Cory Gardner

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I reiterate the thanks my colleague from Colorado has given to Chairman Isakson of the Veterans' Affairs Committee as well as to the Senator from Kansas who worked closely with us to make sure we could all get behind two measures we support, both of which would provide greater care and support for our veterans. To my colleague Senator Bennet from Colorado, through the Chair, I thank him for the work we have been able to do. This has been a tireless effort in the hours leading up to Memorial Day to make sure we provide the resources necessary to continue a hospital project in Denver that has been, no doubt, beleaguered by problems, but something we must fulfill and must continue to fulfill to complete the project, to get this thing built, and to make sure it does not result in even higher costs than it has already undertaken. This is an effort that is going to take continued cooperation, not only by the Colorado delegation but by the Veterans' Administration itself. Over the next 3 weeks, we have been given a reprieve to make sure we can find the policies and a viable path forward to get this job done that results in a hospital that will complete and fulfill the promises we made to the veterans in Colorado. Through the Chair, I say to my colleague Senator Bennet great thanks for his leadership on all accounts, and I thank Chairman Isakson on behalf of veterans across Colorado for his leadership and work in making this happen. I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise to talk and continue the conversation we were having in the Senate about trade and the need to pass trade promotion authority, all geared toward hopeful entry and final conclusion of a Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement that this Senate will be able to vote on to approve or disapprove, if it is not a good bargain, and eventual conclusion of a treaty with the European Union, TTIP, and what we can do to make sure we are fashioning a trade partnership in this country to truly grow our economy. One of the things that have made me so passionate over the years about public service has been the economic circumstance and the conditions of rural America, what happens to Main Streets across our great Nation that are suffering. They have more boarded-up storefronts than they have ever had at any other time in history. Perhaps one of the greatest things we could do right now to help Main Street, to help create new jobs and opportunities, is to pass trade promotion authority later today, tomorrow, whenever we get to it--to make sure it passes without provisions that could break up any future negotiations but do so in a way that allows agreements to be entered into like the Trans- Pacific Partnership--all benefiting rural America and particularly rural Colorado. To make rural America more successful, we have to find new ways to bring new value to those things we can produce in rural America, whether it is wheat crops, corn crops or a small manufacturing business. How do we add value to what is produced in and across rural America? According to a 2012 Peterson Institute for International Economics study, it is estimated that industries across this country could see a 2-percent increase in added value as a result of a finalized Trans- Pacific Partnership Agreement. So when we talk about adding value to crops, and we talk about adding value to goods produced in rural America, this study shows that if we pass the trade promotion authority and move to the successful conclusion of TPP, it adds value to what we produce across this country, creating jobs and opportunity. There are a lot of people who are concerned about the trade promotion authority, people who are maybe opposed to it, people worried it may not create the kind of value others believe it will. But the conservative Heritage Foundation had a study that showed trade was adding $1.7 billion to our GDP in 2013. In fact, this same study showed that, according to the Heritage Foundation, trade brings value to the average American household of over $13,000 per family. That is $13,000 per family added to income in a household, that they would be able to succeed with to achieve greater opportunity, to raise their value of life, to raise their quality of life--all because of and possible through trade. Trade promotion authority is the first step we will take in this Chamber and across the hall to the House of Representatives to make sure we are giving the tools to our negotiators to develop the best, strongest, possible agreement. Now this agreement doesn't just say do whatever you want, this agreement has sideboards on it, firewalls that create opportunities to enter into the best deal possible to direct our negotiators to tear down barriers. Some of the concerns I hear from people who may be unsure about the passage of trade promotion authority seems to be: This is about big business, isn't it? This is only going to benefit those corporations that are the biggest in the United States. But that is simply not true, because what free-trade agreements allow us to do is to tear down trade barriers. It allows us to break those barriers that are creating impediments to doing business. In fact, if you are in a big business, corporate welfare has become a common way that you are actually trying to succeed in this country. Corporate welfare, where you have a lobbyist you can pay--or a team of lobbyists you can pay--to provide, to get or to gain a special tax preference or maybe there is a trade barrier you would like thrown up against some other nation that is importing goods into the United States, and this big corporation says, you know what, we think we can stop this through special interest favors--so what is an advantage in big business is corporate welfare. By entering into a free-trade agreement by passing trade promotion authority, allowing us to tear down those trade barriers like the TPP will, it actually helps all businesses in this country by eliminating corporate welfare, by taking out the advantage that a big business has to hire lobbyists to curry favor through legislation, giving small businesses an equal opportunity with that value that they added through a trade agreement to sell their goods around the world. So the Trans-Pacific Partnership, trade promotion authority, these are agreements that focus on sending goods from Main Street to Malaysia, what we can do to create economic opportunity in Colorado and beyond, because everybody in Colorado is benefitting right now from free markets and free trade; 265,000 Colorado jobs are supported by trade with nations that are represented in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. In fact 48 percent of all Colorado goods, 48 percent of the goods we create in Colorado, were exported to nations represented in the TPP, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. In a State that exported over $8.4 billion worth of goods, we can see the kinds of jobs and economic opportunity that trade promotion authority will lead to. In fact, there have been economists who have talked about pillars of our economy; one pillar being lower taxes, one pillar being spending restraint, one pillar being lessening the regulatory burden on businesses around this country. But another pillar is trade, the ability to create goods in the United States to send them overseas. That creates jobs and opportunity for all of us. Whether it is our agricultural commodities, whether it is manufacturing in Colorado, aerospace or technology, we know we will benefit from a strong agreement that tears down barriers giving big and small businesses alike the opportunity to enter into a promising economic opportunity that we will all share in. Memorial Day Mr. President, I also rise to talk about this upcoming weekend. People and families across this country will be celebrating Memorial Day, sharing time with family and friends celebrating the weekend. In Colorado, normally you would be celebrating by possibly going to the lake or going on a hike in the mountains or down the river, but unfortunately the weather may not be as nice as it has been in past years. We are receiving much needed rain and moisture, but it may not let up in time for a lot of the outdoor activities that we would normally enjoy over Memorial Day. But one thing that will not be dampened, one thing that will not stop is the observation of Memorial Day and the tribute, the thoughts, the remembrance that we pay to those who served our country. Now, it may be a little wetter than normal, there may be more tents than perhaps the jackets we usually have, but Coloradans across the State will still go to the cemeteries paying their respects. They will still share stories with their families about the members of their family who have served this country, who have given so much and sacrificed so greatly for this country. It is 70 years ago this year that one of the Colorado Guard units was involved in World War II in the liberation of Dachau. Seventy years ago, Felix Sparks was one of the first to arrive on that atrocious scene. That is something that will no doubt be on the minds of many veterans in this country and in Colorado this year, the sacrifices they have given so people all around this world will be able to enjoy liberty, share in the democracy that free people have, and where we can continue to provide opportunities to enrich liberty, to promote democracy. That is what this Nation will continue to do thanks to the sacrifices of our veterans and the noble goals and efforts of those men and women in uniform today. I wish the people in this country a very good Memorial Day. I yield back the remainder of my time.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise to speak about the threat from North Korea to U.S. national security and to our friends and allies in East Asia. On May 9, North Korea claimed it had test-fired a ballistic missile from a submarine, raising concerns across the region. If these reports are accurate, experts point out that North Korea may have succeeded for the first time in installing a missile launcher of about 2,500 tons onto a submarine. If that is true, with this test, North Korea violated a series of United Nations Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 1718, 1874, 2087, and 2094. According to a more cautious assessment from South Korean officials, it appears North Korea will be able to deploy a fully operational submarine capable of launching a ballistic missile in only 4 to 5 years. This launch is the latest confirmation of Pyongyang's growing nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities while the Obama administration seems to have fallen asleep at the switch with regard to our policy to deter the growing North Korea threat. According to the Director of National Intelligence's 2015 Worldwide Threat Assessment, ``North Korea's nuclear weapons and missile programs pose a serious threat to the United States and to the security environment in East Asia.'' We should remember North Korea has already tested nuclear weapons on three separate occasions--2006, 2009, and in February of 2013. Most recently, nuclear experts have reported that North Korea may have as many as 20 nuclear warheads, a number that could double by next year, and that Pyongyang has the potential to possess as many as 100 warheads within the next 5 years. We know North Korea is a nuclear proliferator. They cooperated with the Syrian regime on their nuclear weapons program before Israeli jets destroyed that facility in 2007. We know North Korea's conventional arsenal is rapidly expanding and threatens not only our close allies in South Korea and Japan but could also threaten the United States, our homeland, in the near future. According to the DNI, ``North Korea has also expanded the size and sophistication of its ballistic missile forces, ranging from close- range ballistic missiles to ICBMs, while continuing to conduct test launches. In 2014, North Korea launched an unprecedented number of ballistic missiles.'' The DNI report goes on to say that ``Pyongyang is committed to developing a long-range, nuclear-armed missile that is capable of posing a direct threat to the United States.'' We should not forget that North Korea is an aggressive, ruthless regime that is not even afraid to kill its own innocent people. On March 26, 2010, North Korean missiles sank the South Korean ship Cheonan, killing 46 of her crew, and several months later shelled a South Korean island, killing four more South Korean citizens. It is also quickly developing other tools of intimidation as well, such as cyber capabilities, as demonstrated by the attack on the South Korean financial and communication systems in March of 2013 and the infamous Sony Pictures hacking incident in November of 2014. We should also not forget that this regime remains one of the world's foremost abusers of human rights. The North Korean regime maintains a vast network of political prison camps where as many as 200,000 men, women, and children are confined to atrocious living conditions and are tortured, maimed, and killed. On February 7, 2014, the United Nations Human Rights Council released a report detailing North Korea's horrendous record on human rights. Here is a description of some of the torture methods common in North Korea as described by former North Korean state security officials interviewed for the report. The room had wall shackles that were specially arranged to hang people upside down. Various other torture instruments were also provided, including long needles that would be driven underneath the suspect's fingernails and a pot with a water-hot chili pepper concoction that would be poured into the victim's nose. As a result of such severe torture, suspects would often admit to crimes they did not commit. This report makes for horrifying reading and gives us a glimpse of the utter depravity of this regime. What then is the U.S. policy to counter North Korea's belligerence and human rights abuses? The answer is precious little. The administration's policy of strategic patience has been a failure. All that our so-called patience has done is allowed the regime to significantly advance its military capabilities and to systematically continue to torture its own people. I call on the administration to immediately reverse course and begin the process of applying more pressure to the North Korean regime through additional financial sanctions, increased military engagement with our allies in the region, and more assertive diplomacy with China, which wields significant control over the fate of the regime. We should never negotiate with Pyongyang without imposing strict preconditions that North Korea take immediate steps to halt its nuclear program, cease all military provocations, and make credible steps toward respecting human rights of its people. We should not forget that in a deal with the United States over 20 years ago, North Korea pledged to dismantle their nuclear program. Today, we are reaping the harvest of failed policies of engagement with a regime that has no respect for international agreements or international norms. As it negotiates with other rogue states that seek to obtain nuclear weapons to threaten the free world, I urge the administration to draw the appropriate conclusions from our failed North Korea policy. As we talk about human rights violations and violations of international norms, there was a report printed yesterday with the headline ``North Korea Said to Execute a Top Official, With an Antiaircraft Gun.'' This is a country violating human rights, killing its own people, and willing to watch as its own people starve to death. Now there is a report that they are killing people with anti-aircraft guns. This is a regime that doesn't deserve strategic patience but deserves the full commitment of the United States in our efforts to make sure we are bringing peace to the region and long-term peace to the world. I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Thank you, Mr. President. In just a few minutes, we will be holding a vote on whether to invoke cloture to cut off debate and move to the trade promotion authority bill, granting trade promotion authority to the President--a very important conversation this country needs to have in terms of what we are going to do to expand our opportunities in a region of the world that represents 50 percent of the population of this world and that represents 40 percent of our trade opportunities. It is a great opportunity for this Congress, this Senate, to show how serious we are about truly rebalancing our efforts with Asian nations. In Colorado alone, we exported nearly $8.4 billion in goods in 2014. In Colorado, 48 percent of all goods were exported in 2014. Over 260,000 jobs are derived from trade with nations represented by the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiating group. The TPP represents an opportunity for Colorado to create nearly 4,000 new jobs, and that is just a start. So today's conversation is not just a vote on whether we will have more delay on an important bill; this is about something that represents far greater opportunity than that. The fact is, over the past several years we have focused our time on the Middle East, and rightfully so, but as our day-to-day attention gets grabbed by the Middle East, our long-term interests lie in Asia and the Trans-Pacific Partnership region. So I hope today that Members will put aside tendencies to decide they want to play politics with the trade promotion authority and instead, indeed, pursue policies that will give us a chance to grow our economy, to make more products representative with the symbol and the label ``Made in America.'' That is the chance we have today--to give our workers a competitive advantage, to create an opportunity for increased trade in an area of the world where we face increasing competition and regional threats, to show that the United States will indeed be a part of a region in the world that represents so much opportunity. As we have seen increases in Colorado and beyond in trade and trade opportunities, this bill represents a chance for us to continue improving our ability to grow Colorado's economy and Colorado trade. So to our colleagues across the Senate, I indeed hope that we will invoke cloture today, that we will move forward on debate, and that we will have an opportunity to continue our work to support trade and to move toward passage of the final TPP. Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, as we discuss the Iran nuclear agreement and the President's administration is attempting to negotiate the agreement, I come to the floor of the Senate to remind Coloradans, and indeed Americans, about some of the activities that have taken place in our relationship with Iran over the past several decades. Following the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the ruling mullahs held 52 American diplomats hostage for 444 days, releasing them only on January 20, 1981, the day that President Ronald Reagan was sworn into office. Two years later, on April 18, 1983, a truck ladened with explosives rammed into the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon, killing 17 Americans. On October 23, 1983, there was a similar attack on the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut which killed 241 American servicemen. Overwhelmingly, the evidence led to Iran and its wholly owned subsidiary Hezbollah as the perpetrator of these attacks. Several weeks ago, we had the opportunity to visit with Prime Minister Netanyahu in Israel to discuss the negotiations that were taking place and the details of the negotiations. Those details have emerged in a couple of pages of documents which were released by the White House. But they are still lacking in great detail and in the specifics of the framework. Prime Minister Netanyahu described the negotiations to be a dance of porcupines in the Middle East. There is concern about the negotiations and where they would lead. Indeed, the Prime Minister made the comment that Iran is now putting its finger on the jugular of the world. Over the past 24 to 48 hours, we have indeed seen that happen in the Strait of Hormuz and with the boarding by Iran of a cargo ship that falls under the protective umbrella of the United States of America. So we continue to see an Iranian regime that has not changed in more than 30 years. It has not changed in the last 48 hours. They have targeted and killed Americans during the Iraq war, supported Shiite militias, and supplied deadly explosives that have been used to kill and target our troops. Iran continues to prop up the murderous Assad regime in Syria. They regularly threaten to wipe Israel off the map and abuse the human rights of their own people. They have imprisoned Americans, reporters, and refused to release them. There is no doubt that we must avoid a nuclear Iran and do everything in our power to make sure that Iran doesn't possess a nuclear infrastructure. But the questions that we have today lead more and more to a conclusion that they will continue to maintain a nuclear infrastructure. Secretary Schultz and Secretary Kissinger made it very clear in an op-ed they wrote for the Wall Street Journal several weeks ago. We have entered this negotiation and somehow siloed off or bifurcated the issue of political restraint with nuclear restraint. We have somehow decided we will have tunnelvision on one issue without acknowledging, admitting or negotiating the other acts of violence, death, and destruction that the Iran regime has pursued for not just 30 years ago, not just 15 years ago, and there is also what is happening around the world and in the Middle East today. I hope we can emerge from these negotiations with a strong deal, a deal that allows us the inspection of military bases without question upon demand, and with the fact that we will remove their nuclear infrastructure, that we can assure that they are no longer a regime that is leading state- sponsored efforts to wipe Israel off the map, and that we can indeed protect Americans from the reign of terror that has been a state- sponsored effort. There is nothing less that we should ask of this administration or any administration. We need to protect the American people. At the negotiating table--when we sit 2 or 3 feet across from the people with whom we are negotiating--we cannot ignore what is happening through state-sponsored terrorism. We cannot ignore the cargo ships in the Strait of Hormuz that have been stormed. We cannot ignore what has happened in Yemen or Hezbollah. We cannot ignore the reality that we face today of an Iran that has not changed in 30 years. The fact is our sanctions have worked, and the fact is that increased sanctions could work as well. I hope before this negotiation is signed off and agreed to, they will realize who is making the negotiations happen and possible and that more needs to be done to protect Americans and protect the world from an Iran that simply doesn't have a dangerous threat posed to us from nuclear weapons but which poses the danger through state-sponsored terrorism which they continue to pursue today. I thank the Presiding Officer for the time.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise to welcome the Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe to Congress and to speak to the importance of United States-Japan relations and the future of the Asia-Pacific region. Tomorrow is a momentous occasion. For the first time ever, our country will welcome the leader of Japan to speak before a joint meeting of Congress. For over 2\1/2\ centuries, our Nations have been intimately linked by trade and commerce. In 1853, Commodore Matthew Perry waited with his ships on Japanese shores to deliver a letter from President Millard Fillmore to Japan's Emperor on November 13, 1852, which said in part: I send you this public letter by Commodore Matthew C. Perry, an officer of the highest rank in the navy of the United States, and commander of the squadron now visiting Your imperial majesty's dominions. I have directed Commodore Perry to assure your imperial majesty that I entertain the kindest feelings toward your majesty's person and government, and that I have no other object in sending him to Japan but to propose to your imperial majesty that the United States and Japan should live in friendship. Thus, our Nations embarked on a path and relationship that would change the course of world history. On July 29, 1858, the United States and Japan concluded the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, and in 1860 Japan dispatched its first diplomats to Washington, DC. They were the very first Japanese diplomats to visit a foreign power in 200 years. Historians have often referred to our opening with Japan as an extension of our own Nation's Manifest Destiny which spread the American people and values across the West, including my home State of Colorado. In 1911, President William Howard Taft further advanced our ties by concluding the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation with Japan. In World War I, Japan sided with the allies. On March 26, 1912, a gift of 3,020 cherry blossom trees arrived in our Nation's Capital--a symbol of United States-Japanese friendship that we witness every spring as we walk by or drive by the Tidal Basin and other landmarks in Washington. But we must never forget the dark pages in our history. We must never forget Pearl Harbor, the day that will live in infamy. We must never forget Iwo Jima, Saipan, Guadalcanal, and the bloody battles in Okinawa. This war changed our Nation forever. Every day we must remember the sacrifice of the greatest generation that prevailed in that epic, great civilizational conflict. Without them, this Nation would not be what it is today. Without them, this Nation may not have endured. We never lost sight of perspective of why we fought. As Imperial Japan surrendered aboard the USS Missouri, GEN Douglas MacArthur offered the following: It is my earnest hope and indeed the hope of all mankind that from this solemn occasion a better world shall emerge out of the blood and carnage of the past--a world founded upon faith and understanding--a world dedicated to the dignity of man and the fulfillment of his most cherished wish--for freedom, tolerance, and justice. Japan's destruction following World War II was nearly complete. Out of that rubble of tragedy emerged the great partnership between our two nations. On April 19, 1951, General MacArthur went before Congress and declared in his farewell address: The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in the war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. As Japan took on the task of arduously rebuilding its society and economy, our friendship and our relationship blossomed. Perhaps helping in that relationship, of course, is a shared national pastime, baseball. It arrived in Japan in the 19th century and was already a thriving sport by the time the postwar recovery had begun. Yogi Berra, the New York Yankees' great, visited Japan in 1953 in the midst of this rebuilding process. His love of the game won the affection of millions, and he traveled the country demonstrating his skills behind the plate. Still, many of us may pause to wonder if this is the place--a nation haunted by such recent trials of war and a land struggling to regain its footing in the world, a once powerful country desperate to turn the page in history--where Yogi Berra first uttered his memorable phrase: The future ain't what it used to be. With the United States firmly at her side, Japan rose again. Japan today is the world's third largest economy and the fourth largest trading partner for the United States. Millions of Americans for generations have bought iconic Japanese products, from Sony televisions to Toyota automobiles, to Toshiba laptops. In the 1980s, former Senate majority leader and later Ambassador to Japan Mike Mansfield would describe the United States-Japan relationship as the most important bilateral relationship in the world, bar none. The United States-Japan alliance remains the backbone of security and stability in Asia. Approximately 53,000 U.S. military personnel are now stationed in the Japanese islands, both onshore and offshore. Together, with our Japanese partners, we work daily to confront the security challenges in the region and to ensure peace and stability. As the challenges in the region are evolving, so, too, must the security relationship between the United States and Japan. The Japanese leadership is currently taking necessary steps to change its post-World War II defense posture in order to meet the traditional and emerging challenges in the region. The revised United States-Japan defense cooperation guidelines, announced yesterday, signify a new phase in our relationship and Japan's emergence as security leader in the region. I want the American people to understand the importance of these developments. It is due to U.S. military presence and the steadfast commitment to our allies that we have avoided a land war in East Asia for generations. Distinguished political scientist Joseph Nye may have put it best when he said: Security is like oxygen--you tend not to notice it until you begin to lose it, but once that occurs there is nothing else that you will think about. Our presence in the region has given our allies the breathing space to rebuild and stave off aggression, and now they are stepping up to the plate by increasingly sharing that responsibility with the United States. This is also a historic economic moment for the Asia-Pacific region. The United States and Japan are leading the way on concluding one of the most ambitious trade deals ever undertaken, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Eleven Pacific nations from Malaysia to New Zealand and Brunei to Vietnam are actively working to tear down barriers to trade that have stifled access to markets far too long. TPP's reach encompasses nearly 40 percent--nearly 40--percent of all global trade and trillions of dollars in economic activity. TPP will set the standard for a new era of economic relationships with Asia, and the United States and Japan are leading the way. We must conclude this landmark agreement as soon as possible, and I am encouraged by the progress we have made in Congress to advance this historic pact, but we must look at the TPP as just one step forward in our commitment to the region, not the final solution. Despite the crises of the day in the Middle East or Europe, where the United States does and should play an important role, our Nation's strategic future lies in Asia. Consider the following estimates from the Asian Development Bank: By 2050, Asia will account for over half of the population and over half of the world's gross domestic product. Asia's middle class will rise and increase to a staggering 3 billion people. Per capita GDP income in the region will rise to around $40,000, making it similar to the Europe of today. We cannot miss the opportunity to be a part of this important opportunity and transformation. Working with Japan and other regional partners, we must ensure that our policies strengthen existing friendships and build new partnerships that will be critical to U.S. national security and economic well-being for generations to come. This administration's pivot to Asia or rebalance policy, which builds on the work that began under previous administrations, is a sensible approach to realizing these goals. But I am concerned, however, with the pace and focus and the consistency of the implementation of the rebalance. The administration, this administration and the next one, must ensure that this important policy of engagement is pursued vigorously at all levels--whether that is the military, diplomacy or civilian fronts--in order for the rebalance to actually achieve its stated and strategic objectives. Moving in fits and starts is not good policy, whether that is for the economy or foreign relations. Every moment of hesitation and idleness invites evermore challenges and missed opportunities. Doubt is never the basis of a long-term, strong relationship. Our partners in the region must know each and every day that the United States is here to stay. We still face grave threats in the Asia- Pacific region as North Korea marches on with their nuclear program and belligerence toward the free world. The growing challenges of nuclear proliferation, cyber security threats, and the destabilizing territorial disputes in the South and East Asian seas requires that now more than ever the United States and Japan are vigilant and united with our allies in our efforts to maintain regional prosperity and security. As the Prime Minister delivers his historic address tomorrow, it is my hope that he delivers the message that the promise of the future in the region, bolstered by an alliance with the United States, is a more powerful force than the painful history of the past. We must never forget that colonialism and militarism caused untold anguish and destruction in the region in the 20th century. But as demonstrated by the strength of the United States-Japan relations following those dark pages of history, it is my sincerest wish that our friends in the region can establish a viable path forward and overcome this difficult past to focus on building a better future. America's new century in the Asia-Pacific region has arrived. But as we welcome Prime Minister Abe and celebrate our friendship, we must remember this is only the first inning of this ball game. We must continue to work toward the goal that General MacArthur had stated aboard the USS Missouri on September 2, 1945: . . . a better world shall emerge out of the blood and carnage of the past--a world founded upon faith and understanding--a world dedicated to the dignity of man and the fulfillment of his most cherished wish--for freedom, tolerance and justice. I yield the floor. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I rise today to honor the distinguished veterans of Honor Flight Northern Colorado who recently made their 13th trip to Washington, DC to visit the memorials that stand in our Nation's Capital. This group includes veterans from multiple wars and different generations, linked together by their service to our Nation. Founded in 2005, the Honor Flight Program was originally formed to honor veterans of World War II but has since expanded to include those who have served in all other American engagements. This program provides an opportunity for veterans to fly to Washington, DC free of cost, so they can visit the national memorials dedicated to their service. Of the 123 veterans who visited Washington, DC 22 served in World War II, 69 in Korea, and 32 in Vietnam. Military service is an exceptional duty to country. When the United States has been threatened, our veterans have stepped up and answered our country's call without reservation or fear. Though these memorials honor our veterans' service, no statue or monument can truly express the level of gratitude we feel for those who courageously risked their lives to preserve our inherent rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Today we honor those who fought to secure the blessings endowed by our Creator for future generations. Please join me in honoring Leonard Bennett, Verne Berry, Donald Debus, Frank DeSeure, Earl Harper, Joe Hoberman, Boyd Johnson, Charles Johnson, Phyllis Iverson-Farver, Glenn Lawrence, William Loper, Thomas Mascarenas, Jack Miller, James Mitchell, Glenn Morrell, Robert Palmer, Margaret Rowlett, Waldemar Schielke, Eric Schoenhaar, Lyle Stearley, Perry Sullinger, James Wayne, Henry Amen, Donald Babcock. William Berg, JD Bernard, Norton Billings, James Boltz, Leslie Bridwell, John Brunner, Francis Carrigan, Arne Christensen, Kenneth Cook, Edna Coseo, Lowell Davis, George Dillan, Edward Doebbeling, James Doherty, Paul Duneman, Philip Edwards, Karl Ehmann, Frank Faiella, Robert Fiscus, William Franklin, Melvin Gerling, Douglas Gifford, Otis Gordley, Jr., John Hefton, Robert Heldt, Richard Hirn, William Hotes, Bert Jones, Jr., Robert Kearney, Wayne Kluck, Richard Krebs, Vito LaBarbara, Richard Larson, Donald LeFever, Richard Lewis, John Marks, William Marlatt, Dale Mason, Verle Miller, Howard Morgan, Norman Oling, Donald Packard, Burdett Parsons, Harold Potter, Rolland Reinick, Louis Richardson, Dudley Rider, Clyde Rink, Jr., Richard Ruggles, Richard Schilling, Raymond Schropfer, Wilbert Shimoda, Raymond Slauson, Charles Stevens, Jimmy Stickley, John Stitzel, Robert Stitzel, Thomas Stults, Eugene Stumpf, Dorral Threlkel, Jerry Turner, Ray Walker, Linus Wasinger, Ernest Wimmer, Delmar Wittier, Wallace Wolverton, Charles Wyant, Edward Andrews, Dennis Arnold, Berton Bessey, Ralph Bowling, Eugene Burmeister, Martin Carrera, Ronald Carrera, Thomas Claspell, Randy Colby, Kenneth Curry, Kenneth Eck, Timothy Feia, Sylvia Fiscus, Larry Giauque, Roger Hess, Warren Hindman, David Jones, Wallace Lavery, Michael Linder, William Lodge, Merle Luther, James Maxwell, Gaylen Miller, Martin Musick, Edward Obrecht, Jr. Daniel Scalise, Ronald Schaft, Gary Stricklin, John Stricklin, Robert Van Driel, David Webb, John Zochol.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, once again, this is about water rights. This is about making sure we protect State-held water rights. It is a very clear contrast. If you believe water rights should be managed by the Federal Government, then vote against the amendment. But if you believe private water rights are under State law, managed by State law, decided by State law, then vote for this amendment. Let's protect our private water rights. Let's keep our law clear-- that this matter belongs in the hands of the States and not in the hands of the Federal Government.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to set aside the pending amendment to call up the following amendments en bloc: Gardner amendments Nos. 445, 448, and 449.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, this amendment does a very simple thing. It protects State water rights. It creates a deficit-neutral reserve fund to make sure we are protecting privately held water rights from intrusion by the U.S. Forest Service or the ski area water rule, and it makes sure we are keeping private water rights held safe from groundwater rules by the U.S. Forest Service. This is an effort to make sure we are protecting private water rights, preventing bypass flows, and making sure we are doing everything we can to make sure that State water law is the imminent feature of our water in this country.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 9:30 a.m., Thursday, March 26; that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, and the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day; that following leader remarks, the Senate resume consideration of S. Con. Res. 11; further, that all debate time on the budget resolution be considered expired at 12 noon.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside and I be allowed to call up amendment No. 443 and that the amendment be made pending.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside to call up the Ayotte amendments numbered 485, 490, and 852 en bloc.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, when you walk into the capitol of Colorado, there in that great rotunda is a mural on the wall by Thomas Hornsby Ferril, and it starts out with a very simple phrase that reads: ``Here is a land where life is written in water.'' So during this budget I will be offering amendment No. 443 to make sure we are protecting that lifeblood of Colorado--our water--and to make sure our State property rights, State law, is able to prevail against the intrusions by the Federal Government. Over the past several decades, we have watched as the Federal Government has attempted to assert bypass flows or Federal reserve water rights that impede our ability to carry out private water rights and to, indeed, protect Colorado private water rights. Whether it is the imposition of a bypass flow on a ditch that is going through Forest Service ground or perhaps the new Forest Service ski area water rule or the groundwater rule they are now discussing, these are, once again, challenges to the supremacy of State water law. This government has a long history of yielding to State water law-- making sure that State water law is supreme when it comes to how we carry out and manage our State water rights. Over the years, bipartisan coalitions in Colorado, Wyoming, and beyond have emerged to make sure we are protecting our water rights, to make sure the Federal Government isn't coming in outside of our system of water law. Colorado is extremely complex. We are the only State in the Union that carries out our water law, our surface water rights in the way we do. Unfortunately, whether it is the Forest Serve, the Department of Interior or the Department of Agriculture, other agencies have continued to seek their ways to impose a water right at the Federal level without going through the same channels, the same water law system that other people in Colorado do--people who by rights, by law, and by our constitution have the rightful ownership of Colorado water rights and water permits. This amendment protects communities, businesses, recreationists, farmers, and ranchers that rely on these privately held water rights and permits from Federal takings. The amendment recognizes the longstanding authority to manage water according to our State law. Today, water rights and permit holders face challenges, and this can come to an end when we put into our budget our principles, our purposes, and our efforts in making sure we put policies forward in the next several months that respects Colorado water law. I urge all my colleagues to support this amendment, which is a vote to protect constitutionally held private water rights and permits. I yield the floor.

Mr. GARDNER. I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 115, submitted earlier today.

Mr. GARDNER

Mr. GARDNER. If there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.