Cory Gardner

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Madam President, I thank the Senator from Kentucky for his passion on this issue. We took great care in making sure we devised a sanctions bill that was strong in terms of its effect on North Korea and that it eliminated any of the shortcomings of the sanctions we faced when dealing with Iran. I certainly agree with the Senator from Kentucky when he said that we faced a President willing to grant broad relief from sanctions in terms of national security waivers, and that is why we were very careful in making sure we constructed case-by-case waivers in this act, the North Korea act. The President must investigate and explain to Congress that there are no broad grants or wide swaths of discretionary ability to waive the sanctions. As I said, there are mandatory investigations with mandatory reporting requirements, and so I object.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, throughout this debate we continue to remind the people around America that this North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act is not intended to bow to the people of North Korea. Rather, our efforts are to try to help ensure that we are doing everything we can to help stand up for the people of North Korea, to give them the kinds of economic opportunities and freedoms from which they have been deprived by this regime under Kim Jong Un. Today's sanctions act and the mandatory sanctions that will be levied here today by this act, if adopted and signed by the President--which I believe it will be with the overwhelming bipartisan support that it has--are about the Kim Jong Un regime itself. This is about a forgotten maniac in North Korea who has deprived his people of economic opportunity, who has imprisoned 200,000 men, women, and children, who has tortured his people, and who has assassinated members of his own inner circle and leadership. Today in the morning papers, an article outlined the death of his chief of staff of the army--again, the continued purge of top-level officials under the Kim Jong Un regime. You can see the situation the people of North Korea are facing each and every day. This is a satellite image of the Korean Peninsula at nighttime. You can see the developments in South Korea, and you can see Seoul, Korea. There are millions of people who live right across the DMZ. And you can see the conditions the people of North Korea are suffering under--an economy that has failed, an economy that has failed to develop to give them the same kinds of opportunities other people in the Korean Peninsula are sharing. This bill also promotes human rights. I want to point out section 301. This section requires the President to study the feasibility of bringing unmonitored and inexpensive cellular and Internet communications to the people of North Korea and trying to break through the emptiness of North Korea--the communication barriers, the firewalls--to try to get around the North Korean regime that doesn't want the people of North Korea to understand they can live better lives. Section 302 directs the Secretary of State to develop a comprehensive strategy to promote human rights in North Korea and combat its forced labor practices, including a diplomatic outreach plan and a public diplomacy awareness campaign, what we can do together to try to bring awareness to North Koreans. Let them know that if they have family members in South Korea--what kind of opportunities people in South Korea are sharing. It wasn't that long ago--a few decades ago--that North Korea had a more vibrant economy than South Korea, but that is certainly not the case today. If you stand on this line, if you stand on the DMZ and you look north into North Korea, you see the hillsides that have been completely deforested and all of the vegetation removed because people lacked food in North Korea, so they cut down the trees and created wood soup so they would have something to fill their stomachs because the North Korean regime of Kim Jong Un failed do so. You look at the south, and you can see the hills, vegetation, development, prosperity. We can help bring peace to the peninsula with the passage of this act today. I know my colleague from New Jersey, Senator Menendez, is coming to the floor today. He has been a great leader when it comes to North Korea, a great leader when it comes to the issue of human rights, and he has worked with me on this legislation. I worked with him to make sure we created a bipartisan solution to this great challenge that is North Korea today. I commend Senator Menendez for the work and the opportunity to present the bipartisan solution before the Senate today. I yield back and will listen to the words of Senator Menendez.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, one of the things that I think we have to continue to reiterate during today's debate is that this debate is not about the people of North Korea. It is about the dictator of the regime, the forgotten maniac, Kim Jung Un, and his reign of terror in North Korea, not only with the 200,000 people who are subject to imprisonment in political camps--200,000 men, women, and children who have been tortured and maimed--but it is about his leadership that seems to go along with him, a leadership that would aid and abet in the torture and maiming of innocent people. I think perhaps this chart, this picture, this satellite image of the Korean Peninsula, best illustrates what the people of North Korea are subjected to each and every day. You can see North Korea right here, a big vast, empty space at night, very little light, maybe Pyongyang, the brightest light point compared to Seoul, compared to South Korea, compared to their neighbors in the south, their family members in the south because they have been deprived of an economy, because they have been deprived of an opportunity, and because the people of North Korea have been deprived of the freedoms their South Korean neighbors have enjoyed. Standing on the DMZ--and I know the Presiding Officer has been there as well--standing on the DMZ, you can see the differences between the development of North Korea and South Korean. In just a few moments--I notice my colleague from Michigan is here and is scheduled to speak. In just a few minutes I will go into this chart a little bit more about how this bill not only creates mandatory sanctions but also will give us tolls to help the people of North Korea. With that, I will yield the floor to my colleague Senator Peters from Michigan, whom I have had great opportunities to work with before on legislation from telecommunications to cars that communicate with each other. I am grateful he is here to speak on this bill as well.

Mr. GARDNER. The Senator from Tennessee talked about his disappointment with the United Nations. I want to go back over some of the points we talked about earlier today. Senator Cardin, our colleague from Maryland, mentioned the fact that the United States has very similar approaches to our sanctions that brought Iran to the negotiation table in the first place-- sanctions that we levied against Iran brought them to the negotiating table--and the fact that the United States has levied almost eight times more sanctions against Iran than we have a regime that does possess a nuclear weapon. I think we have more work to do in the United States. This bill is a great step, but also the United Nations--and your expression of disappointment with the United Nations is well stated.

Mr. GARDNER. This legislation begins the process of reversing course from these failed policies toward building the strong policies that we need to stop the forgotten maniac. I urge my colleagues to support this bill--this amendment--which passed with unanimous support out of the Foreign Relations Committee. We can make a difference today. We can strengthen our partnership among South Korea, Japan, and the United States. We can stop the torture of the people of North Korea, and we can lift the threat of a nuclearized North Korea, which threatens to harm not just its neighbors or our allies but the people of this country, our homeland. I thank the Presiding Officer and yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I want to add to the comments made by Chairman Corker, my colleague from Tennessee and chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, as well as Senator Cardin, my colleague on the Subcommittee on East Asia, about the work we have done over the past year to put this before the Senate today. One of the first meetings we held in the office of Chairman Corker was to speak with my colleagues on the concern we shared about North Korea, the concern that while we have rightfully focused on the Middle East and the conflicts that have arisen in Syria and in various places around the country, at the same time we cannot take our eyes off of North Korea. Of course, Senator Cardin from Maryland and I have worked together on a variety of committee hearings. The first series of committee hearings we held on the East Asia Subcommittee were to address cyber security issues, the cyber attacks from North Korea, and the situation in regard to security on the North Korean Peninsula. I think the work we have laid out over the past year is setting ground for this strong sanctions bill today. I rise to speak in support of H.R. 757, the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act, as amended by the unanimous amendment that came out of the Foreign Relations Committee on January 28. This legislation is a momentous achievement, and I thank the members of the committee and particularly Senator Menendez for working closely with me as we came together with a strong bipartisan solution to what is the problem with North Korea. I also thank House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce, the sponsor of the underlying House legislation, for his years of tireless work and dedication on this issue. Having served with Chairman Royce in the House for a number of years, I know his passion and his dedication and his commitment to bringing peace to the peninsula. This legislation comes at a critical time. Those of you who had a chance to see the news this morning woke up to a story in Reuters where yet another top military official in the Kim Jong Un regime was assassinated by Kim Jong Un, following a long list of others in his administration who have been killed, assassinated, tortured, including his own uncle, including those who have been killed by anti-aircraft guns. North Korea poses a serious and growing threat to its neighbors, our allies, South Korea, Japan, and others. It poses a threat to our homeland, the United States, and to global security. While the threat is growing daily, our policies are failing to deter the forgotten maniac in Pyongyang, Kim Jong Un. This past weekend, on February 7, North Korea conducted a satellite launch, which is essentially a test of an intercontinental ballistic missile that would be capable of reaching the U.S. mainland. Last month, on January 6, North Korea conducted its fourth nuclear test, which is the third such test during the Obama administration. Moreover, North Korea has claimed that this test was a test of a thermonuclear device, also known as a hydrogen bomb--a vastly more powerful weapon than the atomic devices the regime has tested in the past. Regardless of whether the claim that it was a hydrogen bomb is true, this test represents a significant advancement in North Korea's nuclear weapons capability. North Korea has violated a series of United Nations Security Council resolutions, including Resolutions 1718, 1874, 2087, and 2094--all while the regime's stockpile of nuclear weapons continues to grow exponentially. Most recently, nuclear experts have reported that North Korea may currently have as many as 20 nuclear warheads, with potential for over 100 in the next few years. Yesterday James Clapper, the Director of National Intelligence, testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee that North Korea has restarted its plutonium reactor at Yongbyon and ``could begin to recover plutonium from the reactor's spent fuel within a matter of weeks to months.'' The regime's ballistic missile capabilities are rapidly advancing. DNI Clapper stated that ``North Korea has also expanded the size and sophistication of its ballistic missiles forces-- from close-range ballistic missiles to intercontinental ballistic missiles [ICBMs]--and continues to conduct missile test launches. . . . Pyongyang is also committed to developing a long-range, nuclear-armed missile that is capable of posing a direct threat to the United States.'' ADM Bill Gortney, the head of U.S. Northern Command, NORTHCOM, which is based in my home State of Colorado, at Peterson Air Force Base in Colorado Springs, has publicly stated that North Korea may have already developed the ability to miniaturize a nuclear warhead, mount it on their own intercontinental ballistic missile--something called the KN- 08--and ``shoot it at the homeland.'' Those are not the words of a committee chairman or the words of a subcommittee chairman; those are the words of our commander of NORTHCOM, who believes that they may have developed the ability to shoot it at the homeland. North Korea has demonstrated time and time again that it is an aggressive, ruthless regime that is not afraid to kill innocent people. On March 26, 2010, North Korean missiles sank a South Korean ship, killing 46 of her own crew, and several months later, North Korea shelled a South Korean island, killing 4 more South Korean citizens. Pyongyang is also quickly developing its cyber capabilities as another dangerous tool of intimidation, as demonstrated by the attack on the South Korean financial institutions and communication systems in March of 2013 or the Sony Pictures hack attack in November of 2014. According to a November 2015 report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, ``North Korea is emerging as a significant actor in cyberspace with both its military and clandestine organizations gaining the capability to conduct cyber operations.'' According to the Heritage Foundation: Contrary to perceptions of North Korea as a technically backward nation, the regime has a very robust and active cyber warfare capability. The Reconnaissance General Bureau, North Korea's intelligence agency, oversees 3,000 ``cyber- warriors'' dedicated to attacking Pyongyang's enemies. A South Korean cyber expert assessed that North Korea's electronic warfare capabilities were surpassed only by the United States and Russia. We should also never forget that this regime remains one of the world's foremost abusers of human rights. The North Korean regime maintains a vast network of political prison camps where as many as 200,000 men, women, and children are confined to atrocious living conditions and are tortured, maimed, and killed. On February 7, 2014, the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights released a groundbreaking report detailing North Korea's horrendous record on human rights. The Commission found that North Korea's constituted a crime against humanity. What then has been this administration's policy to counter the North Korean threat? Our policy is something called ``strategic patience,'' which started in 2009 under then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The main idea behind strategic patience, it seems, is to patiently wait until Kim Jong Un peacefully surrenders. The latest developments show that we are reaping the rewards of this ill-conceived policy, and it can no longer be allowed to remain in effect. The simple fact is that strategic patience has been a strategic failure. All that our so-called ``patience'' has done is to allow the North Korean regime to continue to test nuclear weapons, to expand its testing of intercontinental ballistic missiles, to grow its military power, and to develop cyber warfare technologies while systematically continuing to torture its own people. We have neither militarily deterred this regime nor effectively used our punitive tools. Our sanctions policy toward North Korea has been weak. This was noted in that same CSIS report: The sanctions against North Korea pale in comparison to the level of sanctioning against Iran. . . . The number of individuals and entities sanctioned by the U.S. and UN are 843 (U.S.) and 121 (UN) for Iran, but only 100 (U.S.) and 31 (UN) for North Korea. When we do impose sanctions against North Korea, they are often repetitive or ineffectual. Again, I quote from the Heritage Foundation report: In response to the North Korean cyberattack on Sony, President Barack Obama issued Executive Order 13687, which, though expansive in legal breadth, was only weakly implemented. The Administration targeted 13 North Korean entities, three organizations already on the U.S. sanctions list, and 10 individuals not involved in cyber warfare. That was our response to North Korea. To date, we have not imposed specific human rights sanctions on a single North Korean individual. There are 200,000 men, women, and children in political gulags in North Korea, and the United States has not imposed a specific human rights sanction on a single North Korean leader. It is a disgrace given the gravity of the abuses that have been perpetrated by this regime. These policy failures are why a year ago I began working on the legislation that is before us today that would reverse course and apply the pressure necessary to stop the forgotten maniac in Pyongyang. Last August, I had an opportunity to visit South Korea and meet with South Korean President Park. We talked about the situation on the peninsula, and we agreed that the status quo with North Korea is no longer sustainable. To witness the proximity of the threat for our South Korean allies, I visited the demilitarized zone, or the DMZ. Only days after I departed, North Korea fired artillery across the border, further illustrating the danger that South Koreans live under each and every day and the danger of armed escalation of this conflict. I also traveled to China and met with Foreign Minister Wang as well as high-ranking officials of the People's Liberation Army to discuss North Korea. From my conversations, however, it became evident that although they are growing exasperated with the North Korean regime, Beijing has done little with the intention of undertaking meaningful action to stop Kim Jong Un. Last October, I introduced S. 2144, the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act. I thank 17 of my colleagues in this Senate for cosponsoring this legislation. The substitute before us today represents a slightly modified version of S. 2144. In particular, this legislation mandates and not simply authorizes that the President impose sanctions against persons who materially contribute to North Korea's nuclear and ballistic missile development and who import luxury goods into North Korea; mandatory sanctions against perpetrators who enable its censorship and human rights abuses, who engage in money laundering and manufacture of counterfeit goods and narcotics trafficking, who engage in activities undermining cyber security or have sold, supplied or transferred to or from North Korea precious metals or raw metals, including aluminum, steel, and coal for the benefit of North Korea's regime and its illicit activities. These sanctions are tough, and we know that a significant portion of the foreign currency that North Korea receives is for trade in its precious metals, raw materials, aluminum, steel, and coal. We know that about 90 percent of North Korea's economy is through its relationship with China. Senator Cardin previously mentioned that nobody faces a greater threat than South Korea's neighbors Japan and China, which border a regime that is killing its own people and testing ballistic missiles in violation of China's determinations, the United States' determinations, and certainly the United Nations determinations. I will note that the mandatory sanctions on North Korea's cyber activities and the mandatory sanctions on the minerals are unique to the Senate legislation. This bill also codifies the Executive orders that the President issued last year, 13687 and 13694, regarding cyber security as they applied to North Korea, which were enacted last year in the wake of the Sony Pictures hack and other cyber incidents. That is also a unique feature of the Senate bill. Lastly, if enacted and signed into law, the mandatory sanctions on cyber violators will break new ground for Congress. It is something that we can take as a model and apply to other nations that perpetrate against the United States. We need to look for every way to deprive Pyongyang of income to build it weapons programs, strengthen its cyber capabilities, and abuse its own people. We have to send a strong message to China, North Korea's diplomatic protector and largest trading partner, that the United States will use every economic tool at its disposal to stop Pyongyang. Finally, I would like to quote the Washington Post editorial board from this past Monday, February 8: President Obama's policy since 2009, ``strategic patience,'' has failed. The policy has mostly consisted of ignoring North Korea while mildly cajoling China to pressure the regime. The editorial concludes: Both China and North Korea must see that they will pay a mounting price for what, to the United States, should be Mr. Kim's intolerable steps toward a nuclear arsenal. ``Strategic patience'' is no longer a viable option. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Washington Post editorial be printed in the Record.

Mr. GARDNER. Will the Senator yield?

Mr. GARDNER. Madam President, we have been discussing some of the opportunities to strengthen the alliance between Japan and South Korea and the United States. In the legislation before us today is language that addresses the trilateral cooperation between the United States, South Korea, and Japan; that we would seek to strengthen a high level of trilateral mechanisms for discussion and coordination of our policies toward North Korea; that we would work between the Government of the United States, the Government of South Korea, and the Government of Japan to meet these goals to ensure that the mechanisms North Korea is using when it comes to nuclear, ballistic, and conventional weapons programs are addressed by the three nations; that we address together in this trilateral alliance the human rights record, the atrocities of North Korea, and cyber security threats posed by North Korea. It also talks about in the legislation before us that the United States, Korea, and Japan will meet on a regular basis. The legislation encourages that the United States and the trilateral alliance meet together, including the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the intelligence community, and representatives of counterpart agencies in South Korea and Japan, so that we can continue to focus our efforts on the trilateral alliance. If you look at the conversations taking place today, we have heard our colleague from Hawaii, Senator Schatz, talk about the need for cooperation when it comes to THAAD. We talked about the concern that our allies, neighbors of North Korea, have when it comes to their air defense systems and how they are going to protect themselves from a possible missile strike from North Korea. Those conversations are continuing. We talked about continued and extraordinary cooperation opportunities we have in sharing intelligence among the three nations. It all comes on the heels of what has been over the past year--last year, in particular, with the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II--some recognition of the historical complexity in the relationship between Japan and South Korea. Late last year and early this year we saw an agreement entered into by Japan and South Korea to address some of those historical complexities. That agreement was a new step forward in cooperation, in terms of working through these complexities. That activity was followed shortly thereafter by North Korea's fourth nuclear test. What a great statement it was for Japan and South Korea to begin finding solutions to these historical complexities at a time that perhaps is needed now more than ever because of the challenges that their neighbor in the north poses to them. While we work together to find ways to protect our allies and to assure them that our alliance and our commitment remains stronger than ever, we have to make sure we are continuing to focus on our trilateral alliance and on the efforts we have there. I know the Senator from Minnesota is on the floor. I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER. Madam President, we have heard from a number of colleagues who have come to the floor in support of the legislation before us today, the North Korea sanctions legislation. Members of both sides of the aisle recognize the need to address the forgotten maniac in North Korea. We have also heard Members speak about a number of firsts that this legislation contemplates--the first time that this would put in place mandatory cyber sanctions for cyber attacks. This is something that applies, yes, to North Korea today but in the future could apply to any nation that wishes to use its means to attack the United States or our businesses. So it is critically important, that piece of legislation that we are going to pass today that can have a lasting impact on the security of this country. We have also heard from a number of Members who have spoken about their concern with China. This legislation is not targeted at China; this legislation is targeted at North Korea. We have talked about how it is not targeted at the North Korean people but at the regime of Kim Jong Un. The legislation does everything we can to try to give the people of North Korea a better way of life; to try to find ways to communicate, to break down the silence they are faced with in this economic deprivation zone; to give them tools, perhaps radios and cell phone technology so they can find out what is happening beyond the confines of the torturous regime. But it does have an impact on those who try to get around the sanctions and the prohibited activities of the legislation--in fact, some of the strongest language in the legislation, whether exporting to or from North Korea, whether exporting to or importing from North Korea goods, raw metals, precious materials that can be funneled--the money from that funneled to weapons of mass destruction and other activities prohibited by the legislation. So when North Korea is exporting gold or coal--and we know that gold and coal are chiefly responsible for the North Korean foreign currency reserves--then that could be designated as a sanctioned entity under the legislation. Perhaps those entities are in China. The fact is, we need cooperation with China. We need cooperation with Japan and South Korea. We had that so strongly, and there is a possibility we won't. We have an opportunity for trilateral alliance-- that is cooperation between the three nations--and that will allow us to work together, to share intelligence, to share the cooperative efforts and exercises when it comes to North Korea, and to work with China to help make sure that it is sticking by what it says it wants to do, which is to denuclearize the North Korean regime peacefully. I think it is key to our cooperation with China as we work on any number of issues, whether it is trade issues, whether it is issues dealing with the Internet, whether it is issues dealing with the South China Sea. Those are things that we continue to work with China on and are working to resolve, but we also have to make sure part of that conversation is North Korea. China controls a tremendous number of levers and power in North Korea. Ninety percent of their economic activities in North Korea can find their way to some way of subsistence with China, to create a reliance on China, an economic reliance that they have right now. So this legislation will target those who are doing too much to empower the Kim Jong Un regime and to give them the money they have used to develop missiles and to develop weapons of mass destruction. Just to give an example of some of the commodity trade that we have seen, trade commodity sanctions in this bill would address the issue of rare earth minerals and coal and steel and other goods that are exported to other countries to earn foreign currencies for the North Korea regime. To give people an idea of how much money that is, expert estimates put rare earth minerals and steel exports at around $1.8 billion and $245 million respectively. That is a lot of money that the regime is currently getting from outside in trading these goods. But if that $1.8 billion and that $245 million goes back to build weapons of mass destruction, this act will begin sanctions. The President is required to, unless the issue is a very narrow, case-by-case national security issue. There is a mandatory investigation into those activities. So I think this is a strong step that is receiving tremendous bipartisan support. With that, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. GARDNER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded

Mr. GARDNER. Madam President, reserving the right to object.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, we have heard a lot of great discussion and debate today about the sanctions bill on North Korea. Of course, one of the issues that continue to come up is the lack of response from the United Nations. As they are considering and deliberating what exactly to do with North Korea, I hope they will hear not only the words being discussed here on the floor of the Senate but also the actions that are taking place around the globe and particularly in South Korea. We have long been aware of the Kaesong industrial complex. This is a look at it, somewhere just north of Seoul, basically right on the DMZ line, right in between North Korea and South Korea. It is actually inside North Korea, where this industrial complex is a joint venture, so to speak, a number of efforts from South Korea where they are funding manufacturing facilities using labor from North Korea. The purpose of this manufacturing center, the Kaesong industrial complex, was to create additional opportunities for North Korea and South Korea to come together economically and for them to perhaps join together in unification efforts as they continue to see that they can work together economically. Earlier this year, in one of the first committee hearings I held in the East Asia Subcommittee, we heard testimony from Dr. Victor Cha, a professor of government at Georgetown University. He is the senior adviser and Korea chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. We had testimony on North Korea several months ago--at the beginning of the year--as we focused on how we were going to address this challenge and the Kim Jong Un regime. In his testimony in the House of Representatives a few weeks ago, Dr. Cha talked about some of the steps that could be taken by the United States and South Korea to address this North Korea threat. He talked about asymmetric pressure points that we have which we can apply to try to bring peace to the peninsula. In his statement, he said, ``A new approach to North Korea must focus on those asymmetric pressure points.'' Then he talked a little bit about the Kaesong industrial complex: Another useful asymmetric pressure point is the Kaesong Industrial Complex. A legacy of the sunshine policy, this project now provides $90 million in annual wages (around $245.7 million from December 2004 to July 2012) of hard currency to North Korean authorities with little wages actually going to the factory workers. The South Korean government will be opposed to shutting this down, as even conservative governments in South Korea have grown attached to the project as symbolic of the future potential of a unified Korea, but difficult times call for difficult measures. Again, this is Dr. Cha's testimony before the House of Representatives just a few weeks ago saying that this is an asymmetric pressure point and that if we were to address something to Kaesong, perhaps that could apply pressure to the North Korea regime to change its behavior. But because of the investments, because of the amount of work and the opportunities there, closing that wouldn't happen. It is not supported by the government. This shows you how serious North Korea's recent behavior has become. The testing of a fourth nuclear weapon--they claim it is a thermonuclear bomb. We don't have evidence yet whether hydrogen was there or not, but either way, as we stated before, it significantly increases their technical capability, nonetheless, whether it is hydrogen based or not. We saw recently a missile launch, a satellite launch that they used to disguise a test of an intercontinental ballistic missile. South Korea believes this is such a serious situation that South Korea has now shut down the Joint Factory Park at Kaesong over the nuclear test and the rocket. Just a few weeks ago, experts said this wouldn't happen, but the severity of North Korea's actions, violations, continued infringements on any number of U.S. sanctions and U.N. sanctions has forced South Korea to take the very dramatic step of closing this facility that they hoped could bring and be a symbol of further unification. Kim Jong Un and his reckless activities, forgotten maniac of North Korea, is now responsible for the loss of employment of 45,000 people in North Korea, and we wonder why there is no economic development taking place in North Korea. We wonder why there are limited activities. Because this regime is willing to put his own totalitarian regime ahead of the people of North Korea, placing them in political prison camps, torturing them, maiming them--hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children. So South Korea has taken a very serious step to express their displeasure with the actions of North Korea. The United Nations and the United States both continue to discuss and impose sanctions. The U.N. delay is disturbing. We talk about China. We talk about the impact China could have on North Korea and their willingness to change their behavior and to denuclearize North Korea. We know China is responsible for somewhere around 90 percent of the economic activity of North Korea--right around 90 percent of the economic activity. We know trade, precious metals, coal, and raw metals have resulted in about 70 percent of foreign currency in North Korea. That is another step this bill takes, a step to assure we are addressing any activity such as exports, coal, precious metals if the money derived from that goes to the illicit activities. That is why Kaesong was closed. That is why it was closed by South Korea, because they traced the money back from this industrial facility. The 45,000 employees who weren't making all the wages they were paying, a lot of that money was being siphoned off from the hard-working people of North Korea and given to the government and then used to fund weapons of mass destruction, nuclear proliferation. This effort that was used to try to unify the peninsula, to employ people, to find economic partnerships and opportunities was instead used by Kim Jong Un to further the building of billion-dollar rockets while his people starved, to further the efforts of nuclear tests while his people are tortured. This bill attempts to break through that curtain of silence in North Korea, providing ways to effectively communicate with the people of North Korea, to show them what the outside world has to offer in freedom and opportunity if they were to escape the regime in the reign of Kim Jung Un. I think the closure of the industrial complex in Kaesong is one further example of the steps South Korea is being forced to take as a result of these militant activities and provocative activities out of North Korea. I see Senator Shaheen of the Foreign Relations Committee is joining us in this debate today. She was an active member of the sanctions debate on North Korea. I thank the Senator for being on the floor today, and I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I would like to take a moment to applaud the great work that Chairman Murkowski and Ranking Member Cantwell are doing this week on the Energy bill to get this bill to the floor--the Energy Policy Modernization Act of 2016. They have been leaders and have shown their commitment to developing and advancing what is truly a bipartisan bill. This legislation is a result of nearly a year's work on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, with four legislative hearings leading up to a July markup. There have been many hours put into the base text, and we had a strong bipartisan vote to report the bill out of committee 18 to 4. It is also nice to see Members over the past several days, and last week as well, having the opportunity to amend the bill on the floor--to make it even stronger through an open amendment process throughout this past week. The Energy Policy Modernization Act will mean more energy efficiency, more energy generation, and more jobs in the energy sector. Promoting energy efficiency and clean alternative power sources is something that has been a focus of my service, and I am pleased that I have had a chance in my role on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee to continue shaping Federal energy policy in the U.S. Senate. We have before us this week an opportunity to really advance our national energy policy and to think about what our national energy policy means for this country--energy being a cornerstone of our economy and our security. It means more jobs, it means more growth, and perhaps even one of the most potent foreign policy tools this Nation has to offer our allies. I wish to take a little bit of time to highlight several provisions of the bill that I helped champion and sponsor to get included in the base of the text. Section 1006 would encourage the use of something called energy savings performance contracts and utility energy savings contracts in Federal buildings. It is a long name for something that probably doesn't fit very well on a bumper sticker. But what energy savings performance contracts and utility energy savings contracts do is something very simple. They are tools that will allow innovative public and private partnerships to occur, that allow private companies to use private dollars to make energy efficient upgrades to Federal buildings. The private companies are then reimbursed for upgrades once the Federal buildings' energy costs are lower. So, in essence, we are taking private sector ingenuity and know-how and private sector investments and putting them into Federal buildings to lower utility costs, to make sure we are doing a better job of heating or cooling or turning the lights on in our buildings, all through private sector know-how, with no cost to the taxpayer, resulting in taxpayer savings and, of course, thousands of private sector jobs. Last night we had an amendment that passed by voice vote which requires Federal agencies to implement energy savings projects at Federal facilities. For the past several years, we have been carrying out mandatory Federal energy audits that outline energy savings projects for Federal facilities that are aimed at reducing energy consumption and saving tax dollars, but Federal agencies were not required to implement these changes. So we were actually spending Federal dollars to find out how we can save Federal dollars. Yet we would put that report on a shelf where it could gather dust, and we actually didn't implement the taxpayer savings that the reports suggested. We are not talking about just a little bit of savings; we are talking about billions upon billions of dollars of savings that we could put upon the Federal Government simply by making the billions of square feet of office space that the Federal Government has more energy efficient--all, again, by using private sector know-how and private sector ingenuity, with zero taxpayer dollars involved. This amendment that we added last night would make sure those requirements--those findings of energy savings--are actually put into place. Instead of just gathering dust on the shelf, we are going to make them a reality. Section 3002 of the bill would reauthorize a Department of Energy program for 10 additional years to provide funding to retrofit existing dams and river conduits with electricity-generating technology. It is estimated by the Department of Energy that there is up to 12 gigawatts of untapped hydropower development within the Nation's existing dam infrastructure--12 gigawatts already there, untapped. Right now we estimate that only about 3 percent of the Nation's 80,000 existing dams are used to generate clean hydroelectric power. If people are concerned about zero emissions and carbon emissions, hydropower is one of the greatest opportunities we have--hydroelectric generation--to produce clean energy, a renewable resource and emission free. We have heard from the Colorado Small Hydro Association that there are new Colorado hydroelectric projects benefiting from this program that were originally authorized in the Energy Policy Act of 2005. These projects include new small hydro projects near Ouray, Creede, Grand Lake, and Ridgeway, CO. Another measure I have been working on over the past several years is section 2201, which expedites the approval of liquefied natural gas export applications. I carried this measure in the House where we passed it with bipartisan support, and now we are going to be able to pass it with bipartisan support in the U.S. Senate. When we think about the foreign policy potential that expediting liquefied natural gas has for this country and the world, it is truly significant. We now can send to our allies in Eastern Europe and around the globe-- nations that are currently dependent on energy from tyrannical governments or governments that would use their energy contracts and pricing to try to gouge their neighbors or to manipulate markets for their own gain of an unscrupulous leader--it is a foreign policy tool that the United States can now provide to our allies abundant, affordable energy. This bill will allow that liquefied natural gas permitting process to be expedited. Nations can't wait to get their hands on U.S. energy. The Department of Energy has said that they can comply with the terms of this bill. It is a no-brainer. I also sponsored language in section 4101 of the bill to commission a study of the feasibility and the potential benefits that could be brought about by an energy-water Center Of Excellence within the Department of Energy's national laboratories. In Colorado we are home to the National Renewable Energy Laboratory. We are also home to some of the most incredible waterways our Nation has to offer. We are also home, of course, to the high plains areas of the Western Slope and the Eastern Plains that need more attention when it comes to how we are going to develop our energy sources while also making sure we are protecting our water and making sure we are being good conservationists when it comes to our water. An energy-water Center Of Excellence would aid in efforts to establish a comprehensive approach for managing energy and water resources in the future. In section 3017, I worked to clarify that oilseed crops are eligible to qualify for the same research provisions as biomass. Meeting future demand for energy and fuel will require a variety of sources, and science and research indicate that oilseed crops have the potential to play a significant role. The Central Great Plains Research Station in Akron, CO, is researching right now oilseed productivity under varying water availability. Meeting our energy needs in an increasingly drought-ridden area will only become harder and harder. Without the necessary research, we may not have an appropriate response, but with continued innovation, we will have a great one. Oilseeds can hold the key to providing safe, clean energy that is water efficient--a key for the increasingly drought-ridden West. One of the things we know we have to consider in agriculture, as farmers sometimes face challenging and sometimes historic lows in commodity prices, is to make sure we are finding new ways and new value to the crops they can raise. The development of oilseeds, development of dryland oilseed technologies is an incredible way for us to bring value-added opportunities to rural America. These are only a few of the provisions that I have worked to advance in this bill, and I wish to thank, again, Chairman Murkowski and so many of our colleagues for including these provisions so important to States like Colorado and the Presiding Officer's State of Montana, and for what we have been able to do in this Energy bill. We are spending this time on energy because it is so important to this country. Why is it important? Because it means jobs. It means an economic foundation. Abundant and affordable energy means the opportunity for a small business to open up. It means the ability of our neighbors to be able to afford to cool or heat their homes, to be able to turn on the light switch when they wake up in the morning and go home at night. Over the past year we have looked back at the work the Senate has done, and really the past year has been a very productive one in the Senate for the American people. We have focused on four things in the Senate--four corners--something that I call my four corners plan: Working on education, passing a bipartisan education bill; areas such as our economy, and providing tax relief to small businesses and people around the country; passing a bipartisan transportation bill to make sure we are getting goods to and from the market. We have worked on the environment by passing the Land and Water Conservation Fund. In fact, this bill will address the great program of the Land and Water Conservation Fund, which has benefited all 50 States across the country with projects in every single one. This bill, the Energy Modernization Policy Act that we are working on today, will address the fourth corner of my four corner plan, and that is energy. We will hopefully produce hundreds of thousands of jobs around Colorado and the country, directly or indirectly related to energy development and energy production, whether that is clean energy, renewable energy, energy efficiency, traditional energy, transmission of that energy to and from consumers; whether it is produced in the sparsely populated southeastern areas of Colorado or the densely populated areas of Colorado's front range and beyond. I hope our colleagues will agree to support and pass this legislation so that it actually continues American leadership when it comes to energy policy. So I thank the Presiding Officer for his leadership. I know in Montana this Energy bill is an important step forward because it represents an all-of-the-above energy policy. I want to thank the Presiding Officer for his leadership in Montana, and I also want to thank the chairman of the committee, Senator Murkowski, for her leadership as well. Mr. President, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, today I honor the Left Hand Ditch Company, based in Boulder County, CO, on its 150th anniversary. Left Hand Ditch Company was founded on February 27, 1866, 10 years before Colorado became a State. It provides an essential resource for water in the Boulder and Longmont region of the Northern Front Range. Left Hand has played an important role in the history of water law in Colorado and the American West. In the case of Coffin v. Left Hand Ditch Company in 1882, the Colorado Supreme Court upheld Left Hand's right to continue its use of the water supply in the area. This ``first-in, first-right'' decision became the basis for water law in the West, known as the Doctrine of Prior Appropriation. As one historian has said, ``The story of the Left Hand Ditch is the story of water in the west.'' Water is a foundational aspect of Colorado's history and is a primary driver for agriculture, commerce, and community development in the State. Left Hand's contributions have helped spur growth in this region and set an important precedent for our Nation's water laws. Congratulations to the Left Hand Ditch Company on reaching this significant milestone.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, we just left the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, as the Presiding Officer knows as a member of the Foreign Relation Committee, where we passed, with overwhelming bipartisan support, legislation to increase our sanctions against the rogue regime in North Korea. About a year ago I had a conversation with Senator Corker, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, about the need for the legislation. We both agreed that North Korea poses a serious and growing threat to its neighbors, to the U.S. homeland, and to global security. We agreed we could not continue to ignore the forgotten maniac--the forgotten maniac who is Kim Jong Un. This past August I had an opportunity to visit with South Korea personally to meet with the President of South Korea, Mr. Park, and we agreed that the status quo with regard to North Korea was no longer sustainable and no longer responsible. That is why this past October I introduced S. 2144, the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act. I thank the sponsors of that bill--Senators Rubio, Risch, Perdue, and Isakson--for cosponsoring the legislation and the chairman and his staff for their encouragement and invaluable support to make that bill a reality today, along with Senators Cardin and Menendez, who worked so hard, and the work Senator Menendez has been leading over the past year as well. This is a bipartisan product that came out of the committee. As the chairman announced today, we will most likely see floor time in just a couple of weeks. On January 6, 2016, our worst fears were realized when North Korea conducted its fourth nuclear test. Moreover, North Korea has claimed this test was a hydrogen bomb, which is a vastly more powerful weapon. Even if the reports out of North Korea are not true that it is not such a weapon, it still represents a significant advancement in North Korea's nuclear weapons capability. We also know North Korea continues to advance its ballistic missile program. News reports recently out of both Japan and in the United States talk about the equipment being moved for a possible additional missile launch. ADM Bill Gortney, the head of U.S. Northern Command based at Peterson Air Force Base in Colorado Springs, CO, has publicly stated on several occasions that North Korea may have already developed the ability to miniaturize a nuclear warhead, to mount it on their own intercontinental ballistic missile called the KN-08, and to ``shoot it at the homeland.'' Admiral Gortney reiterated those fears to me privately in our conversations numerous times as well, including his feeling--his concern--that the condition of the peninsula is perhaps at its most unstable point that it has been since the armistice. North Korea continues to grossly abuse the rights of their own people. There are up to 200,000 men, women, and children in North Korea's vast prison systems. In fact, the United Nations Commission of Inquiry in 2014 found that North Korea's actions constituted a crime against humanity. We have seen North Korea's cyber capabilities grow into an asymmetrical threat that they have utilized against its neighbors, South Korea and Japan, as well as the United States, as we all recall after the Sony Pictures hack in November of 2014. According to a November 2015 report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, North Korea is emerging as a significant actor in cyber space with both its military and clandestine organizations gaining the ability to conduct cyber operations. All of these developments represent a failure of U.S. policy of strategic patience toward North Korea. That is why this bill out of committee, with the strong bipartisan support that it received today, represents a final change in that failed policy. It allows us to change course and, in just a couple of weeks, we can put that legislation into effect. The House of Representatives, as we know, passed 418-to-2 their own version of a bill sanctioning North Korea just a few weeks ago, and I thank the chairman for moving forward on our very strong substitute amendment today. The Gardner-Menendez substitute before us today represents a slightly modified version of S. 2144. In particular, this legislation mandates-- not simply authorizes, it mandates--the President to impose sanctions against persons who materially contribute to North Korea's nuclear and ballistic missile development; import luxury goods into North Korea; enable its censorship and human rights abuses; engage in money laundering or manufacturing of counterfeit goods and narcotics trafficking; engaging in activities undermining cyber security; have sold, supplied or transferred to or from North Korea precious metals or raw metals, including aluminum, steel, and coal for the benefit of North Korea's regime and its illicit activities. These are mandatory sanctions. It is a dramatic new direction from the discretionary sanctions of today. I would note that these mandatory sanctions on North Korea's cyber activities and mandatory sanctions on the minerals are unique to the Senate legislation. This bill also codifies Executive Order Nos. 13687 and 13694, regarding cyber security as they apply to North Korea, which were enacted last year in the wake of the Sony Pictures hack and other cyber incidents. This is also a unique feature of the Senate bill, the Gardner-Menendez substitute amendment. Lastly, the mandatory sanctions on cyber violators will break new ground for Congress if enacted and signed into law, perhaps providing precedent for future cyber violations around the globe. We need to look for every way to deprive Pyongyang of income to build its weapons program, strengthen its cyber capabilities, and continue the abuse of its own people. We must stop this regime's abuse, and we must also send a strong message to China, North Korea's diplomatic protector and largest trading partner, that the United States will use every economic tool at its disposal to stop the forgotten maniac. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation when it moves to the floor. I congratulate Senator Corker and Senator Menendez for coming together with a bipartisan solution today so this body and the House of Representatives can pass this legislation and put it on the President's desk to be signed into law. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise today in memory of Vernon Alston. Vernon Alston, Jr., was a member of the U.S. Capitol Police. On Sunday, January 24, Officer Alston passed away after suffering from a heart attack. As was so common for Officer Alston, his concern had been for others that day. He spent the morning by serving those around him, helping those in his community shovel the incredible amounts of snow the area received. Day after day, the men and women of the Capitol Police work to protect us all, not just the Members and staff, but anyone who comes to the Nation's Capitol to share in the history, heritage, and traditions of this place. For two decades, Officer Alston dedicated himself to his work, and I am grateful for his many years of dedicated service on the Capitol grounds. This building stands as a representation of the values our Nation was founded on, and it is in this building that we continue to uphold the values of democracy. The Capitol Police are often called America's police. They protect us as we carry out this work and safeguard those who travel from around the world to experience this living piece of American history which serves as the stage for our future. Their support for us is invaluable and unwavering, and this week it is our turn to support them as they mourn the loss of a dear colleague and friend. Whether it is September 11 or the ricin attacks or anthrax or somebody who is here visiting who has a health issue, we know the support and the pride that every member of the Capitol Police Force brings to the job each and every day. They are never the first to flee, they are the last to leave, and for that we are eternally grateful. My deepest condolences go to Officer Alston's wife Nicole, their children, and his family members. We will always honor his work and legacy. He is a member of our Capitol community, and he will truly be missed. I yield back.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Alaska for her leadership on the bipartisan Energy bill. It is a bill that came out of committee with an 18-to-4 vote, strong support on both sides of the aisle. This is a bill that has components in it from grid reliability, to transparency, accountability, and clean energy. On the floor there are opportunities for amendments that will be discussed and brought out, including an amendment that is important to Senator Shaheen and I that will be discussing the impact the recreation economy has--the amount of dollars raised and generated through the recreation economy, spending money in the great outdoors, how it impacts our States, and the jobs it creates. We know people come to States such as Colorado, New Hampshire, and Alaska to hike, fish, climb, ski, and partake in all of the great incredible recreational benefits we have year-round in Alaska, Colorado, and the rest of our many States with so many recreational offerings. I look forward to these discussions, and over the next few days I look forward to coming back to the floor to discuss other ideas in the bill right now, such as renewable energy, energy efficiencies, including my legislation to expand the use of energy savings performance contracts which could save this country $20 billion without spending a dime of taxpayer money. These are incredible opportunities. At this time, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business for 5 minutes.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the following members of Senator Daines' staff be granted floor privileges for the remainder of the 114th Congress: Ben Johnson, Amy Coffman, and James Fortner.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask to have printed in the Record a copy of my remarks to honor the veterans of Honor Flight Northern Colorado. The material follows: Honor Flight Northern Colorado Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise today to honor the veterans of Honor Flight Northern Colorado and the organization's 15th trip to Washington, DC. This group includes veterans from various wars and generations, but all are linked by their service to our country. Ten years ago, the Honor Flight was created to fly veterans that had served in World War II to Washington, DC so they could visit the World War II memorial. Now, the Honor Flight welcomes veterans from across the country to fly to Washington, DC, free of charge, to visit the memorials of the wars these heroic veterans fought. Currently, there are more than 21.8 million veterans living in the United States, and this growing population is continuously deserving of recognition. No matter the conflict, these veterans made exceptional sacrifices in order to serve and defend our country. Of the 123 veterans on the most recent Honor Flight, 13 served in World War II, 43 served in Korea, and 67 served in Vietnam. Please join me in honoring Paul Bechthold, Floyd Cooper, Raymond Ernest, Charles Hoelscher, Joseph Isley, Carl Johnson, Frederick Kaehler, Rex McFadden, Allan Meenen, William Ramsey, Donald Stephens, John Ulvang, Ceylon Weller, Robert Ault, Adolfo Benavides, Henry Bjorklund, Edwin Bowker, Albert Cain, Kenneth Creamer, Robert Crouch, Gerald Donnelly, Robert Eckhardt, Gary Eyre, William Ferguson, Elmer Fortin, Glen Geilenkirchen, James Gribben, Kent Grimsley, Walter Harris, Warren Hawkins, Carl Heufel, Eugene Hitchman, Neil Hoffman, Frank Hummel, Harold Jochum, Eldon Johnson, Roy Johnson, Michael Kennedy, Jimmie Kramer, Burman Lorenson, Robert McCauley, Gerald Meis, Robert Plick, Donald Reininger, Earl Reynolds, William Richardson, Royal Ryser, Merle Sapp, Raymond Schmitz, Ralph Sherman, Ned Steel, Vernon Sterkel, Richard Vandewalker, Richard Weinmeister, Donald Wiseman, Paul Zimmerman, Walter Amack, Ernest Anderson, Bruce Avery, Allen Brink, Wayne Burris, Gary Cain, James Christopher, Richard Cobb, Harold Colaizzi, Harold Collins, William Deivert, Russell Emmons, Michael Ferrell, Osia Fox, Robert Goodwin, Jerald Gossel, Josef Gruenwald, David Hallahan, Charles Ham, Calvin Hamilton Jr., Arnold Hart, Leland Haskell, Charles Hixon, Michael Jacomet, Dale Jenkins, Doyle Jenkins, Jimmie Johnston, Patrick Kistler, Edward Lobb, Danny Lynn, Thomas Marlo, Manuel Martinez, John McCarthy, Edward Meikel, Marilyn Miyaima, Royce Modisette, Stephen Mulvihill, Charles Munroe, Rueben Olivas Jr., Edward Olson, Ralph Otte, Stephen Pangrac, Jerry Park, Linda Plick, Thomas Pusel, Phillip Rangel, William Rhodes, John Robley, Rodney Rodriguez, Christopher Romero, Reuben Sanchez, Kenneth Sheppard, Wayne Shortridge, Walter Silva, Dennis Sindelir, James Spears, Thomas Steinbach, Robert Stolz, David Stout, Raymond Stroot, Floyd Taladay, Dennis Teter, Larry Uhlenkott, Robert Wheeler, Everett Winkler, William Vick, Merle Wood.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise today to honor our men and women in law enforcement. Across the United States this year, 118 law enforcement officers have paid the ultimate sacrifice. In Colorado, we honor our four fallen officers: Sergeant Sean Renfro with the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office, whose care and concern for others did not end when he was off duty; Trooper Taylor Thyfault with the Colorado State Patrol, an Army veteran and a cadet training to become a trooper and due to his bravery was honored as a trooper before being laid to rest; Jaimie Jursevics with the Colorado State Patrol, a new mom and the victim of the careless actions of another; and Officer Garrett Swasey with the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs Police Department, our most recent loss, as he responded to the senseless attack in Colorado Springs. Each of their legacies reflects an extraordinary Colorado spirit, each a cherished member of their community, leaving behind loved ones as they worked to uphold the law and care for those around them. These heroes risked their lives, and they showed the highest courage. And as we prepare our hearts and our homes for the holiday season, I hope we can all take a few moments to express our sincere gratitude for their service and protection. In the best of times, patrolling the roadways, being present in our neighborhoods, and maintaining order can be a difficult and dangerous duty. I am proud of the work the men and women who make up each law enforcement office in Colorado carry out each and every day. On watch in precincts, correctional facilities, and along our highways, they diligently fight to safeguard our State. Colorado families, including mine, from the Eastern Plains to the Western Slope remain safe in large part because of the work and valor of our law enforcement personnel. As the guardians of our communities, they prepare to respond to things that most of society simply hope will never happen to them. Lt. Col. Dave Grossman wrote that American law enforcement is the loyal and brave sheepdog, always standing watch for the wolf that lurks in the dark. With the recent events at home and abroad, we are reminded of the threats that are hiding in the shadows and the dangers that police officers confront each and every day. Yet they remain steadfast in their commitment to stand against evil. I am personally grateful for the sacrifices they make and the commitment they demonstrate to protect our State and our country. Their courage and selfless service were exemplified in the recent tragedy in Colorado Springs. As first responders, they are the first to encounter the fear, the calls for help, and the danger, but in that fear and danger, they provide hope and safety. Driven by courage and the desire to serve, they fulfill a great need throughout our communities. They carry these values as they begin their watch each and every day when they leave their family to protect mine and every other American. Their badge identifies them as a source of help in vulnerable times, and behind each badge of police officers, sheriff deputies, correctional officers, and patrolmen and patrolwomen is a heart that extends beyond its own bounds. Calling Colorado home rings truer when you also have the honor to safeguard it. I am thankful for their service and thankful to the families for their continued sacrifice. They are constantly in my family's thoughts and prayers, and we wish them each a safe and happy holiday. I yield the floor.