took a picture of it rather than wear it on the floor. I am woke and the flag says I love my country in spite of all this country has done to me. I still love my country because I love what it stands for, not the behavior that it exhibits at all times. Then I have Black lives matter. I am woke, and I want you to know that Black lives matter. I am saying I want you to know this because they do. Someone would say, but Al, don't you know that all lives matter? Yes, but when my mother was ill and she was in the hospital and I spoke to the doctors and I knew there were other people who were sick, but we were talking about my mother. I didn't say: Doctor, everybody is sick. I want you to go out there and help them all. I did want everyone to recover, but I knew the suffering of my mother. So I explained to the doctor: I want you to take care of her. I want you to treat her with dignity and respect. I want her to be a patient that means something to you. My mother's life mattered. If somebody had asked me, I would have said my mother's life mattered. Well, Black lives matter. Black people suffered 240-plus years of slavery. Black people suffered 100 years of invidious discrimination after having suffered--and there are 95 graves in Texas that prove what I am about to say. Black codes were literally used on people to place them in jail, then they would lease them out, and many of them would never ever have freedom again. It was convict leasing. 240-plus years of slavery, years of convict leasing, black codes, and then 100 years thereabout of invidious discrimination known as segregation, which was really racism by any name. So Black lives matter. I have to say this because invidious discrimination against Black people still exists, and if I don't have the courage to say that Black lives matter, who should? I was elected by a good constituency, many of whom are Black. I fight for Latinos. I fight for the LGBTQ community. I fight against anti- Islamics. I fight for justice for all, including women. I fight for justice for all, including all of the various religious groups, but that doesn't mean that I can't tell you that Black lives matter because of the suffering that Black people have endured and still endure. Black lives matter because America is not a meritocracy. I hear my colleagues talking about how we should not have any DEI programs because this is a meritocracy. Well, find another reason because it is not a meritocracy. If America were a meritocracy where the most qualified person would get the job, you would have somebody else as Secretary of Defense. It is not a meritocracy. It is a country currently where conservative, White, wealthy men have power and where they are willing to use it. Black lives matter, I am woke, and I am proud to be an American. I will close with the remedy for all of these problems, Mr. Speaker. Here is the remedy for all of these problems. They are found in a poem that I didn't write. The style of the poem is ``The Cold Within.'' It speaks to what we shouldn't do and in understanding what we shouldn't do, we can understand what we must do. The Cold Within: Six humans trapped by happenstance in black and bitter cold. Each one possessed a stick of wood or so the story's told. Their dying fire in need of logs, the first man held his back. Because on the faces around the fire he noticed one was Black. And the next man looking across the way saw one not of his church and he couldn't convince himself to give the fire his stick of birch. The third man sat in tattered clothes. He gave his coat a hitch. Why should his stick of wood be put to use to warm the idle rich? And the rich man just sat back and thought of all the wealth he had in store and to how to keep what he had earned from the lazy, shiftless poor. And the last man of the forlorn group did nought except for gain. Giving only to those who gave was how he played the game. Their logs held tight in death's still hands. They didn't die from the cold without, they died from the cold within. My dear brothers and sisters, people of goodwill, eliminate the cold within your hearts. Unite to fight the injustices that can cause us to lose our country. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I rise today, Mr. Speaker, with a to-whom-it-may-concern message. To whom it may concern: Ethnic cleansing in Gaza is not a joke, especially when it emanates from the President of the United States, the most powerful person in the world, when he has the ability to perfect what he says. Ethnic cleansing in Gaza is no joke, and the Prime Minister of Israel should be ashamed, knowing the history of his people to stand there and allow such things to be said. Ethnic cleansing has been a crime against humanity. I stand here today in the well to denounce what was said, to denounce what the President said, to denounce the complicity of the Prime Minister of Israel, and to remind people that Dr. King was right: Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. Injustice in Gaza is a threat to justice in the United States of America. I rise to announce that the movement to impeach the President has begun. I rise to announce that I will bring Articles of Impeachment against the President for dastardly deeds proposed and dastardly deeds done. I also rise to say that the impeachment movement is going to be a grass-up movement, not a top-down. The people have got to move forward. The people have to demand it, and when the people demand it, it will be done. I did it before. I laid the foundation for impeachment, and it was done. Nobody knows more about it than I, and I know that it is time for us to lay the foundation again. On some issues, it is better to stand alone than not stand at all. On this issue, I stand alone, but I stand for justice. THE SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from engaging in personalities toward the President.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 28, the misnomered ``Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act.'' Regrettably, without strong language banning demeaning, unclad body searches, this legislation will not prevent perverted personalities from developing reprehensible ``show me your private'' rules. This legislation requires that ``sex shall be recognized based solely on a person's reproductive biology and genetics at birth.'' However, it is sadly silent as to how that requirement shall be validated. As numerous women's and girls' rights organizations have noted, the lack of guidance in this legislation could lead schools to adopt intrusive and humiliating examination practices to verify students' sex. Due to the lack of protections against invasive examinations of students' private areas, I oppose this legislation.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I rise today with a very heavy heart, Mr. Speaker, because while we hear the words ``in the line of duty,'' we have a wife and three children who will understand the true meaning of ``in the line of duty.'' They have lost a husband. A father has made a transition. They will have to suffer and, unfortunately, live with this for the rest of their lives. Mr. Speaker, I beg that all would understand that our officers are out there trying to do the very best that they can, and when this happens, let's make sure that we let the world know that we appreciate the job that they do. This was a 17-year veteran, 17 years of work, and he is no longer with us. I, too, ask for a moment of silence in recognition of his service and in respect of his wife and children.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I rise today as a proud American and a staunch believer in the noble ideals this country was founded upon. This country, which was built on the idea of equality and justice, today is a leader on the world stage that can boast of its commitment and success in spreading these values. We have established a world order based on the rule of law, a commitment to advancing human rights, and deference to international institutions. Yet, flagrantly contravening all of these principals, the House of Representatives has before it a bill that would punish the International Criminal Court (ICC) as it seeks justice for the Palestinean people. This legislation explicitly imposes sanctions on the ICC for ``any effort to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute any protected person of the United States and its allies''. I love my country, and I truly believe that at our core, Americans do want global peace. For this reason, I staunchly oppose these efforts to undermine the international order merely because the agents of that order are taking legal action against one of our allies. Many of our closest allies are intimately involved with the funding and proceedings of the ICC, meaning they would be exposed to the sanctions created by this bill. This includes many of the United States' closest allies, such as Germany, France, Japan, and the United Kingdom, where the current Chief Prosecuter of the ICC is from. This partisan bill is evidently not concerned about protecting all American allies, who would face severe sanctions should this legislation pass into law, but rather one American ally in particular. While Palestinians in Gaza continue to endure the most dire of circumstances and as their death toll for children only continues to tick upward, this Congress is instead intent on protecting Israeli politicians from scrutiny at the expense of maintaining the international order at large that we helped establish. I continue to ask for mercy for the Palestinian people and hope that all people of the region, both Israeli and Palestinian, receive the justice that they deserve.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. And I rise today in the name of government of the people, by the people, and for the people; not government of the oligarchs, by the oligarchs, for the oligarchs; or for the plutocrats; and I surely do not rise in the name of government by the mob and for the mob. No. I rise in the name of government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Today, as I rise, I am going to give two important reasons why Vice President Harris presided over a Republican certification process earlier this week. Stated differently, I am going to give two important reasons why Democrats did not get the most electoral votes. First, allow me to commend Vice President Harris for leading the United States of America, our country, back to the moral high ground. I was proud to be here. In fact, I was seated on this very row at the very end. I was proud to be here when the doors opened and the words were spoken: the Vice President of the United States and the Senate. There she stood. She came forward. As she came forward, she was quite statuesque, comely, and courtly. She looked almost majestic as she walked in. As she moved down towards the front of the room, I, in my mind, recited a part of the 23rd Psalm: ``Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil.'' I am not saying that she was walking through the valley of the shadow of death. What I am saying is that I knew that if she could walk through the valley of death and fear no evil, then surely she could walk through the Halls of Congress and fear no evil. As she moved forward, I was taken to a point in my life when a song meant something to me. The song was ``You'll Never Walk Alone.'' She walked forward, never to walk alone. When you walk through a storm, hold your head up high. Don't be afraid of the dark. Then, near the last stanza, the words are: Walk on, walk on through the winds of life. I am paraphrasing. Walk on through the storms of life, and you will never walk alone. She proceeded up to the dais. As she stood there announcing the number of electoral votes from the various States, I could see her standing there alone, and I am reminded as she did so of another song. This song has to do with standing, standing alone. The words are: Just stand. After you have done all that you can, just stand. I was reminded of all that she did. She worked hard. She worked long hours. She put everything into it. After you have done all that you can, then just stand. Sometimes it is better to stand alone, which is what she did, than not stand at all. It is better to stand alone than not stand at all. So I am so proud of what she did because in doing this, she helped us to reclaim the moral high ground that we lost 4 years ago on January 6, to reclaim that moral high ground because as she was presiding over the certification process, it was more than Vice President Harris presiding or Vice President Pence when he presided. It was the candidate who ran for President and did not win certifying that the opposing candidate won. That was the moral high ground. That is something that the United States of America has had, and she was reclaiming it for the world to let the world know that in the United States of America, we know how to win, but, more importantly, we know how to lose. She claimed the moral high ground for this country, and in so doing, she was more than an example. She was an exemplar. She was a supreme and superb standard for the kind of behavior that ought to be exhibited on occasions such as the one she was presiding over. She made it clear to those who will look back in time upon this time that there are people among us who have dignity and respect for the process. She made it clear that, while she did not win, she respected the process and announced the winner. I think that Vice President Harris can forever know that she has brought this country to another place. Many countries around the world envy what we were able to do this year and this week, juxtaposed to what did not occur 4 years ago, when a mob disrupted the process at the behest of the President of the United States of America. Who can deny that? Who can deny that they came here at the urging of the President of the United States of America and that their behavior was nothing near exemplary? Their behavior was shameful. They marched with symbols of Nazism, with a gallows. They marched saying ugly things and making vile comments. They stormed the Capitol of the United States of America. In so doing, their behavior was disdainful and shameful as they marched through the Halls. Some even went so far as to defecate in the Capitol, in places where one would not expect such things to occur. Yes, there was a difference between this year and what happened 4 years ago, and that is because we had a Vice President who was a candidate for President and who understood the necessity to have a peaceful transfer of power. Though Vice President Harris stood alone, she stood alone at a time when it was appropriate and necessary. I have said it many times, and I will say it one more. There are times when it is better to stand alone than to not stand at all, as Vice President Harris did, and she shall be remembered in history as bringing us back to the moral high ground. Mr. Speaker, I will give the two reasons why she didn't preside over her own certification and why Democrats didn't get the most electoral votes. There are two reasons. They had to do with legislation that was not passed. I am going to walk through the legislation, and then I will give the two reasons as to why the legislation didn't pass. The legislation. I have noted six pieces of legislation: The PRO Act, the John Lewis Voting Rights Act--I have shortened the title--George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, comprehensive immigration reform, and legislation to raise the minimum wage, as well as to pass the Equality Act. I have noted those six. Now let's take a look at these six with a bit more information. This is legislation that would have made a difference for America and Americans. Starting with the PRO Act, the PRO Act would have benefited all Americans. Labor unions were obviously desirous of having it pass, but it would have benefited all Americans. It would have benefited American laborers, the working class. It would have been the legislation that we need to help close the wage gap. This wage gap is something that has to be dealt with because, from 1967 to today's date, that wage gap has increased exponentially. Currently, the median income for a CEO is about $16 million. It is $16.3 million, to be a little bit more specific. The annual median income for a minimum wage worker at $7.25 an hour is a lot less than that CEO who is making $16 million. In fact, the CEO making $16 million would make 1,000 times more than the minimum wage worker at $7.25 an hour, which would be something more than about $15,000 annually. Who can survive on $7.25 an hour in the United States of America? You have to have at least two jobs and maybe three. A family would have to have at least two persons working. The minimum wage has to be raised. If we pass the PRO Act, labor would be in a position to defend the desire and the need to raise the minimum wage and could have pushed more for a higher wage. We have to raise it to a living wage. If we should raise it to a living wage, then we can start to close this wealth gap. Raising it to a living wage won't do it in and of itself. There is much more that has to be done, but that is a pretty good start. It would also help us to protect the right to organize. That right to organize is a means by which labor can move forward en masse to negotiate and to do that which is necessary to cause the industries in this country to raise the minimum wage. We have more States in this country with a minimum wage above $7.25 an hour than not. In fact, the States are ahead of the Congress. The Congress needs to catch up with the States and move on beyond that. A wage of $7.25 an hour is what is known as a slave wage in many quarters. We need to pass the PRO Act. We did not. I will explain why in a moment. There are two reasons. The John Lewis Voting Rights Act, had we passed it, would have enfranchised more voters and caused greater participation in the process. This act would have helped us by reinstating a version of the Voting Rights Act. In fact, it was in Shelby County v. Holder that the Voting Rights Act was weakened greatly when section 4 of it was declared unconstitutional and the preclearance portion of it in section 5 could no longer be exercised. This Voting Rights Act would have helped to reinstate a version of the preclearance process. This Voting Rights Act would have helped to allow people to vote without fear of having the hours set such that it didn't help persons who might work late hours. There are some people who work late hours. They work into the morning hours. In Houston, at one point, we had an opportunity to vote 24-7, 24 hours in a given day. I went out to see the people who were coming in to vote. Well, we can no longer do that, but had this version of the John Lewis Voting Rights Act passed, we would have made it easier for people to vote, harder for people to cheat, and brought more people into the process. We would have had greater participation. It did not pass. George Floyd Justice in Policing Act did not pass. This wouldn't have cured but would have assisted in arresting bad police behavior. My colleagues have seen the videos. I don't have to try to convince people anymore that there are bad police officers. Not all police officers are bad. Some are. This doesn't mean that you should paint all officers with the same brush. It simply means that the bad ones have to be weeded out. This piece of legislation, the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, would have helped us to weed them out. It would have also dealt with these no-knock laws that have cost lives, dealt with chokeholds that have taken lives. The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act would have made a difference, and I can say there were many of my constituents who were eager to see the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act pass and who were very disappointed when it did not. Many of my constituents were disappointed when the John Lewis Voting Rights Act didn't pass. American minorities, a good many, were disappointed. These pieces of legislation could have made a difference in voter participation. Let's move on to three more. Comprehensive immigration reform. This was a key piece of legislation that would have addressed the border issues, addressed labor issues, H- 1B issues, all of these various means by which persons could come into the country for various purposes associated with work. Family reunification issues. This country has a history of keeping families together. We have strayed away from that history. This piece of legislation, comprehensive immigration reform, would have addressed that issue, and it also would have addressed discontentment. What is discontentment? I hear it quite regularly when I am out and about. I go into places where people are buying food. I hear people talking. Many of them are not talking to me. Many of them do talk to me and explain what I am about to tell you. There are people in this country who just don't believe that it is fair and that it is right for persons who are coming into the country to receive what they perceive as benefits that they are not receiving. They talk about this discontentment. They are not pleased with the way the system is functioning. Comprehensive immigration reform could have given us the opportunity to address this issue. It did not pass. Of course, raising the minimum wage, I have spoken about this and closing the wage gap. When you raise the minimum wage, you do something that we talk about here quite often, and that is the rising tide theory. A rising tide will raise all boats, we say. Raising the minimum wage would create that rising tide that would raise the wages above the minimum wage. The minimum wage has an impact not only on those who are receiving it but also others who are workers. It has an impact on the working class. Raising the minimum wage would have made a difference. I assure you there are people who would have been grateful that the minimum wage was raised, and it would have inspired them to come to the polls to vote. The Equality Act. This act would have protected the LGBTQ community. It would protect their civil rights and their human rights. Yes, the Supreme Court made a ruling about discriminating against persons because of their sexuality, but that is not enough. We have many more means by which they can be protected if we pass the Equality Act. Having gone through these six pieces of legislation, there are more. The Paycheck Fairness Act, that would help women to achieve equal pay for equal work. Women now make less than 90 cents for every dollar a man makes, generally speaking, in the country. That is all women. Over some number of years, I saw a figure of a trillion dollars having been lost because women are making so much less. I believe that it was from the year 1967, and I think it was up to last year. That is a trillion dollars. Assuming that my numbers are a little bit off--maybe I didn't get the years exactly right--a trillion dollars is still a trillion dollars, and it was lost. That is money lost for healthcare, money lost for schools, children going to school, buying food, buying clothing, providing shelter, and also money lost for a pension, something to retire with. It is lost because women are making less than men in the richest country in the world. They still do make pennies on the dollar. That is what women are making compared to what men make. So, the query is: Why did we not pass all of these pieces of legislation? The answer is because we had two Senators--two Senators, not the entire Democratic Party; not all the Democratic leadership, two Senators--who would not do what Republicans did when they wanted to get a certain Supreme Court nominee confirmed. When Republicans wanted to confirm a certain Supreme Court nominee, they challenged the process of coming to cloture and, in so doing, moved to a point where you could appoint that nominee to the Supreme Court with 51 votes as opposed to 60. They did that, and it was along party lines. All the Republicans voted to change the rules. Mr. Speaker, to his credit, Senator Schumer brought the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act that I have called to your attention to the floor of the Senate. To simplify it, he made a request that it be passed with 51 votes as opposed to having to hit the 60-vote threshold and then come back and pass it with 51 votes. He made the request. It would have passed but for two Senators. These are the two reasons, two Senators, two Democratic Senators. Now, why would I focus on Democratic Senators when the Republicans voted against it? Because if you make your deposits in the Democratic Party, you expect your interests to come from the Democratic Party. You may get some from someplace else, but you expect the Democratic Party to perform. If you put your money into a Democratic corporation, you expect Democratic dividends. The Democrats, two of them, chose not to allow the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act to pass the Senate, which is an indication that none of the other legislation could have passed with 51 votes. Here is what would have happened had it passed: 50 Democrats would have voted to allow it to pass with 51 votes. That is not a majority. The Vice President would be the tiebreaker. The Vice President would have said to the world that we passed the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, and I was proud to break the tie. We passed the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act; I was proud to break the tie. We passed the PRO Act; I was proud to break the tie. We passed the Equality Act; I was proud to break the tie. All of these various pieces of legislation could have been passed but for two reasons. Two Senators did not do what more than 50 Republicans did to claim another seat on the Supreme Court. Mr. Speaker, the prognostication from me--I am speaking for myself and no one else--is that we would have seen Kamala Harris come through that door, still comely, still courtly, still stately, still statuesque. We would have seen her walk down. We would have seen her go up to the podium at the dais, and we would have seen her, if this legislation had passed, certify the election of Kamala Harris for President--as President, to be more appropriate, if the legislation had passed. There are two reasons: Two Democratic Senators refused to do what more than 50 Republicans did when they saw the opportunity. I will close with this. Do not assume that those Republicans will now do what they have done in the past and oppose moving to 51 votes as they did when there was a Democratic issue on the table. I prognosticate here and now that they will move to use 51 votes if their agenda is stalled, and they will think nothing of it. They will do it with alacrity. They will pass their agenda. Mr. Speaker, I guarantee you that if they run into a roadblock, they will do it. If that becomes the issue, they are going to do it. When they do it, I am going to come back to this podium, and I am going to say I told you so because we have suffered long enough from our history of using the filibuster to prevent progress, especially among the minorities in this country. I am not giving them a license to do anything. They are going to do what they are going to do. I am just telling the truth. They are going to do it. They will do it regardless of what anybody on this side of the aisle says. We have nothing to do with what they do, but I can tell you this: We have suffered because two Senators would not vote to pass legislation that could have made a difference in the lives of the American people as well as in the lives of specific people who have suffered great injustices, great injustices, grave injustices, lives lost. I believe that the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act would save lives. Voters would receive a better path to getting their votes into the process. More of them would participate. I am not saying the election was rigged, none of that. What I am saying is that we had legislation that people would have appreciated, and we could have marketed that legislation by simply saying here is what we accomplished that benefits you at a different level. Yes, we passed the infrastructure bill. It is a great bill. Yes, we passed the CHIPS and Science Act. I am glad we did it. These are the kinds of kitchen-table issues, this is the kitchen-table legislation, that people were talking about, and the lack of seeing this legislation passed dampened the enthusiasm of key aspects of the Democratic base. Mr. Speaker, I want you to know there are some people who now want to back off of this legislation. They want to try to become Republican lite. That is what I call it. We have to be ourselves. This is what has been important to our base. We have to stay with what has been important to our base. There is nothing wrong with any one of these issues. Nothing has changed. We still need them. America needs them. America wants them. We just have to pass this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I am always grateful to have this opportunity to speak. It means something to me because I don't hate the country. I love this country. That is why I want to improve it with this legislation. It means something to me. I am proud to say that I stand here in this place to speak on behalf of people who cannot speak for themselves, and I pray that one day we will be able to say that we were there to vote, to take maybe hard votes and pass legislation that makes a difference. Mr. Speaker, I guarantee you, if my colleagues on the other side run into a roadblock, they will do as I said. Our time will come again. We will have to take advantage of the time. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Still I rise, Mr. Speaker, very honored and very proud to stand here and have this preeminent opportunity to speak for 1 minute. Mr. Speaker, I speak tonight with an expression of gratitude because this is the season of giving and the season of being grateful for that which we have. I thank all of the many persons who have made it possible for us to have these opportunities. I am especially grateful to the staff that I have. They have worked tirelessly over this year. While everything did not go as I would have had it, I do appreciate the fact that there will not be a shutdown, that the American people can go on about their way, and enjoy this and make it the best holiday ever. Mr. Speaker, my colleagues and I should thank each other for getting this done. There ought to be thanks to the 196 Democrats and to the 170 Republicans.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, very proud to have this opportunity to stand here and to address colleagues, persons who are within the Chamber, as well as people who may be without who are tuning in. I am especially proud today, Mr. Speaker, because I have in my hand a fact sheet. This fact sheet comes from the White House, and this fact sheet is styled: ``President Biden Announces Clemency for Nearly 1,500 Americans.'' I am so pleased that the President has done this. Mr. President, if you hear me or if someone informs you, I want them to tell you that I support what you are doing. I have supported you as President. I think you have made a tremendous difference in the lives of a good many people in this country. I do believe history will be kind to you. It will say to those who are not here at this time that you made a difference within your lifetime. That means something to me. I would like to read a few things from this fact sheet. Thereafter, I will go into something that is related in a very tangential way, but I would like to go into something more. First, I will read from the fact sheet. It reads: ``Today's announcement will commute the sentences of close to 1,500 individuals who were placed on home confinement and will pardon 39 individuals convicted of nonviolent crimes. Today, President Biden announced that he is granting clemency to nearly 1,500 Americans.'' Let me stop for just a moment. I will come back to this. 1,500 people will now have the opportunity to, in a sense, begin life anew. They will have a new promise that they can now address, and that promise is you can have great opportunities in this country if you play by the rules. This helps them to demonstrate to the world that they are playing by the rules. It reads, again: ``Today, President Biden announced that he is granting clemency to nearly 1,500 Americans, the most ever in a single day.'' I am sure that there are many Presidents who have desired to do more. It is difficult to do all of the things that you want to do when you have so many things to do. This President has had many great things to accomplish. He did a great job with the pandemic. He did a great job when it comes to the infrastructure bill that eluded many others for years, perhaps even decades. He did a great job in appointing people to positions: to the United Nations, a female; to the Supreme Court, a female; a Vice President who is a female, and he selected this person to run with him. He has done things that will make those who look upon this time--when they look through the vista of time back and see us at this time, they will know that President Biden left great tracks in the sands of time so that we can know that he came one way and then proceeded to do great things in other ways. He has done this, the most ever in a single day, to those who have shown successful rehabilitation and a strong commitment to making their communities safer. The President is commuting the sentences of close to 1,500 individuals who were placed on home confinement during the COVID-19 pandemic and who have successfully reintegrated into their families and communities. He is also pardoning 39 individuals who were convicted of nonviolent crimes. These actions represent the largest single-day grant of clemencies in modern history. Mr. President, I salute you, I commend you, and I honestly believe that your desire is to do things that can benefit humankind. You have demonstrated it in so many ways. But, Mr. President, I have an additional request. I have called it to your attention prior to this time, but I have this additional request. I have made the request here on the floor of the House of Representatives, and I make it again. I make this request because there are some people who have not been given the special treatment that others have received by virtue of the way they behaved. These persons are persons who lived many years ago. They are persons who suffered for some 246 years of enslavement. These are persons who have not been treated fairly by our country, Mr. President. They have not been treated fairly by this House of Representatives, Mr. President. They have not been treated fairly by the United States Senate, Mr. President. I can say these things, Mr. President, because I am an unbought, unbossed, unafraid, liberated Member of Congress. I want you to know that these persons, the persons who were enslaved, commenced with us, meaning the Colonies, in August of 1619 when the first 20 persons were brought into slavery in the Colonies. They have not been treated fairly, that first 20, nor have the many that followed, some more than 10 million. They have not been treated fairly. They have not been respected. I am asking for respect for the persons, these some 10 million persons, whose lives were sacrificed--not willingly, I might add--whose lives were sacrificed to make America the great country it is today. They were the economic foundational mothers and fathers of this country. They planted the seeds and harvested the crops. They served in the homes, they built roads and bridges, and they helped to construct the White House. Their hands were involved in the construction of the Capitol. They have not been respected for what they have done, Mr. President. This House has not respected them. By the way, when I say this House, that includes Republicans and Democrats. There are people who seem to think that I am somehow myopic and I only see what Republicans do and not do. There are Democrats who have not respected them, as well. One way that they could be respected would be to simply sign onto a piece of legislation that would accord a Congressional Gold Medal to these persons, a Congressional Gold Medal similar to what we did for the Confederate soldiers in 1956, as well as soldiers who represented the Union, similar to what we did for them. We could do this for them. We can do this posthumously. Mr. Speaker, this is not directed to you especially. I just want you to understand the condition as I am speaking, Mr. President. Posthumously it could be done, and this House could do it. Just recently this House last week accorded some special treatment for the victims of the Holocaust, those who were heroes of the Holocaust and heroines of the Holocaust. They were accorded some special treatment. A Congressional Gold Medal will be presented to them. We passed the legislation to allow it to be done. This is the right thing to do. We should do this for those who were there to help the victims of the Holocaust. It is the righteous thing to do. It is more than the right thing. It is the righteous thing to do. I salute those who had a hands-on experience with causing this to happen. However, for 246 years, those who were enslaved have not received a similar honor. Similar, not the same, because we are talking about now persons who last week were the heroes who helped them. I am talking about the people who were the victims now. We have done things for the victims of the Holocaust that we have not done for persons who were victims of slavery. These two circumstances are not the same. They are both great crimes against humanity. That is what makes them similar. They are not the same. I don't say that the Holocaust is the same as slavery, and I don't say that slavery is the same as the Holocaust. They are two great crimes against humanity, but we have been more generous with our treatment of those who were victims of the Holocaust than we have been for those who were victims of enslavement for some 246 years. It is time for that to change. I don't see the House doing anything to change it right away. When I say the House, I am talking about Democrats and Republicans. I don't see them doing anything right away. However, Mr. President, there is something you can do right away. You can accord those persons who suffered from the indignation and humiliation associated with slavery with the harm, the pain, the suffering, and the agonizing. You can do something for them. This is not all that should be done, but if you do this, you will show that their lives meant something to us, that it means something to you, and here is what you can do. You have with the power of the pen and the will to do it. Grant them the Presidential Medal of Freedom. It has been done posthumously for many others. It could be done posthumously for them. Let's show them that this country appreciates their 246 years of sacrifice, that they didn't labor, forced into it I might add, but that they didn't labor in vain, that somebody appreciates the fact that they were the economic foundational mothers and fathers of this country. Somebody appreciates the fact that we stand on their labor. What they did to lay the foundations for what we are today still benefits those of us who are here today. Mr. President, I would ask kindly and humbly and from the bottom and depth of my heart and soul that you would give them the Presidential Medal of Freedom. It would make a difference in terms of how they are viewed. Maybe if it is done, we can get people in Texas to cease with this notion that the enslavement of some more than 10 million people was somehow a benefit to them. There is no benefit to people to be enslaved, but there are people in Texas who seem to think so. If you would do this, it would help us to better understand that we can now start to move forward to do the things that would show the respect for them that we have shown for the victims of the Holocaust. In Texas, for edification purposes, there may be some who don't know, there are people who believe that the enslavement of these more than 10 million people was involuntary relocation. Involuntary relocation is not what it was. It was kidnapping. It wasn't involuntary relocation. It was placing people on ships and treating them like cargo. Some of them were stripped and chained. It wasn't involuntary relocation. It was forcing them against their will to leave their families. By the way, there were Africans who were involved in this trade, too. I am leaving nobody out. They were forced. They were taken away from their families by force. Some of them were taken away by African people who then traded them into slavery, and then they were traversed across the Atlantic. When they arrived, they were not treated and welcomed with any degree of dignity. Women were raped, and men were brutalized and lynched. The Supreme Court in this country indicated that they had no rights that a White man had to respect. They were disrespected by the Supreme Court. They were disrespected by President Johnson when he decided he would abandon the whole notion of some sort of recompense for them, and they have been disrespected throughout history. To this day they have been disrespected. They were taken to various places and sold on the auction blocks. Children were separated from mothers and fathers. Husbands were separated from wives. They had no rights. You could do whatever you wanted to them if you were the master. They have been disrespected. Mr. President, I beseech you and I implore you to show them some respect and grant them the Presidential Medal of Freedom. I will still continue to bring to the attention of the Members of this House the fact that they but only have to sign onto a document that is necessary for the House to do what it can to grant them the Congressional Gold Medal. I will continue to present it. For those who would like to know who signed on, I have people ask me: Why don't you announce who signed on and who hasn't? I am not doing it, but the Record speaks for itself. For those who would like to know, the Record speaks for itself. I am not trying to make friends. I am trying to make sure that people are respected who have earned the respect that they richly deserve. I want them to know that there is at least one person who is going to fight for them. I want them to know. They are not here. How can they possibly know? Well, know in the sense that I believe that if I do this, that somehow the times will change such that they will benefit. Even after they have had their demise, they will still benefit from what we are doing. By the way, I am not alone. I said I am one person. I want to let you know that there are others. We have 125 people who have signed on to this request for the Congressional Gold Medal, 125 out of 435. There are people who would prefer that the Al Greens of the world who would bring these things to the forefront wait until they are ready to see this happen. They have a timetable that they have set for it. Sometimes in a timetable, it involves doing it maybe 20, 30, 40, 50 years from now. Let's just make sure we do it when the people who are unbought, unbossed, and unafraid are not around so that they won't be able to say: I was able to help get that done. There is some notion that you don't have to do this until there is some event that might occur in the life of the person who is presenting it, and then you can do it afterwards. Well, I am not going to allow that to cause me to believe that I should just wait and let things work out and let it happen. I am not that kind of guy. I want to see it happen in my lifetime. I want to see this happen while I am still in this House of Representatives. If it can happen for the persons who were victims of the Holocaust, meaning there are people who can bring legislation and get it passed, then it ought to happen for those persons who were enslaved. We ought to be able to bring legislation that relates to them and get it passed, too. For some reason, and I know what it is, we will do for the victims of the Holocaust what we will not do for those who were victims of enslavement in this country. Now for the reason: It is easy to look through the window of life and be critical because you are looking into someone else's life. In this case, you are looking into another country when we are dealing with the Holocaust. It is easy to do that, to look into the window of life and be critical, to talk about what happened to our Jewish brothers and sisters. I am as critical as anybody in terms of what happened to them. It was wrong. It should never have happened. I have stood and fought for them to be properly respected. I have voted for the pieces of legislation that relate to the Holocaust. I have gone to events. I have been to Yad Vashem in Israel. I have been associated with the Holocaust Museum in Houston, Texas. I believe it happened. I know it happened, and I know that we will never be able to do enough to make sure that it never happens again. However, we do that by looking through the window of life. When it comes to the enslavement of people in this country, then we have to look into the mirror of life. The window of life is clear. It is translucent. You can see into it clearly and through it into the lives of others, but the mirror of life is blurred. We don't want to see the reflection in the mirror of life because that reflection is us. We are the people in the mirror of life, we have to now examine ourselves. We don't want to admit that slavery even occurred in this country. It is easy to say that something happened in a horrific way someplace else, but it is hard to acknowledge that it happened here in the United States of America, the country that boasts liberty and justice for all, the country that says bring your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, come to these shores and enjoy that freedom. It is not in those exact words. I am talking about the Statue of Liberty and the words inscribed on that statute. I am saying to you that we have to now look into the mirror of life. We have to acknowledge that these things happened. We can acknowledge that if we can look into that same mirror of life and grant the Confederate soldiers who were the enslavers, if we can grant them a Congressional Gold Medal, then surely we can do the same for the enslaved. It is difficult. It is difficult. By the way, again, I am not talking just about Republicans. I am talking about Democrats and Republicans who refuse to see into the mirror of life the necessity to do for the victims of 246 years of slavery, to see the necessity to do for them what we have done for victims of the Holocaust, maybe not the same thing but similar things. Similar things. My hope is, Mr. President, that you can help us change this by simply signing the necessary documentation to grant them the Presidential Medal of Freedom. I just hope that there is somebody who will take what I have said today to the President. I have already delivered the message prior to this, but I don't think you can deliver a message too many times when it is something that is of necessity, and this is of necessity. It is of necessity that the people in this country respect those who were enslaved. We have not done it. I would add: Respect them to the same extent, maybe in different ways, but similar ways as we respect the victims of the Holocaust. It is time for the United States of America, all within, to examine the mirror of life and critique ourselves for what we have done for 246 years. That was 246 years of enslavement, but it was followed by other things, such as Black codes followed by convict leasing; followed by lawful, legal segregation, which was another form of racism; followed by invidious discrimination. All of these things have taken place, and what happened on August 20, 1619, when the first 20 persons were brought here and placed into enslavement, still has an impact on what is happening now because there has been no recompense. There has been no justice for these millions of people who have made America the country it is. I say ``made.'' Someone will say, well, they didn't do it by themselves. Let me just revise that and say, helped to make America the great country that it is, but there is no question that millions suffered. There is no question that the suffering lasted for more than 246 years. There is no question that we have disrespected them for what they have done. I say ``for what they have done'' because there are many people who see them as the culprits. They see the enslaved people as the perpetrators. I don't understand that mentality, but it exists, so they blame them for what they have done for being enslaved. The only thing a good many of them did was resist. Nobody wanted to be enslaved, but people will tend to blame the victims. For too long, we who have had the opportunity to do something about it have been victims in the sense that we have bought into the notion that this is not something that needs to be addressed now; this can be addressed later on. For 246 years, it wasn't addressed while they were enslaved, and it hasn't been addressed since that time. In a sense, the people who are doing nothing about it have been victims of a society that disrespects the victims of slavery. I am sorry I have to be the bearer of truth, but somebody has to do what I am doing currently. I regret having to say these things to people, but people need to know from somebody that this is wrong. We ought to have the courage to do something about it, as opposed to wanting to do something about the messenger. Rather than deal with the message, they would rather deal with the messenger. Deal with the message. The messenger didn't create the circumstance that requires the message to be brought to your attention. Deal with the message. Look into the mirror of life. Don't be a perfect victim yourself and be silent on something as salient as this issue. This is one of the great issues of our time, and it will be one of the great issues of our time until it has been confronted. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to stand here. I am still proud to say that I am a citizen of the United States of America. I am proud to say that I salute the flag. I say the Pledge of Allegiance. I sing the national anthem. I stand for the national anthem. I stand to salute the flag. I place my hand over my heart when I salute the flag. I am not one of those people who hates this country. I love the country. That is why I do what I do to make it a better country. I am trying to live up to the more perfect Union that we all believe this country can become. Mr. Speaker, I want you to know that, as a person who is proud to be a citizen of the United States of America, notwithstanding all the things that have happened here and the things that it has done to me personally when I was a son of the segregated South, and I had to go to the back door and sit in the back of the bus, stand in the back of the line, get locked up in the bottom of the jail were I arrested, sit in the balcony of the movie, I want you to know that I still believe the words we have seen and read in the Constitution, the Jeffersonian Declaration of Independence, and the Madisonian Constitution. I think these words can make a difference, and I am going to fight to use these words to make a difference. I believe, Mr. President, that you can do this. Please grant the enslaved the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I rise today as a proud American who supports all who are willing to put their lives on the line to protect liberty and justice for all. This is why: I introduced H.R. 39 the ``original Honoring our WWII Merchant Mariners Act of 2023'' to amend title 38, United States Code, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to establish the Merchant Mariner Equity Compensation Fund to provide benefits to certain individuals who served in the United States merchant marine (including the Army Transport Service and the Naval Transport Service) during World War II. I introduced H.R. 5979 the ``VA Home Loan Awareness Act of 2023'' to require each enterprise to include on the Uniform Residential Loan Application a disclaimer to increase awareness of the direct and guaranteed home loan programs of the Department of Veterans Affairs, and for other purposes. I introduced H.R. 165 the ``Improving Access to Homes for Heroes Act of 2021'' to require the inclusion of veterans in housing planning and an annual report on housing assistance to veterans, and for other purposes. I introduced H.R. 9055 the Justice for Milton Holland Legislation to provide for the posthumous commission as a captain in the regular Army of Milton Holland, who, while sergeant major of the 5th Regiment, United States Colored Infantry, was awarded the Medal of Honor for gallantry during the Civil War. Regrettably, Mr. Speaker, despite my attempts to submit them as amendments, not one of these bills was included in this National Defense Authorization Act. Sadly Mr. Speaker, for these reasons, and more, I have decided to withhold my support for this version of the National Defense Authorization Act. I trust that future Congresses will work more diligently to pass a more just, and inclusive, National Defense Authorization Act.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, and I am always proud to have this preeminent privilege of standing here and addressing those who are within the Chamber as well as people who may be without. I rise today still a liberated, unbought, unbossed, unafraid Democrat. I rise today to deliver a special message as it relates to slavery and the Holocaust. Before I get to the message, I have a bit of housekeeping. I have had persons tell me that it appears that I am looking down and that my eyes are closed when I am speaking. I have no control over the camera angle. I am looking straight ahead now, and I will be looking straight ahead most of the time. So if there is some adjustment that the persons who operate the camera can make, I would greatly appreciate it, and I thank them very much. I am very proud of some things that have happened. Just this week on Wednesday, this House passed S. 91--that would be a Senate bill--and I am proud to know that the House passed this bill because this bill was a special piece of legislation. This bill, S. 91, passed by voice vote at about 6:30 p.m. on Wednesday, and this bill, S. 91, was to award a Congressional Gold Medal collectively to 60 diplomats in recognition of their bravery and heroism during the Holocaust. I am proud that this piece of legislation passed the House. There are many reasons to be proud. The people who were there to rescue persons and assist persons during the Holocaust, the victims, they ought to be recognized. The Holocaust occurred, and it was one of the worst crimes ever committed against humanity. I am proud to also tell you that I supported the legislation. I have my signature on that legislation, and that means something to me. I want people to know that when it comes to stepping up and standing out and standing for the people who have suffered in this country and around the globe, I would like to let people know that I am among those who are always going to be there as best as I can. I can't take on every challenge, but I want to take on as many as I can, and this is one that I am proud to say that I am a cosponsor of. In fact, I became a cosponsor on March 17 of 2023. The legislation itself was filed on January 26, 2023. A few months later I became a cosponsor of this legislation. This legislation when it was filed had 13 original persons on it, an original sponsor and then original cosponsors, and it proceeded through the House. In the House it was H.R. 537. On June 11, 205 Members were on this legislation. I was one of them. I am proud to say it again. As one of them on June 11, this piece of legislation was passed in the House. It passed the House and then went to the Senate with 295 Members having signed on to it. On December 4 it passed in the House by voice vote, and I was a Member that signed on to that bill. I was one of the persons that signed on to it. Now, I mention this bill, and I am proud to be associated with it, but I am also proud to be associated with another piece of legislation, H.R. 1244. This piece of legislation would posthumously award a historic Congressional Gold Medal collectively to Africans and their descendants enslaved within our country from August 20 of 1619 to December 6 of 1865. I am proud to be the original sponsor of this legislation. This legislation has 125 Members on it. Just as the legislation to recognize the heroes of the Holocaust had 290-plus Members, this legislation has to have 290 Members or more for it to pass the House. We have 125. This legislation was filed on February 28 of 2023 about a month after the legislation was filed to honor the heroes associated with the Holocaust. I am proud to be on both pieces of legislation. The legislation that we have filed to honor the persons who were enslaved, whose lives were sacrificed has been in the House now for about the same length of time as the legislation to honor the heroes of the Holocaust. So let's just take a moment and read some of what this legislation says that would honor those persons who were enslaved posthumously with a Congressional Gold Medal. I might add that the heroes of the Holocaust received this posthumous honor as we are trying to acquire the same for the persons who were enslaved. I will read from a Dear Colleague that we sent out to our colleagues here in Congress: Support the historic Congressional Gold Medal for America's economic foundational fathers, mothers and children, the enslaved. It reads: On July 18, 1956, Congress, the House and Senate, awarded a Congressional Gold Medal to Confederate soldiers. I might also add to soldiers who associated themselves with the Union. However, to this day, Congress has never awarded a Congressional Gold Medal to the over 10 million enslaved men, women, and children who toiled for over 240 years to build the economic and infrastructural foundation of the wealthiest nation ever to exist on our planet. These foundational mothers and fathers of our country labored arduously constructing our cities, roads, bridges, and wells. They laboriously planted as well as harvested the food that fed our Nation. They were the de facto producers of the cash crops that fueled our Nation's foundational wealth. These enslaved human beings of African ancestry toiled as slaves without remuneration or recompense. Their humble hands were relied upon for the construction of some of our Nation's most renowned edifices and monuments including the White House, the Capitol building, and the Washington Monument. In truth, their sacrificed lives provided the genesis of our Nation's economic preeminence. These sacrificed human beings, men, women, and children, were the greatest contributors to the American foundational economy . . . Why would I say they were the greatest contributors? Because for more than 240 years--it has been estimated to be about 246--but for more than 240 years they sacrificed their lives. Their lives were sacrificed. They didn't do it willingly. They were forced into slavery. They were enslaved, and it was intended that this would go on ad infinitum. It was never intended at the genesis of slavery that it would be for just a few months or a few years, maybe a few decades, one century--no, it was to be forever. Their lives were sacrificed to make America great. So if you are in this country today, regardless as to why you are here or how you arrived, know that you are standing on the sacrificed lives of more than 10 million people who were enslaved. And their enslavement is what has made this country what you see and what you experience today. Let me continue: Yet their contributions are almost universally forgotten, under-recognized, ignored, overlooked, and/or undervalued. For these and countless other justifications--this is what I said to my colleagues in the letter I sent to them asking for their support. For these and countless other justifications, I am beseeching Congress as a matter of conscience to award a Congressional Gold Medal collectively to the human beings who are the foundational mothers, fathers, and children that toiled as slaves without recompense or recognition for their unparalleled contribution to the infrastructural and economic development of the nation we enjoy today. We have awarded similar Congressional Gold Medals to others. My prayer is that we can do it for them. But we haven't. That doesn't mean that what we did on Wednesday should not have occurred. I supported it. I believe that people of good will should have the courage to support the victims of the Holocaust and the heroes of the Holocaust. Just as I believe it strongly, I believe equally as strongly that people of good will, the same people that signed on to the legislation so that we could have the vote on Wednesday, I believe people of good will such as these people can sign on to a bill to accord a Congressional Gold Medal to the enslaved persons, the economic foundational mothers and fathers of the country whose lives were sacrificed for more than 240 years to make America great. Yes, I thank all who have signed on. I have to be candid. I regret that we didn't get 290 signatures so that we could pass this legislation in this Congress. I regret it. It is a painful thing to say we didn't get those 290 signatures. We made the appeals. It is a painful thing to say we didn't get 290 people to honor them just as we honored the victims of the Holocaust, just as we honored the persons who were heroes of the Holocaust. Some 60 of them have been honored as of Wednesday. I believe that we can do a similar thing for the persons of African ancestry who suffered here in this country. Mr. Speaker, I want you to know that notwithstanding the fact that it didn't pass, hasn't passed in this Congress, and I don't think it will, I would love to think that we could push it through now. I don't think we will. However, I plan to file it in the next Congress. If it is God's will, I plan to do it and ask my colleagues to sign on to it again, and maybe we will get the 290. Nevertheless, it is a painful thing to know that we could not get the 290 in this country in this Congress, which means we have to start all over again with the bill to honor the persons who are the economic foundation, the mothers and fathers, of the country. We have to start again in a new Congress next year, a new House, a new Senate, and a new President and push forward. I just hope and pray that the 290 persons plus who signed on to the legislation to accord the Congressional Gold Medal to the heroes of the Holocaust posthumously, I just hope and pray that they will sign on to this legislation to honor persons who were the foundational mothers and fathers. They never received any recompense, they never received any remuneration, and they never received any kind of thank you for your sacrifice. The country has not been fair to them. The Congress has not been fair to them, but I still have hope. I will still come back and present the bill again. As long as I am breathing and I am in this Congress, I will be pushing for this legislation to pass. I just want to know that people treat all crimes against humanity similarly, maybe not exactly same, but similarly. I just hope that we will treat this crime against humanity the same way we have treated the crime against humanity that we respect as the Holocaust. Two crimes have been committed against humanity. One has been treated fairly in terms of what we are doing here in the House, the other has not. However, I believe in second chances and third chances. So I close with these words, Mr. Speaker: I think it is difficult for people in this country to embrace what happened to the enslaved because it happened here. It is easy to look through the window of life and take a principled, conscience, and laudable position. It is difficult to look into the mirror of life and be equally as principled and conscience and laudable. It is difficult because when you look through the window of life, you are looking at someone else and what they have done and you can see the horrors and you can speak with fervor about those horrors. However, when you look into the mirror of life, you are looking at yourself, and I believe that it is difficult for a good many people in this country and in this House, the House of Representatives, and in the Senate to look into the mirror of life and speak truth to yourselves about what happened and what we ought to do to show respect for some 246 years of suffering and sacrifice that made America great. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, and still I rise. I rise proud to be a Member of this august body, always honored to have the preeminent privilege of standing here or in the well and making statements, hopefully, that can have an impact on society in a very positive way. I rise today, Madam Speaker, because I am concerned about the rights of others. I stand for the rights of others notwithstanding who I am. I am not Asian, but I stand for the rights of Asians. I am not Palestinian, but I will stand up for Palestinians. I am not a Muslim, nor am I a person who is from some country that I may not be aware of. I will still stand up for their rights. I believe that the rights of persons who are Jewish have to be focused on. We have to stand up for them, especially given what is happening with anti-Semitism today. I am not a member of the LGBTQ+ community, but I stand up for their rights. Today, I am going to take a stand for those persons who are among the trans community, the transgender community. I am not a member of the LGBTQ+ community, as I have indicated, but I still stand up for the rights of people, doesn't matter what community you are in. If you are being wronged, someone should stand up to make that wrong right. Today, I want to talk about the bathroom issue, but before going there, let me just share this: I am a son of the segregated South. I know what invidious discrimination looks like, what it smells like, what it sounds like, what it hurts like. I know because I suffered invidious discrimination. In the segregated South, I was not allowed to go into certain places because of the complexion of my skin. In the segregated South, even if I went into certain places, there were areas that I could not go into because of the color of my skin. In the segregated South, there were signs on the doors of the necessary facilities, the toilets, that would indicate that they were for Whites or they were for colored. I understood, because my parents made it very clear to me, that you should never go into the area for Whites because people would harm me. It was their belief that I would be harmed, in fact, that I might even lose my life for simply going into the wrong toilet. So I learned early in life what invidious discrimination was like. I had no differences with the people who were going into the Whites-only facility. I didn't dislike them. I didn't say bad things about them. I didn't try to hurt them in any way, but they chose to keep me out of a certain facility because of who I was, the color of my skin. Now, this is an interesting phenomenon: But for the color of my skin, we had the same characteristics. We had the same number of arms and legs and eyes, same characteristics generally speaking. Our physicality was quite similar, but the color of my skin was something that would not allow me to go into a Whites-only necessary facility, a Whites-only toilet. That color of my skin made all the difference in the world. When I was within the facility, I used it the same way they would. There was no difference in the way I approached the use of it as it relates to the facility. We did it the same way. We went in the same door. We would come out the same door. While there, we would use the facilities in the same way. Nothing different other than the color of my skin that kept me out of a Whites-only restroom. This is a remarkable circumstance. If you haven't lived it, you don't have the same understanding of how it impacts a person to know that you are now somehow a second-class citizen given that you cannot go into the first-class restroom. By the way, it was a first-class facility because it was always clean. I know. I worked in a restaurant where my job was to clean facilities. It was always clean. It always had the fine fixtures. It always had the most room for persons to negotiate their way through the facility. The other restroom for the coloreds was usually one that might have a broken fixture that wouldn't be repaired. It had floors that were not always the same in terms of how they were structured and how they were covered with various types of flooring. They were just different. That was intentional. There was no desire to improve and have both of them the same. It was separate but equal then, but separate but equal simply meant there is a place for you and there was a place for Whites. I mention this, Madam Speaker, because of this circumstance and the way I had been treated in life. Having celebrated my 25th birthday for the third time and now 2 years into my fourth 25th, I cannot in good conscience support the segregation of people based upon gender. I cannot support it because I believe that people who are transgender have a right to go to the facility that they have now transformed themselves into by virtue of the transformation process that assigns them their gender. I just believe that I cannot in good conscience decide that I am going to force them to go to now a facility that does not align with the transformed gender that they now have. I believe that the science is correct. I believe that persons who have this transformation have every right to go into a facility that now aligns with their transformed gender. This is something that I absolutely believe. Because I believe it, it is going to be very difficult for me--in fact, it would be impossible, in my opinion--for me to support a rule or a mandate that would require persons who are of the trans community to go into a facility simply because it is the gender at birth that determines the place that you would now use as your necessary facility. Your gender at birth is a wonderful thing. I accept my gender at birth. I am heterosexual. I live that life. However, there are some people who are born with a physicality that does not match their mentality, and science has demonstrated that they can be transformed such that their mental belief and definition of themselves can conform to their physical by virtue of having a transformation operation. I am all for having people have necessary facilities. I support it. However, I support the notion that we would treat the trans community with the dignity and respect that they deserve simply because they are human beings just like the rest of us. We should not make them second- class citizens. We ought not decide that they can't go into certain facilities that are aligned with the gender that they now have simply because of their birth gender. The birth gender is not necessarily controlling if you within are of a different gender. It just cannot control, and I cannot impose this upon people. Having gone now to segregated facilities myself, I see this as a step backward. I see this as taking us back to a time when we could segregate people. I don't support any form of segregation. I understand that there are efforts afoot to resegregate society. Vouchers are a step in that direction. Vouchers can lead to the resegregation of society. It was Milton Friedman, Nobel laureate, who proposed keeping segregation, maintaining segregation after Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Proposed vouchers for the school systems to privatize the school systems, to make sure that people attended the school that they chose to based upon race, based upon color. This was proposed by Milton Friedman, the Nobel laureate. From the moment he proposed it to this moment, there have been efforts to voucherize and privatize the public school system. We see it happening in Louisiana. It is happening in Texas. Our Governor went out of his way to defeat persons at the polls who would not support vouchers. Now, he is prepared to pass a bill in the Texas House of Representatives and the Texas Senate, that he will sign, that will allow schools to have private dollars, personal dollars, to go to private schools--personal dollars going to private schools is fine--but to take public funds from public schools and take these public dollars and put them into private schools. If you want to pay for a private school, I support that. However, if you want your child to go to public schools, I also support having a public school available. If we privatize the school systems and if we find ourselves with Blacks going to certain schools, Whites going to other schools, Latinos perhaps in other schools, Asians in other schools, we will find ourselves revisiting a time that I lived through in the segregated South, a time when I was relegated to certain schools because of my color. It won't be said to be because of color, but it can take place because of color and because of finance. Black people, generally speaking, are not as well financed as White people and as a result will not be able to afford to send their children to the same schools that Whites can send theirs. Some will say that is just going to be class. It is class that ends up being race-oriented because if you can't go in because of your money and you happen to be of a certain color, that is going to lead to the resegregation of society. I refuse to stand by and allow this resegregation to take place without voicing my concerns. I want people to understand that I see these vouchers and I see these bathroom movements as nothing more than steps toward the resegregation of society. I contend this: There are very few laws that prevent us from having a segregated society. There are many that we can name but very few. At the very heart of these few would be Brown v. Board of Education. Brown v. Board of Education outlawed discrimination in public schools. It was a form of racism that we lived through that was called segregation, but it was racism. That racism caused segregation, forced me to go to one school where there were only people of my color and forced Whites to go to schools where there were only people who were of the White complexion. I don't like the term. I am using the term to communicate. They were forced to use these public schools, and I was forced to public schools where they were segregated. If we allow Brown to be eroded by virtue of using vouchers, we are taking a step back to a time prior to 1954 when the Brown decision was rendered. If we go back beyond 1954, we will find ourselves slowly chipping away at other aspects of society such that I may again find myself having to go to a back door or I may find myself having to go to a colored-only restroom or I may find myself having to go to the balcony of the movie or the back of the bus. These are the things that I lived through, and I never believed--now that I have seen the change that has taken place in our country, I do not believe that we can conclude that we can't go back. If you believe that we can't go back, ask women who believe that they should have the right to have choice in their lives as it relates to abortion. Ask them about what happened to the law that was but 50 years of age. Fifty years had passed, and we find ourselves with the Supreme Court overturning the law that gave women the constitutional right to have an abortion. Now this law has been challenged at the Supreme Court level, passed back down to the States to do with as they choose, and many States choose to literally do all they can to ban abortion in the United States of America. Don't assume that what you have today you will have tomorrow. If you don't fight for it today, you can lose it tomorrow. If you don't fight for the rights of others, you could lose your rights. The rights of others are the rights that protect us. All of us are protected because we protect the rights of others and others protect our rights. If we don't protect each other, we can lose precious rights that we have. This is a society that desires to have people sometimes subservient, as has been indicated by virtue of the fact that many people were enslaved. This subserviency is something that still exists in the hearts of many in this society, this desire to have people succumb. The need for some to have supremacy is something that we have to be alert for, and we have got to fight against. I am going to stand up against it, which means I have to stand against any mandate that would require a trans person to go to a facility that is aligned with their birth gender as opposed to the gender that they currently have by virtue of having gone through the transformation. I stand with them. I stand for the rights of all people to not suffer invidious discrimination. If you are going to stand for all people, you have got to stand with the trans community. This is my opinion. Let others do what they may. I have taken my position. I don't know when there will be a vote on it or if ever there will be a vote. The judicious thing, they tell me, is if there is something that you may never have to vote on, never comment on it. However, there are some things that are so precious, some things that are so near and dear to the heart that you have to comment on them when you see a mistake about to be made. I believe it would be a mistake for this House to conclude that trans people cannot go to the necessary facility that aligns with their current sex, their current transformed sex. I believe it would be a mistake for the House to do this. I trust that it will be reconsidered and that it won't happen. The Senate has not done it. I pray that they will not, and I pray that the House will not. Again, I stand for the rights of others. People not born into their lives--in the sense that I am not an Asian, I am not Latino, I am not Muslim, I am not Jewish, but I stand for the rights of all of these people. I also stand for the rights of Palestinians. I never want to leave them out, because Palestinian rights are being trampled upon every day now. For me, standing up for the rights of others is a way of protecting my very own rights. I am here to do that. I am here to let the world know that trans people have the same rights to a facility as anybody else when it aligns with the gender that they currently have. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, and still I rise, and I am proud to stand before you tonight to speak about a historic event that took place here in the Nation's Capitol on August 10, 2024. This event took place in the Capitol Visitor Center Auditorium, and it was an event that featured the Prince Hall Freemasons. I am going to present a proclamation commemorating the historic Prince Hall Slavery Remembrance Day program with the theme: We are the dream and hope of the enslaved. Before going through the proclamation, I would like to say just a few words about Prince Hall. I think that he is probably one of the most underrepresented, in the sense of being noted in history, most underrepresented persons who fought for freedom for the Africans who are in America and enslaved at the time. This is from PBS. Prince Hall was a prominent African-American abolitionist and teacher in Boston's Free Black community during the American Revolution, most notably known for founding Prince Hall Freemasonry by establishing the first African Lodge of Masons in the United States, which allowed Black men to join the Masonic fraternity at a time when they were excluded from White lodges. He actively advocated for civil rights and education for African Americans through his lodge and petitions to the government. The founder of Black Freemasonry, Hall is considered the founder of Prince Hall Freemasonry, a branch of Freemasonry specifically for African- American men, which stemmed from his efforts to establish the African Lodge No. 1 in Boston. As an abolitionist, he was a vocal advocate for the abolition of slavery and used his platform within the Masonic lodge to promote social change for the Black community. He petitioned for rights. Hall was one of the first to use the language of the Declaration of Independence to petition the Massachusetts legislature for the emancipation of enslaved people. There is limited information about his early life. While his exact date of birth and place are uncertain it is believed that he was born around 1735 and gained his freedom in Boston. Let me step aside from the article just to note that he was not born a free person. He became a free person, and he used his freedom to do all that he could to liberate others. Prince Hall is recognized as a significant figure in African-American history for his efforts to create a space for Black men to organize and advocate for their rights within a predominantly White society. Hence, Prince Hall is mentioned on this day because he was the founder of the organization that cooperated and collaborated with me to have this Slavery Remembrance Day program with the theme: ``We Are the Dream and Hope of the Enslaved.'' The theme was chosen because we believed that on the day that we were there it should have been something very special not just to us but to all Americans because the very facility that we were in, some portions of it, this complex as it were, some portions of it were actually built by enslaved people. As a result we thought that at some point in their lives some of them dreamed and hoped that as free people, their ancestors, their descendants, their descendants would walk into the places that we have an opportunity now to walk in freely, and they hoped and dreamed that one day there would be enough freedom for us to advocate for the respect due them that they never received in life. The dream and hope of the enslaved. I am a part of that dream, and I am proud to say I am also a Prince Hall Mason. This occurred, as I indicated, in the United States Capitol, Washington, D.C., on August 10, 2024. This is the declaration that is a part of the proclamation commemorating the historic Prince Hall Slavery Remembrance Day program. ``Declared: August 20th annually marks the observance of Slavery Remembrance Day, dedicated to the memory of those who suffered under the transatlantic slave trade and to acknowledge the enduring impact of slavery on our Nation; ``Declared: August 20th serves as a solemn reminder of the historical injustices of slavery and its lasting effects on the social, economic, and cultural fabric of the United States and aims to foster reflection, dialogue, and education to promote healing and reconciliation. ``Declared: The United States Congress, in recognizing the significance of Slavery Remembrance Day, resolved that it supports the designation of a `Slavery Remembrance Day' to serve as a reminder of the evils of slavery, condemns slavery and its evil progenies and encourages all to acknowledge the importance of slavery remembrance. ``Declared: The Conference of Grand Masters Prince Hall Masons, Inc. (COGM), under the leadership of president Eugene Anderson, Jr., Vice President Jeffrey G. Jones, Executive Secretary Emanuel J. Stanley, and Executive Treasurer Kevin L. Bell, alongside the Sovereign Grand Commander Southern Jurisdiction Dr. Corey D. Hawkins, Sr., and Sovereign Grand Commander Northern Jurisdiction, Dr. Melvin J. Bazemore, the host Grand Master Glenn N. Ruffin and each of the 46 member jurisdictions of the Conference of Grand Masters Prince Hall Masons, Inc., namely''--and I shall now for the record have each jurisdiction mentioned--``MWPHGL-Alabama; MWPHGL-Alaska; MWPHGL- Alberta, Canada; MWPHGL-Arkansas; MWPHGL-Bahamas; MWPHGL-California; MWPHGL-Caribbean; MWPHGL-Colorado; MWPHGL-Connecticut; MWPHGL-Cote d'Ivoire; MWPHGL-Delaware; MWPHGL-D.C.; MWUGL-Florida; MWPHGL-Georgia; MWPHGL-Hawaii; MWPHGL; MWPHGL-Indiana; MWPHGL-Iowa; MWPHGL-Kansas; MWPHGL-Kentucky; MWPHGL-Liberia; MWPHGL-Maryland; MWPHGL-Massachusetts; MWPHGL-Michigan; MWPHGL-Minnesota; MWSGL-Mississippi; MWPHGL-Missouri; MWPHGL-Nebraska; MWPHGL-New Jersey; MWPHGL-New Mexico; MWPHGL-New York; MWPHGL-Nevada; MWPHGL-North Carolina; MWPHGL-Ohio; MWPHGL-Oklahoma; MWPHGL-Ontario, Canada; MWPHGL-Oregon; MWPHGL-Pennsylvania; MWPHGL- Rhode Island; MWPHGL-South Carolina; MWPHGL-Tennessee; MWPHGL-Texas; MWPHGL-Virginia; MWPHGL-Washington; MWPHGL-West Virginia; MWPHGL- Wisconsin. . . . `' These are the jurisdictions referenced in this commemoration document. ``Declared: The collaboration between the Conference of Grand Masters Prince Hall Masons, Inc., the United States Supreme Councils, Ancient & Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry Southern and Northern Jurisdictions Prince Hall Affiliation (PHA), and Texas Prince Hall Mason and the progenitor of Slavery Remembrance Day, Congressman Al Green, in organizing the Historic Prince Hall Slavery Remembrance Day program underscores the importance of partnership in addressing historical wrongs and fostering communal unity; Proclamations Of Commemoration ``Proclaimed: That the United States House of Representatives, having recognized August 20th as Slavery Remembrance Day--we the Conference of Grand Masters Prince Hall Masons, Inc., the United Supreme Councils, Ancient & Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry Southern and Northern Jurisdictions Prince Hall Affiliation (PHA), and Progenitor/Congressman Al Green hereby commemorate the Historic Prince Hall Slavery Remembrance Day program on this day, August 10, 2024, and reaffirm our dedication to commemorating the memory of those who suffered under slavery by; educating future generations, as well as promoting social justice and equity; ``Faithfully Proclaimed: That this be entered into the Congressional Record, the archives of the Conference of Grand Masters Prince Hall Masons, Inc., the United Supreme Council Southern Jurisdiction PHA, the United Supreme Council Northern Jurisdiction PHA, and each of the 46 member jurisdictions that comprise the Conference of Grand Masters Prince Hall Masons, Inc., as a testament to the enduring significance of Slavery Remembrance Day and as a pledge to continue Slavery Remembrance Day programs annually on or near August 20th in the pursuit of truth, reconciliation, and equality for all.'' This document is also a part of the archives for my office. I have concluded that it is important for us to maintain records, something that has not been done, generally speaking, for African Americans, and as a result, much of our history has been either lost, ignored, or simply discounted. This is important to people of African ancestry. This date, August 20th, is the date that the White Lion docked in the area known as Norfolk, Virginia, now in 1619 and the White Lion had the first 20 persons of African ancestry that were enslaved in the colonies. This was a seminal moment in history in the life of this country because that moment has impacted all of the time since that time up to this very second in time. But we have not acknowledged properly the persons who were enslaved. We have not acknowledged them some more than 10 million. Estimates reached as high as 12 million. We have not acknowledged them for what they did to help develop and build this country. They were the persons who planted the seeds and harvested the crops; they fed the Nation. They built the roads and bridges, and they helped to construct the Capitol and the White House. They literally were sacrificed for some 246 years, but they have not been given the recognition that many others who have been recognized and not sacrificed for nearly as long and who have suffered much less but were still honored. There will be a day, hopefully within my lifetime, when I will stand here and say that these economic foundational mothers and fathers of the country, I say economic foundational mothers and fathers because literally they gave our country that I love, our country, the United States of America now, a head start in that it had 246 years of free labor, saving what it cost to manage and care for the people who were sacrificed. I hope that one day in my lifetime I will be able to stand here and say that our country now recognizes the sacrifices that were made. In 1956 we recognized the Confederate soldiers with a Congressional Gold Medal. It just seems to me that if we can recognize Confederate soldiers with a Congressional Gold Medal, then surely we can recognize the enslaved. However, not so. Unfortunately, there are people who prefer not to recall slavery. They prefer to give it a new title. There are some who would call it involuntary relocation. It was more than involuntary relocation, Madam Speaker. It was 246 years of sacrifice. My desire is to see the day, in fact, I live today to live to see the day, that my ancestors, who were sacrificed to make America great, receive a Congressional Gold Medal. I would hope that we would, by and through the President, present them with a Presidential Medal of Freedom. It is something that has been accorded a good many people. I am not suggesting that we deny anybody anything that they have received, but I am saying that there are people who are deserving who have not received similar recognition. I live today to live to see the day that this will occur. Finally, I thank the members of the Masonic order for joining with me to have this first Historic Prince Hall Slavery Remembrance Day program here in the Nation's Capitol. Next year, we will have the second historic program, and we hope to continue to do this each year until we have accomplished the recognition that our ancestors deserve, and then beyond it, to make sure that future generations will know that the greatness of America includes people whose lives were sacrificed these 246 years. I am grateful to the men of the Prince Hall Masonic order. They have made a pledge to be here next year in the month of August. I have made a pledge to be with them, and next year we hope to have the auditorium with standing room only. We believe that we will have at least enough to fill all the seats and then have the overflow areas consumed as well. Our goal in terms of producing this annual event is to eventually have it in Emancipation Hall. What a wonderful thing, to have Slavery Remembrance Day in Emancipation Hall. We are not there yet, but the appeal is being made to have it happen. So I thank all of the persons who have made this program possible. I have mentioned the men of the Masonic order, but there were others. The leadership in the House and the leadership in the Senate have granted permission for us to have use of the facility. I thank the leadership. There were persons associated with the technology necessary to produce the program, I thank them. We had persons there to take photographs so that we can have within our archives actual representations of who the people were and how they were dressed in their regalia. The men of the Masonic order had on their regalia, and then the Eastern Stars were there as well. I thank the people who helped us promote the program to get the word out. It is not easy to get the word out about Slavery Remembrance Day. It is more difficult than one might think, but there were people who helped us, and we did have a good representation. Finally, I am wanting to just say thank you for giving me the strength to continue with this effort. I thank the creator of all of creation for the strength I have been given. I plan to use this strength to my very last breath to bring justice to the some 12 million people who suffered for 246 years to make America great. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. And still I rise today, and I stand alone. I stand alone, Mr. Speaker, because sometimes it is better to stand alone than not stand at all. I stand today, mindful of the words of the great Voltaire, the great intellectual who reminds us that it is dangerous, Mr. Speaker, to be right in affairs where established men are wrong. I rise today to take a stand and call to the attention of the Nation that I love, I love this country. I salute the flag. I stand for the national anthem. I sing the national anthem. I remind everyone that the greatness of America will not be measured by whether the Al Greens of the world will stand and sing and salute. The greatness of America will be measured by whether the Al Greens of the world will defend those who choose not to stand, sing, and salute, and I do. I defend them. I believe that the greatness of the country resides in our ability to have people that we disagree with stand before us, look us in the eye, announce their disagreement, and yet, we take that understanding that in this country, we can disagree and still have a great country. I stand today to call to the attention of the Nation and the many who may not know, but a good many may know what I am about to share, and I have with me evidence of what I speak. This, my dear friends, is from CNN by Andrew Carey, July 18, 2024, which would be a little more than 2 months, as I calculate things. And it reads: ``Israeli Lawmakers Vote Overwhelmingly Against Palestinian Statehood''--remember, July 18, 2024. It goes on to say: ``Challenging U.S. Policy.'' This is the style of this article published by CNN. These are the words. ``The Biden administration received another rebuff from Israel Wednesday night--this time from the country's parliament.'' The parliament would be the Knesset. That would be similar to--not the same as but similar to our Congress. This is a rebuff, per CNN, from the parliament of Israel ``over the United States' longstanding support for the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state.'' Now, this is important to me because since I have been in Congress, and I arrived in 2005, there has been a policy of a two-state solution, a state for Palestinians and a state for Israelis--longstanding. In fact, I have voted for it. I have voted to send money to Israel because I thought the two-state solution was the goal that we were all working toward. I have voted for more than $50 billion, thinking that we were moving toward a two-state solution. Well, this article goes on to say: ``A two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been U.S. policy for decades''--I agree with that, it has--``but absent negotiations between the two sides, and a lack of sustained effort by the U.S.''--I shall repeat-- ``a lack of sustained effort by the U.S. to make it happen.'' Now, the contention in this article is that the United States has not made a sustained effort to make it happen. I believe that the Biden administration has. I have witnessed much of what the Biden administration is trying to do and has done. It goes on to read: ``On Wednesday evening, the Israeli Parliament made clear its position, voting by 68-9 to reject any creation of a Palestinian state.'' Mr. Speaker, 68-9, the Israeli Parliament has voted to reject any creation of a Palestinian state. Many people don't know this. I am grateful that CNN has published it. It goes on. ``The Knesset of Israel firmly opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state west of the Jordan [River].'' Actually, it says west of the Jordan, but we know that that is the Jordan River. The Jordan River is at the West Bank, and it is the West Bank of Jordan, not the West Bank of Israel. It is a part of what should be a Palestinian state. We have the West Bank. I will read this again because this is exceedingly important. ``The Knesset of Israel firmly opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state west of the Jordan [River].'' Now, if you do that west of the Jordan River, that is another way of saying from the river to the sea, from the river to the sea, no Palestinian state from the river to the sea. Now, in this country, if you say from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free, well, that would be anti-Semitic. Well, what is it if the Knesset of Israel, the governing body, the Knesset of Israel--and this is not just some person on the street. ``The Knesset of Israel firmly opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state west of the Jordan [River].'' From the river to the sea. That would include all of what at one time was known as Palestine. All of what at one time was known as Palestine. I challenge anyone within the sound of my voice or anyone who is seeing this to look for a map with Palestine on it, a map depicting the area today. It is not on the map. You may find it on some, but most maps will not have a place called Palestine on them today. Now, remember, in 1948, the place that we are now calling Israel, as you will see later on in this article, was called Palestine. The mandate was to have two states; one for Palestinians, one for Israelis. Somehow, this has metamorphosed into Israel in the minds of many people, but not in my mind. I am still on the two-state solution program that I voted for and sent more than $50 billion to help accomplish. From the river to the sea, the Knesset of Israel firmly opposes a Palestinian state. This is the Knesset of Israel. It goes on to indicate: ``The establishment of a Palestinian state in the heart of the land of Israel''--``a Palestinian state in the heart of the land of Israel.'' Remember, 1948, all of this land was called Palestine--well, I should say 1947, 1948. Then there was a mandate. Pursuant to the mandate, there were to be two states, a State of Israel and a state of Palestine. However, we find here that the Knesset of Israel has concluded that the establishment of a Palestinian state in the heart of the land of Israel--what happened to Palestine? What happened to the land that was to become a Palestinian state? ``The establishment of a Palestinian state in the heart of the land of Israel would pose an existential danger to the State of Israel and its citizens, perpetuate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. . . .'' What will happen if there is no state for the Palestinians? Will that be perpetual peace if there is no state for the Palestinians? What are you saying when you say that there will be no state for the Palestinians? What will there be? Will there be a one-state solution in a state called Israel? If that is the case, what will the Palestinians become? Will they have full citizenship in a state called Israel? Will they become a part of an apartheid state? What will happen to the Palestinians? It is a fair question to ask when you have the Israeli Knesset indicating that there will be no Palestinian state from the river to the sea, which is all of what used to be called Palestine. It goes on to indicate: ``perpetuate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and destabilize the region,'' the declaration read. Well, there are many questions to be asked. I don't know that the answers are going to be readily available, but it seems to me that this is perspicuously clear, and there will be no Palestinian state if the current Israeli Government has its way. Let's go on. Same news article. It reads: ``Among those who backed it,'' meaning this resolution, ``was Benny Gantz, an opponent of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Gantz' vote serves as a blow to those in Washington''--that would be us--``who see him as someone more inclined to seek a negotiated peace with Palestinians if he ever became Israel's leader.'' Now we have the current Prime Minister, who is supportive of this resolution, and we have a potential Prime Minister, Mr. Benny Gantz, who has voted in favor of the resolution, as well. It reads: ``Instead, the resolution was `a signal to the international community that pressure to impose a Palestinian state on Israel is futile.' '' That is what this is supposed to signal, Mr. Speaker, futile. We are trying to negotiate a two-state solution when the Government of Israel has already passed a resolution that says we are not going to do that, there will be no two-state solution from the river to the sea. Can you imagine if someone in this country said there will be no Israel from the river to the sea, what our response would be? Do we not care about the Palestinians? Are they not human beings? Did they not have a place in the land that was called Palestine prior to 1947, 1948? Do the Palestinians not matter to anybody? They ought to have a place in the land that was called Palestine. ``Instead, the resolution was `a signal to the international community that pressure to impose a Palestinian state on Israel is futile.' '' Why are we imposing a Palestinian state on Israel? We are imposing a Palestinian state pursuant to the mandate in a place called Palestine. We talk about these things as though Israel owns all of the land, and the Palestinians are foreigners who have somehow encroached upon the land of Israel. Futile. ``Instead, the resolution was `a signal to the international community that pressure to impose a Palestinian state on Israel is futile,' leader of the right-wing opposition `New Hope' Party, Gideon Saar, said, according to the Haaretz newspaper.'' Now we have the Knesset saying no. From the river to the sea, there will be no Palestinian state. Let's get another opinion. This article has been published in many publications, including the Times of Israel. This one was taken from the Economic Times, but the essence of what is here has been published many times. Now, this reads: `` `We are not another star in American flag': Israel minister dismisses U.S. criticism over emigration of Gazan civilians.'' This is from January 3, 2024, not that long ago. Then this Israeli Prime Minister says: ``I really admire the United States of America, but with all due respect''--by the way, I am not angry with him for what I am about to read. I respect him. I am not upset. He says: ``I really admire the United States of America, but with all due respect, we are not another star in the American flag.'' I agree with that. You are not another star in the American flag. No quarrel with that. Then he goes on to say--this is Ben Gvir--I want to make sure I get it right. No disrespect to you, sir. He heads the ultranationalist Otzma Yehudit party. This is what he said in the statement, ``not another star in the American flag.'' I agree, you are not. Then he adds: ``The United States is our best friend''--no disagreement there--``but before everything else, we will do what is good for the State of Israel.'' Now, that is a minister, part of the Israeli Government, said he is going to do what is in the best interests of Israel. Who can be upset with him for saying he is going to do what is in the best interests of his country? I think he probably loves his country like I love my country, so he is doing what is in the best interests of his country. Well, let's see what he thinks is in the best interests of his country. He goes on to say: ``Do what is good for the State of Israel.'' Then he adds: ``The emigration of hundreds of thousands from Gaza will allow residents''--this is being said parenthetically, but I will read it to you--``[of the border area] to return home and live in security and protect IDF soldiers.'' We need to focus on the word ``emigration.'' Emigration is thought by some to mean you will leave and you may return, but here is what Webster said emigration is ``departure from a place of abode, natural home, or country for life or residence elsewhere.'' You are not coming back. He has no problem with emigration of hundreds of thousands from Gaza. Now, remember, Gaza and the West Bank are about all that the Palestinians can hope for at this point. Gaza and the West Bank, it is about all. Well, if they leave and they can't return, then that becomes more land for Israel, which then means that all that the Palestinians may hope for would be the West Bank, which, of course, is being encroached upon by the settlers. We find ourselves now with this minister indicating that he sees nothing wrong, it would be good for the State of Israel. Now, dear friends, friends, if this official can say that he will do what is good for the State of Israel, is it wrong for me to stand in the well of the Congress of the United States of America, born here in the United States of America, born in Louisiana, lived my life here in the United States of America, no desire to live anywhere else or move to any other place, is it wrong for me to say that I think I should do what is in the best interests of my country? He does what is in the best interests of his country; I do what is in the best interests of my country. I don't believe it is in the best interests of my country for us to continue to send billions of dollars to Israel when Israel's Knesset has voted from the river to the sea there will be no Palestinian state. From the river to the sea. My God, can you imagine what would happen if someone stood here in the well of the House of Representatives and said, from the river to the sea there will be no State of Israel? I don't have to imagine it. I have seen what happens. They get punished. They become an anti-Semite. What do we call the people who say, from the river to the sea, there will be no Palestinian state? Is there a double standard? Is there a double standard? I believe that there has to be a Palestinian state, so I am out of step with a good many people. Remember, however, I believe it is better to stand alone than to not stand at all. I don't think that it is good for the United States to continue to fund wars that a good many people in this country do not support. I am one of them. I think it is time to bring this war to an end. It is time for us to move toward a two-state solution, but also more importantly or equally as important, it is time to bring home the hostages. Negotiate so that the hostages can be released. It is time for them to be released. Let them go home. It is time for us to negotiate a serious two-state solution, but unfortunately the Knesset has said that it will not happen. This government says that it won't. Well, I contend that if this government says that it won't, that it is okay. The government in Israel has every right to make these comments, but I also think that the government of the United States has every right to say: No more money, no more bombs, no more planes. You can do what you choose, you are a sovereign nation, but so is the United States of America. We are a sovereign Nation, Mr. Speaker. We have every right to say: That if you can't agree on the two-state solution that was mandated in 1948, 1947, then okay. We don't have to support eternal conflict. We don't have to support the war where thousands of babies have been killed. We don't have to support the taking of the land from the Palestinians in the West Bank by the settlers. We don't have to support this. But I don't speak for us. I speak for myself and everybody who agrees with me, and a good many people do, by the way. I believe that our alternative to continuing to support the erosion of Palestinian land, the taking of Palestinian land, the declaring that there will be no Palestinian state, I think we should acknowledge that you are a sovereign nation, but so are we and that we will stand for what we have stood for for decades and that is a two-state solution. I compliment President Biden for making this a significant issue as we go through this time of great turmoil. I compliment him, but I think that we have reached a point now where there has to be a change in our policy. If Israel changed its policy, we can change ours. It is time for a change in the American policy. We can still be friends. The government of Israel, the country of Israel, will be our friend, but we don't have to support this war. We can ask for peace, and peace is the solution. There is not going to be a solution other than a peaceful two-state solution if you want peace. Now, if you want eternal conflict or if you want calm, if you want things to calm down, then you can have a one-state solution. Remember this: There is a calm in a dungeon where people are suffering. You can have calm in a dungeon, but that is not peace. If we want peace where neighbors can work together, you have to work toward it. You don't make peace with friends. They are already in a peaceful relationship. You have to make peace with people who have been antithetical to your views. It is time to say you don't have to make peace, but we don't have to support what you are doing. We have got an aircraft carrier with Americans out there at risk, nuclear powered. It is like a floating military base. When we send out these nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, I am told they can be fueled such that, if need be, they can stay for 25 years, and it has other ships and other aircraft there with it, some 90 aircraft. Our people are at risk because we have a state, by and through its government, who is saying there will be no two-state solution, and we have now what appears to be a conflict that is expanding and may eventually become a conflagration. It is expanding. I am for everybody having the right to defend themselves, and that has to include the State of Israel. I am also for peace, and peace is not going to be gained by continuing the process of making war. At some point, either someone is going to trigger something that will take this to a different place, or we will back off and try to have arrangements first and then peace to follow. All of the hostages should be brought home, all of them. Now, I close with this, Mr. Speaker. I have said that I don't think that our government should continue to support the war, but I don't speak for the government, so I am going to speak for myself now. I didn't speak for the government before. Everything that I have said, I speak for myself and all of those who agree with me. Here is what I say. If you bring a standalone bill to this floor, I am going to vote against it. If it is a standalone bill, just as the last one was--I believe it was the last--to send more funds to Israel, it is no secret, don't count me as a yea. Count me as a nay if you bring a standalone bill. Now, someone would say: Why wouldn't you just say that you are going to vote against any bill? Well, because I have been here long enough to have the good sense to know that these things can be packaged such that you have to hold your nose and your breath and close your eyes and turn your back and just vote for it. You may not want to, but the way it is packaged can push you into a corner, a place that you dare not go and don't want to be, but you do. If you bring a standalone bill, I am voting against it and probably will vote against others that are not standalone, depending on how they have been packaged. It is time for us to take a stand. There is a song, a spiritual song, that has the words ``just stand,'' ``just stand.'' ``After you've done all you can''--and I am doing all that I can. After you have done all that you can, knowing that it is dangerous to be right in affairs where established men are wrong, after you have done all that you can, just stand. Just stand. Stand for liberty and justice for all as represented by that flag behind the Speaker. Stand with Carlyle: ``No lie can live forever.'' Stand with William Cullen Bryant: ``Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again.'' Stand with Dr. King: ``The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.'' Stand knowing that the words of C.A. Tindley are powerful and right: Harder yet may be the fight; Right may often yield to might; Wickedness high may seem to reign; And Satan's cause may seem to gain. But there is a God that rules above, With a hand of power and a heart of love; And when I am right, I just believe that God will help me fight. Harder yet may be the fight, Mr. Speaker. Harder may be the fight. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. Still I rise, and I rise today in strong opposition to this legislation. On the subject of climate change, acknowledging the dangers posed by climate change benefits corporate America, as climate change is a threat to our financial system, as well as the global economy. If insurance companies and their investors do not account for climate risk, they will either have to go bankrupt or exit certain markets, exacerbating the recent trend wherein some of the largest insurance companies are choosing to withdraw coverage from certain States. Further, a 2023 study conducted by asset manager Nuveen found that more than 73 percent of U.S. investors said they were more likely to invest in a company that communicates its plans for effectively managing ESG-related risk. Now on the question of diversity. When it comes to diversity, diversity is a benefit, not a detriment. Diversity benefits corporate shareholders by improving a company's performance. A 2023 McKinsey report found that companies in the top 25 percent for both gender and ethnic diversity in their executive teams are, on average, 9 percent more likely to outperform their peers. On the other hand, McKinsey found that companies in the bottom 25 percent for both gender and ethnic diversity are 66 percent less likely to outperform their peers. In truth, this isn't about minorities and women not being qualified. In truth, it is about the fact that they are minorities and women in a society that has historically discriminated against them. Minorities and women are good for business.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I speak with a heavy heart because on occasions such as this, we are all reminded of the realistic possibility of losing a loved one without notice. It was without notice that a wife has lost her husband, that children have lost their father, and America has lost a hero. While Members of Congress do not always agree, today we stand shoulder to shoulder in our desire to see tragedies such as this cease within our Nation. We want the family of this hero to know that we are forever grateful to them for sharing him with us. They are not only in our thoughts and prayers, they are also in our hearts.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this discriminatory and unnecessary legislation. The Committee on Foreign Investment in the U.S. (CFIUS) is currently empowered to examine foreign investments related to agriculture. This legislation would continue to exacerbate anti-Asian hate and xenophobia. This legislation mirrors the discriminatory real-estate laws proposed in many States, including my home State of Texas. As a staunch opponent of invidious discrimination, I have introduced legislation, H.R. 3697--Preemption of Real Property Discrimination Act, which would preempt these unacceptable State laws that seek to deny foreign citizens the opportunity to acquire real property in the United States. Congress must reject all attempts to exacerbate the already intolerable levels of xenophobia in our Nation. Diversity is a benefit, not a detriment.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. I rise today to remind us of the words of Dr. Martin Luther King: The truest measure of the person is not where you stand in times of comfort and convenience but where you stand in times of great challenge and controversy. Where do you stand when children in Gaza are being killed by the thousands? Where do you stand when the infrastructure of Gaza is being destroyed--schools, hospitals, homes? Where do you stand? I cannot in good conscience stand with Mr. Netanyahu. I will not be in this facility today when he speaks. I will not, if it is a standalone bill, vote to send another dime to Mr. Netanyahu's administration. It is not just Hamas that he wants to destroy. He is destroying Gaza, and he would, if he could, take all of Palestine. Mr. Speaker, I cannot in good conscience stand in this House today and say that I will attend the Netanyahu address to Congress for the same rationale that caused me to vote against the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act of 2024. I include in the Record the entirety of my rationale, which was published in a Houston Chronicle full-page ad on April 25, 2024. Re Why I voted no on The Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act of 2024 Israel suffered a tragic loss on October 7, 2023. The people of Israel are in mourning. The lives of innocent civilian Israeli men, women, and especially children matter. They must be protected. This includes the hostages, all of whom must be immediately returned in tandem with a lasting ceasefire as the genesis of a two-state solution. After the horrific human rights violations committed by Hamas on October 7, 2023, the Netanyahu administration had just cause catalyzing a de jure right to pursue justice as it did by declaring war on Hamas, not hundreds of thousands of innocent civilian Palestinian men, women, and especially children. To the contrary, and shamefully, Prime Minister Netanyahu has engaged in an unjust, revengeful, might-makes-right offense, creating more enemies than have been killed. He has engaged in lethal atrocities wherein the ends of destroying Hamas justifies: Killing thousands of innocent civilian Palestinian children; Collectively harming thousands upon thousands of innocent civilian Palestinian men, women, and especially children; Failing to properly aid hundreds of thousands of food- deprived Palestinians; and Committing domicide by destroying approximately 62 percent of Palestinian homes in Gaza, as well as damaging at least 84 percent of Gaza's health facilities, together with over 275 schools. It has become intuitively and painfully obvious to me that Prime Minister Netanyahu's definition of ``the right to defend'' embraces an invidious ends-justifies-the-means strategy. This imprudent and unjust strategy of domicide, collective harm, and failure to feed the hungry, in tandem with the killing of thousands of innocent Palestinian children, cannot in good conscience receive a blind eye. No one, no political entity, no country can commit such atrocious injustices in the name of justice and expect the blessings of people of good will. Injustice in the name of justice is still an injustice. Israel's de jure right (in the hands of Prime Minister Netanyahu) to defend itself in the name of justice has metamorphosed into unconscionable de facto human rights violations that offend the conscience and grievously tarnishes Israel's global image. In truth, Prime Minister Netanyahu's might makes right, by any means necessary--war--is making Israel an existential threat to Palestinians living in Gaza. I cannot in good conscience oppose the above-cited atrocious transgressions and contemporaneously provide the munitions which can beget more of these God-awful inhumanities. Sadly, but righteously, I cannot vote to send the pending billions of supplemental funds to the opprobrious administration of Prime Minister Netanyahu. To do so would allow those funds, or free up other funds in their treasury, to purchase the lethality to kill more innocent civilian Palestinian men, women, and especially children, which I oppose. Palestinians (like Israelis) are in mourning, and the lives of innocent civilian Palestinian men, women, and especially children matter. They too must be protected. For the reasons enumerated above, I voted no on The Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act of 2024. Sincerely, Al Green, Member of Congress.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise, very proud to be a Member of the House of Representatives and very proud to be a citizen of the United States of America. I love my country. I love it because of what it stands for. I love the words in the Pledge of Allegiance: liberty and justice for all. I love the words in the Declaration of Independence: all persons created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I love my country notwithstanding the fact that my country has not always loved me. I am a son of the segregated South. There were times in my lifetime when I had to go to back doors to enter facilities, when I had to drink from colored water fountains, and when I literally had to step off the sidewalk so that others could pass. Notwithstanding all of this, I love my country. Today, I rise to call to the attention of my country and all who are assembled the fact that August 20 is Slavery Remembrance Day because it was on August 20 of 1619 that the White Lion docked in a place called Point Comfort, near where we now call Norfolk, Virginia. On the White Lion, there were 20 persons of African ancestry. These were the first 20 persons introduced into slavery by way of the colonies in what would become the United States of America. Notwithstanding August 20 of 1619, which was a seminal moment in time that has impacted the rest of time in this country, I still rise and say: I love my country. Mr. Speaker, it is appropriate for me at this time to pause. The minority leader has arrived, and I have a duty, responsibility, and an obligation to accord him time. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries).

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, still I rise to commemorate August 20 as Slavery Remembrance Day because, as I have indicated many times on this floor and done so today, it is the date that the White Lion, a ship with 20 persons of African ancestry, docked at a place called Point Comfort near where we now call Norfolk, Virginia. It was a moment in time that has an impact on the rest of time in this country because for 246 years more than 10 million persons of African ancestry were brought to this country to sacrifice. They sacrificed such that this very building was a product of their hands. They sacrificed to build roads and bridges. They were the persons who sacrificed to plant the crops and harvest and feed the Nation. For 246 years, they sacrificed. Yet, to this day, they have not been properly acknowledged for the sacrifice that they suffered. They have not been acknowledged. We have acknowledged others. We have acknowledged the Confederate soldiers who fought to maintain slavery. We did so in 1956. We have acknowledged others. I think it is time to acknowledge them because, truth be told, they were the economic foundational mothers and fathers of the country. This country's economic success was built on 246 years of sacrifice made by persons who were enslaved in our great country. Why not honor them for their sacrifice? Why not allow them to have, at last, the honor that they have earned by virtue of their sacrifice? This is what we will attempt to do on August 20. We have been doing so now for a number of years. On August 20, Slavery Remembrance Day, we plan to have a major event right here in the Capitol, right here in the facility, just off these grounds in the Capitol Visitor Center. We plan to honor them with a day of remembrance. I am honored to say that there are many persons who will be in attendance, including the men of the Masonic Order. They will come and pay tribute, as I will. It is about more than tribute. It is about legislation that we have that we will present to do what we did not do. That is not only pay tribute to them, but also to have those who participated in this enslavement by way of their predecessor institutions--I am talking about banks and insurance companies--we have legislation to seek atonement for this behavior of their predecessor institutions. More importantly, we will have a final opportunity on that day, as we will on August 20 and all future days, to ask and remind people that we have legislation pending to accord a Congressional Gold Medal to the enslaved. We are asking the President of the United States to present them with a Presidential Medal of Freedom. Give them in death what they never had in life, some semblance of freedom. We plan to acknowledge people who have been helpful with this journey. Mr. Steny Hoyer, who at the time was the majority leader, was helpful in getting legislation through the House to acknowledge Slavery Remembrance Day. Today, I rise as a progenitor of August 20 as Slavery Remembrance Day. I rise today as a scion of the enslaved Africans, whose lives were sacrificed for 246 years to make America great. Thereafter, many of their lives were sacrificed in something called convict leasing to continue slavery under another name. Thereafter, they were treated as second-class citizens, my ancestors, with something called lawful segregation. Lawful segregation, which was a form of invidious discrimination, which was a form of racism, all of these things happened. We can't deny them. The truth is being told, but I am saying to you: Notwithstanding all of these things, I still love my country. I am saying to you: Notwithstanding all of these things, my country still hasn't done enough to acknowledge the history and acknowledge the suffering of those whose lives were sacrificed to make America great. August 20, we plan to continue the process of acknowledgement. We plan to continue the process of honoring and causing people to understand that, in this country, notwithstanding our history, we can atone. There is time to atone, which brings me to the last piece of legislation that we will call to the attention of persons assembled. This piece of legislation calls for a department of reconciliation. We have not reconciled. We have not. There are many things that we need to reconcile. Slavery is one of them. The things that happened to the indigenous Americans, the aboriginal Americans, who we call Indians, were unconscionable. They suffered injustices that no one else has suffered in this country. We ought to atone. We ought to have a department of reconciliation with a secretary of reconciliation, who reports directly to the President of the United States of America, with the sole mission of bringing about atonement and reconciliation for our many transgressions. If America is to be America for all Americans, we have to do this. We have to have the atonement. It has to also include the many persons of Asian ancestry, whose ancestors came here and built the railroads, whose ancestors were interned simply because there was a war going on and they happened to be of a certain ancestry, that their ancestors were related to the war, but they were not. Many of them were Americans, and they were interned unjustly and unlawfully, in my opinion. We have to atone for this. We also have to atone for what happened with Texas. I am a Representative from the State of Texas. I proudly wear a Texas tie when I am on the floor, if not a tie celebrating the United States of America in some way. This is my way of showing my patriotism. I also sing the national anthem. I stand for the Pledge of Allegiance. We have to atone for what happened in Texas. Texas is the only State in the Union to secede twice because of slavery. Texas left Mexico because Mexico said: No more slavery, Texas. Texas said: Well, if we can't have slavery, we will leave Mexico, and they did. Texas did, and then became a part of the United States. Texas then left the United States because of slavery. We have to atone for these things. We have to acknowledge that they occurred. On August 20, we have to bring to the attention of our country the fact that we will honor those whose lives have been sacrificed, and we should have a department of reconciliation in addition to Slavery Remembrance Day to honor those persons whose lives were sacrificed. Mr. Speaker, it is always an honor to stand here in the well of the House. I do love my country, but my country has not always loved me. It is difficult sometimes to love that which does not love you, but I do, and I have, and I will, because, the truth be told, notwithstanding all of the things that have happened and many that have happened to me personally--I have celebrated my 25th birthday for the third time. I am now into my fourth 25th--all of these things, it is my belief that, if something bad has to happen to you now, let it happen to you in the United States of America. If you have to go through a divorce, if your spouse is going to leave you, let it happen in the United States of America. If you have to suffer the alienation of affection from your pet, your dog bites you, let your dog bite you in the United States of America. Mr. Speaker, notwithstanding all of the things that have happened, I still believe that the best place to make change and to bring about liberty and justice for all is the United States of America. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I was unable to attend the vote series today, due to an unexpected absence. Had I been present, I would have voted YEA on Roll Call No. 336 and YEA on Roll Call No. 337.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, and still I rise. Still I rise, proud to be a person who is blessed with the preeminent privilege of standing here and speaking in this most sacred Chamber, proud to be a person who is in service to his country, proud to acknowledge that we, in Houston, Texas, just celebrated Juneteenth, the day that General Gordon Granger read General Order No. 3 in Galveston, Texas. General Order No. 3 was read at Galveston, Texas, to call to the attention of the people of the State of Texas that the Emancipation Proclamation had some 2\1/2\ years earlier freed the slaves in the Confederate States. Of course, the people in Texas did not honor the Emancipation Proclamation. Hence, people were maintained in slavery for some 2\1/2\ additional years. General Gordon Granger didn't come to Galveston, Texas, alone. General Gordon Granger came with the 25th Army Corps. The 25th Army Corps liberated Galveston, Texas. It was the 25th Army Corps that came to Galveston and ran the confederates out of town, as it were. It is said that they were chased to the border of Mexico, which allowed General Gordon Granger to read General Order No. 3. But for the 25th Army Corps, General Gordon Granger may not have been in a position to read General Order No. 3 on June 19, because the 25th Army Corps came in about a week earlier. The 25th Army Corps was more than 1,000 persons strong and consisted primarily of persons who were of African ancestry. It was African people who fought to liberate Galveston, Texas. Hence, we have Juneteenth. There is much more that I could say about Juneteenth and General Order No. 3 as well as the 25th Army Corps. We have presented a resolution to honor the 25th Army Corps for their bravery and for their valor. Much more is to be said about them. Today, I want to move forward from Juneteenth. I would like to acknowledge it as a celebration of liberation, persons being liberated after having suffered the inhumanity associated with slavery. I mention this Juneteenth date, because we will soon commemorate August 20. August 20 is Slavery Remembrance Day. Remember, Juneteenth was the celebration of liberation. August 20 is the commemoration of the millions who were enslaved. I mention it now, because as we move toward this date, I want persons to take note of it. It is an important date in American history. It is important because it was on August 20, 1619, that the White Lion, a ship with, it is said, 20 enslaved persons of African ancestry aboard, were introduced to the Colonies which would go on to become the United States of America, or part of the United States of America. These 20 persons represent the genesis of slavery in the United States of America. This date should not be forgotten. This date should be commemorated. It was a seminal moment in time that has impacted every scintilla of time since that day, August 20, 1619. We should remember this day. We should commemorate it because of the lives that were lost and the suffering that was endured by the many persons who traversed the waters and the many who did not make it. We should remember it because of the persons who did make it and what they contributed to this country. They were the persons who made America the great country it is because they were the economic foundational mothers and fathers of the country. As such, they deserve to be honored and they deserve to have their lives respected. They were not just throwaways. They were not people who came here to do harm. They were brought here forcefully to help, and they did for some 246 years. We should commemorate this date, August 20, and we should do so annually. The President of the United States of America has acknowledged August 20. I am proud to say that the Honorable Elizabeth Warren has joined me in this effort to spread the word and assure the commemoration of August 20 as Slavery Remembrance Day. The President acknowledged it. This House of Representatives has acknowledged August 20, 1619, as Slavery Remembrance Day. I want to make sure that we are mindful of this day as it approaches and as we approach it. I want us to be mindful of it because I want us to set aside time to have a commemoration event. This is important. I liken this commemoration event to Holocaust remembrance. I am one of those persons who has great reverence for Holocaust remembrance. When last we had an event here in the Capitol for Holocaust remembrance, I was there, and I was there the time before. I pray that I will be there next year and the many years after. I believe that the Holocaust was an event unlike any other in history, and we have to commemorate it with a degree of solemnity the lives that were lost so as to not only appreciate what happened during the Holocaust but also to assure ourselves that it will never happen again. It was a crime against humanity unlike any other. I liken slavery remembrance to the Holocaust because it, too, was a crime against humanity unlike any other, and it too should be commemorated in a similar fashion. We should have solemnity for slavery remembrance, and we should also have slavery remembrance events. People should take the time to commemorate the lives that were lost just as we do for the Holocaust. We do this, and we should do it for both events. I stand here today to say to my country: Let us give slavery remembrance the same respect that we accord Holocaust remembrance. Both of them were crimes against humanity unlike each other. Each was unlike any other crime. They are events that ought to be commemorated. My desire, coupled with many others, I might add, who are joining me, is to have an event to commemorate the lives that were lost. We want to at that event acknowledge certain things, acknowledge that we believe this should be a holy day, not a holiday. Not a holiday. We are not asking the Federal Government to allow people to be off from work. We are not asking the Federal Government to pay anyone a special salary and allow them to be away from work. We are just asking that the people who respect the day to respect the day, and if you have African ancestry, then respect yourself enough to commemorate August 20. It is not a holiday; it is a holy day. The distinction is we are not asking the government to recognize it as a holiday with some emolument to be accorded to people who work for the government. We just want people to respect the more than 10 million lives who were sacrificed to make America great. Madam Speaker, respect them and give them the same respect we give others who have made sacrifice for this country. Others have sacrificed, and they should be respected, as well. We respect the military for the sacrifices made. I respect the military for the sacrifices made. I honor those who are willing to sacrifice and join the military. Those who were part of the American enslaved didn't join. They weren't recruited, they were forced. They ought to be respected just as we respect the lives lost in the wars. We should respect the lives lost to slavery in this great country made great because of those persons who were enslaved for some 246 years. Let's respect them. Do this on August 20, and let's respect them to the same extent that we have respected persons who were members of the Confederacy. I say that because in the year 1956, the Congress of the United States of America presented a Congressional Gold Medal to the Confederate soldiers. A Congressional Gold Medal. I believe that we should accord a Congressional Gold Medal to the enslaved. To the enslaved a Congressional Gold Medal should be presented. If we can present a Congressional Gold Medal to the Confederate soldiers who were fighting to maintain slavery, then surely we can present a Congressional Gold Medal to those who were enslaved. I think we should do it. On August 20 we will talk about this Congressional Gold Medal and what we are doing to make this Congressional Gold Medal a reality for those who were enslaved, but we shouldn't stop there. The Congressional Gold Medal is something that they have earned by their labor. Their unpaid labor hasn't been properly addressed, but because of their labor and because of the sacrifice of being born into slavery and having lived in slavery and died as a slave, then that kind of sacrifice ought to be honored. I believe that we will do this at some point across the length and breadth of the country, but that is not enough. I also believe that the President of the United States should award a Presidential Medal of Freedom to the enslaved. We have given Presidential Medals of Freedom to many persons, and I am not in any way contending that we should not have given them their Presidential Medals of Freedom. What I am saying is that we have neglected the 10 million-plus persons whose lives were sacrificed to make America great. We ought to give them a Presidential Medal of Freedom, as well. On August 20 we will commemorate their lives with dignity and solemnity. We will explain what we have done in moving toward the Congressional Gold Medal, as well as the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Finally, I believe that we who have suffered ought to be of assistance to each other in helping to commemorate the suffering. When I say we who have suffered, I am talking about our ancestors having suffered. We ought to stand together. We ought to work together. When there is Holocaust remembrance, I believe people who have suffered as the descendants, the scions, if you will, of those who were enslaved, I think we ought to do all that we can to be a party to Holocaust remembrance. Moreover, likewise, I believe that my Jewish brothers and sisters ought to be a party to slavery remembrance. We have suffered. The suffering ought not be something that is simply another day as far as the day of recognition and then we go off. I believe that there is a certain amount of unity that suffering requires of people who have suffered. That is because suffering can teach you what you can learn no other way. It really teaches you why it is so important to respect the lives of those who suffered. You suffer as a descendant. I don't mean suffer in the same sense as your ancestors or our ancestors, but we still suffer, and we are going to suffer, but we ought to commemorate the lives lost. That helps greatly. I am inviting my friends of all hues to be a party to the Slavery Remembrance Day event. We will say more about it later as far as time and location, inviting everyone, with a special invitation to my friends who are descendants of the persons who suffered the Holocaust. I extend a special invitation to those persons who are descendants of those who suffered the Trail of Tears and a special invitation to those who were interned. There are American citizens whose Asian ancestors were interned because they were suspected, but never proven, to be antithetical to the best interests of the country. I extend a special invitation to the Latinos who have suffered in that there is land that was removed from Mexico that became a part of the United States. Many people lost their lives in battles associated with that conflict. I extend a special invitation to anyone and everyone who, which probably would mean every person alive, has some degree of ancestors who have suffered in a similar sense. They are all separate and they are all different, but I respect all of the suffering. I invite persons to come to the Slavery Remembrance Day. Let us now start the process of not only remembrance but also making it special by awarding this Congressional Gold Medal and this Presidential Medal of Freedom. I am a scion of the enslaved persons--a scion, by the way, is a descendant--a scion of the enslaved persons whose lives were sacrificed to make America great. As a scion, I respect all who have suffered the indignity and injustice of having their ancestors suffer. I invite scions of all hues, of all stripes, to come together on Slavery Remembrance Day, August 20. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, the vote closed before 92 members voted. Had I been present, I would have voted NAY on Roll Call No. 283.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, and still I rise. Today, I rise to remind us that as we celebrate Juneteenth, let us not forget the men of the 25th Army Corps. General Gordon Granger came into Galveston, Texas, to read General Order No. 3, announcing that the enslaved persons had been freed, but it was the 25th Army Corps that came in before General Gordon Granger and liberated Galveston, Texas. They were 1,000 persons who had been enslaved but were now free. The 25th Army Corps deserves recommendation, and they deserve commemoration. Let us remember them, as well. God bless you, Mr. Speaker, and I thank the United States of America.

Mr. GREEN of Texas

Mr. GREEN of Texas. Mr. Chair, and still I rise. I thank the gentleman for yielding 1 minute and I thank those members of the Rules Committee who made this moment possible. Mr. Chair, today, I rise to call attention to a 159-year-old injustice. Milton Holland was given a battlefield promotion. When he received that promotion, it was not validated later on when it was discovered that he was a person of African ancestry. The battlefield promotion he was given was denied because of who he was. He was a member of the Union Army, by the way. He received the Medal of Honor but could not maintain the promotion that he received for the valor he displayed in battle. This injustice will be corrected today. Every person who votes will be bending the arc of the moral universe toward justice for Milton Holland.