Alcee Hastings

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce the Sexual Predator Effective Monitoring Act of 2005. I am pleased to introduce this bill with Florida's senior Senator Bill Nelson, and I pledge my full commitment to helping communities throughout the country take the necessary steps to protect the vulnerable from sexual predators. A recent report done by my hometown newspaper, The South Florida Sun- Sentinel, discovered that more registered sex offenders live in a zip code located completely in my district than any other zip code in Florida. The fact that no one living in the area knew the magnitude of the problem until the story was written is beyond troubling; it's absolutely scary. In 2003, the Justice Department completed a report on recidivism rates of sex offenders. The report provided some very disturbing statistics. The Department of Justice tracked 9,691 male sex offenders released from 15 state prisons, including Florida. They tracked them for a 3-year period and found that 40 percent of the sex offenders who re-offended did so within the first year, and within 3 years of their release from prison, 5.3 percent of those sex offenders were rearrested for another sex crime. Even more, half of the sex offenders tracked in this study included men who molested children, and within the first 3 years of their release from prison, 3.3 percent of these convicts were rearrested for another sex crime against a child. Even more, there are more than 30,000 registered sex offenders in the state of Florida alone. Nationwide, there are more than 300,000 registered sex offenders, of which the victims of some 70 percent of all the men in prison for sex crimes were children. It is these statistical realities combined with The Sun-Sentinel's report that led me to co-host a community forum with the Broward County Urban League. At that meeting, our community had an opportunity to discuss how to best protect our children from those who prey on the vulnerable. The forum provided law enforcement, civic leaders, elected officials, and community residents the opportunity to voice their concerns and chart a path toward making our neighborhoods safe from sex offenders. The legislation which I am introducing today expresses Congressional support for the tracking of sex offenders on probation through the use of Global Positioning Systems. The Sexual Predator Effective Monitoring Act also establishes a grant program that will allow states to improve their ability to track and monitor the movement and activities of sexual predators. The bill authorizes a total of $30 million over 2 years to assist states in accomplishing this critical task. Mr. Speaker, I can think of no greater mechanism by which Congress can assist states in protecting children from sexual predators than to provide them with the financial assistance to develop and implement effective tracking tools to monitor these sick individuals. I ask for my colleagues' support for this legislation, and I urge its swift passage.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Con. Res. 175, a resolution acknowledging African descendants of the transatlantic slave trade in all of the Americas and recommending that the United States and the international community work to improve the situation of Afro-descendant communities in Latin America and the Caribbean. The early history of the Americas is plagued with immeasurable acts of violence and inhumane cruelties. The establishment of the transatlantic slave trade is merely one of numerous blemishes that remain a part of our troubled past. From the late fifteenth through nineteenth centuries, an estimated ten million Africans were abducted, bound and shipped as human cargo to the Americas. These men, women and children were used to build the foundation of nations spanning Latin America, North America and the Caribbean. Words can hardly do justice to the struggle these individuals faced on a daily basis. Working endless hours through unbearable conditions, African slaves constantly fought a losing battle to survive. Though disbanded several hundred years ago, the legacy of this institution remains imbedded in our societies even today. African descendants throughout the Americas have historically suffered from societal and governmental marginalization. In the United States, African descendants experience disproportionately high infant mortality, illiteracy and poverty rates. As a nation, we have worked to fight against these racial disparities, yet they continue to persist. Only recently have similar trends been analyzed and acknowledged in Latin American and Caribbean countries. This fight is ongoing both at home and abroad. We must extend our reach beyond domestic policy to advance an international discussion of racial issues. Though America aspires to lead the world in the realm of economic policies and technological innovation, it constantly falls short of promoting racial equality. As pioneers in all other industries, it is our duty to be at the forefront of all efforts geared towards amending the social and economic disparities that continue to haunt African descendants in the Americas. The largest number of Afro-descendants living outside of Africa can be found in Latin America and the Caribbean. These individuals share in our early history and suffer from the residual effects that are evidenced in our own communities. It is equally our responsibility to aid and assist Latin American and Caribbean nations' efforts to overcome their institutionalized racial disparities. Our common past will forever link our futures. Mr. Speaker, this resolution serves as a reminder of the history shared amongst the Americas. The emancipation of all men, though boldly declared by many nations throughout the nineteenth century, remains to be realized. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution as a necessary step in addressing the racial inequities that persist in North America, Latin America and the Caribbean.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Utah for yielding me the time, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this restrictive rule. At a time when America's role in international affairs is greater than it has been in over 60 years, it is reprehensible that the majority is trying to block all but a select few from offering amendments to improve the underlying bill. Yesterday afternoon in the Rules Committee, 70 amendments were brought to the committee. Seventy amendments, Mr. Speaker. Predictably, under the rule, barely 50 percent of those amendments were actually made in order. And of the 39 amendments made in order under the rule, only nine of them are Democratic amendments. In stark contrast, Republican Members will be permitted to offer 24 amendments under this rule, almost three times as many as those on this side of the aisle will be able to offer. And of those 24 amendments, two are downright inflammatory and completely unnecessary. For starters, as public support for the war in Iraq wavers, Republicans are pulling out every political maneuver they can to regain the support of the American people for a war that has not uncovered any weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and certainly not made us any safer today than we were 3 years ago. Later today, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) will offer an amendment in direct contrast to language that her committee unanimously included in the underlying legislation regarding the war in Iraq. The bill rightfully urges the President to develop and provide to Congress a plan for the establishment of a stable government in Iraq that will permit a decreased presence. Three years after this war began and 1,700 American casualties later, the Ros-Lehtinen amendment would provide the President with the same blank-check, open-ended support that got us into this mess in the first place. Have we not learned anything? Additionally, the rule also fails to make in order amendments offered by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley) regarding Haiti. While I am not 100 percent supportive of any of their approaches toward bringing about peace and stability in Haiti, doing nothing should not be an option. Congressional silence in improving the lives of Haitians and Haitian refugees is completely unacceptable. I am deeply disappointed that the Republican leadership has blocked the House from debating the issue today. Realize, Mr. Speaker, I believe that the underlying bill is generally a decent bill. As a member of the Helsinki Commission and as the president of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's parliamentary assembly, I thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for the bill's commitment to the United States' role in the OSCE and the OSCE sphere, including authorizations for OSCE religious tolerance and anti-Semitism awareness programs. The underlying legislation includes crackdowns on the trading of nuclear material on the black market, establishes the Rangel Fellowship Program to encourage minority recruitment at the State Department, reexamines our export control laws, reaffirms Congress' position that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, and calls for a crackdown on terrorist activities in the Gaza strip and West Bank. Despite all of these positive measures, Mr. Speaker, I am most concerned about what the bill does not do regarding the Sudan. The underlying legislation includes a sense of Congress that the United States should work with the International Criminal Court to bring to justice those accused of genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity. I support this provision but am deeply disappointed that nothing exists in the bill that will actually bring an end to the genocide in Sudan. When will the United States say enough is enough and do the right thing to end the heinous act of genocide in Darfur? Our inaction in Rwanda cost the lives of nearly 1 million and our absence in Darfur has permitted instability to manifest itself into murder and ethnic cleansing. I ask, at what point did we decide that the life of an African is worth less than the life of anyone else? We must place ending genocide anywhere in the world above anything else. Frankly, the ignorance in the House about this particular issue is appalling. Mr. Speaker, when history judges this Congress and this President, we will be judged not only by what we do during these trying times but also by what we have neglected. America must act responsibly not only in helping to facilitate democracy in the world but also in combating poverty, disease, famine and hunger in the world's poorest countries. In all of these areas, despite the honest efforts of a few, we are failing. Blocking Members from offering amendments that speak to these and many other issues of critical importance to the United States' role in the world today is irresponsible. I urge my colleagues to reject this restrictive rule and take into account my concerns throughout consideration of the underlying legislation. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 4 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) with whom I serve on the Rules Committee.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), who is the chairman of the House Democratic Caucus, my good friend and classmate. (Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I do need to have an explanation. I am not familiar with this process, and I do not know whether there has been an agreement reached, and I am trying to learn the answer to that.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 15 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I will be asking members to vote ``no'' on the previous question. If the previous question is defeated, I will amend the rule to allow the House to consider the Ros-Lehtinen amendment on Iraq as a separate, freestanding bill with an open amendment process instead of just another amendment to this bill. Mr. Speaker, all of us in this House have very strong opinions on the war in Iraq. We also have many different viewpoints on our Nation's continued role in that country. But regardless of our individual positions on this conflict, we all support the courageous men and women who put their lives on the line every day. Any vote on Iraq significantly impacts these brave Americans and should not be taken irresponsibly, and it should not be taken for blatantly political purposes. The Ros-Lehtinen amendment, which came to light only yesterday when it was submitted to the Committee on Rules, is a good example of exploiting the current situation in Iraq purely for partisan gain. The original version of this amendment submitted to the Committee on Rules accused opponents of the President's plan, whatever that is, of supporting a ``cut-and-run'' Iraq policy that is a ``craven surrender to terrorism.'' This inflammatory language has now been removed, but it still appears that the sole intention of this amendment is to polarize Members of this House on a crucial question of national security. Under this rule, Members can only vote up or down, take it or leave it, with no opportunity for amendment or any position except that of the amendment's author. If we are going to discuss and vote on the U.S. presence in Iraq, it deserves a thorough and respectful debate. We owe our brave young men and women more than a divisive and meaningless sense of Congress resolution. Members should be aware that a ``no'' vote will not prevent consideration of the Foreign Relations Authorization bill, and it will not affect any of the other amendments that are in order under this rule. I urge Members to vote ``no'' on the previous question. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time. Amendment Offered by Mr. Bishop of Utah

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce a concurrent resolution to commend the Philadelphia Coalition for its principled, open, and integrated approach to eradicating racism and intolerance, and for its determination to confront the past and work toward the future. On June 21, 1964, three brave, upright, and honorable men--James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner--all members of a coalition of civil rights organizations known as the Council of Federated Organizations, drove to Neshoba County, Mississippi to investigate the racially motivated June 16, 1964 burning of Mount Zion Baptist Church in Longdale, Mississippi and the assault on its members. After meeting with members of the Mount Zion congregation, the three civil rights workers were pulled over by a sheriff's deputy in Philadelphia, Mississippi. They were detained on suspicion of burning the same Mount Zion church--a church that, according to later testimony, was burned by Ku Klux Klansmen specifically to lure Mr. Chaney and Mr. Schwerner to Neshoba County. This false charge was clearly fabricated and represented a deliberate attempt to intimidate the young advocates. Unfortunately, it was only the beginning. What transpired next would change the county, State, and Nation itself. At 10:30 p.m. that night, the men were released and ordered to leave town. However, on the road back to Meridian, Mississippi, Mr. Chaney, Mr. Goodman, and Mr. Schwerner were tailed and subsequently overtaken by a mob of white men. The throng, comprised of law enforcement officials and Ku Klux Klansmen, pulled the three men from their car, drove them to an empty gravel road, and brutally murdered them. This unconscionable, unprovoked, and vicious attack was coordinated by Edgar Ray Killen, an active member of the Ku Klux Klan. Yet Mr. Killen was not initially brought to justice. He was tried in 1967 for the murders he coordinated, but was not found guilty because one jury member refused to convict a preacher. The truth is, however, that an all-white jury was never going to convict a white man of a racial crime in Philadelphia in 1964, particularly one involving the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan was revered, and even during the 2005 trial, former Philadelphia mayor Harlan Majure stated that the Ku Klux Klan was a ``peaceful organization'' that did much good for Mississippi. For 41 years, after orchestrating the murder of these three men, Mr. Killen walked the streets of Mississippi, free from prosecution and legal repercussions. For 41 years, the families of James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwemer lived in an America that had not afforded them justice. For 41 years, these murders served as a poignant reminder that without action, racism and prejudice will persist, even in this great country. In March 2005, however, all that began to change, as a task force of city, county, and tribal leaders joined together to form the Philadelphia Coalition. The Coalition was charged with commemorating the lives of the three slain young men. But the Philadelphia Coalition did not merely coordinate a public commemoration, they took a stand for justice, integration, and equality. Demonstrating that it is never too late for justice to be served, the Coalition successfully lobbied for Mr. Killen to be re-tried for the murders he orchestrated. On June 21, 2005, 41 years to the day after his heinous crime and as a direct result of the efforts of the Philadelphia Coalition, Edgar Ray Killen was convicted on three counts of manslaughter. The real success of the Philadelphia Coalition, however, was not the legal battle. Their true achievement was to strike at the heart of the bigotry and intolerance that Mr. Killen and the Ku Klux Klan represent. Mr. Speaker, the Philadelphia Coalition, significantly, is a multi- racial task force. The Coalition actively integrated black, white, and Choctaw Indian men and women into its ranks. This organizational model of ethnic understanding and racial tolerance, more so than their legal triumph, can and must serve as a model and example for individuals and organizations not only in Mississippi, but throughout the United States. It is imperative that today we learn from their example and that we commend their actions. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 191, a resolution to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the conclusion of the war in the Pacific and to honor veterans of both the Pacific and Atlantic theaters of the Second World War. It is-profoundly important that we remember the sacrifices our troops made in those terrible times. But more than remembering, we must convey the gratitude due to those soldiers who risked their lives in the defense of the innocent, the protection of freedom, and in the name of our great country. To build a prosperous future, we must work to appreciate our past. It has not always been a peaceful one. From our country's founding over two centuries ago, American soldiers have engaged in many battles to defend our Nation and our way of life. Whether the call has been the defense of democracy, the ending of tyranny, or the protection of innocent civilians all over the world, American soldiers have answered with dignity and honor. This resolution reflects a will to remember the countless sacrifices of our soldiers in one of the most terrible wars of our history. Aristotle wrote, ``We make war that we may live in peace.'' Never was the need to engage greater than for President Roosevelt's America some 65 years ago. The spread of Nazism led our troops over the Atlantic into the first of what would soon be two major theaters of war. Our Armed Forces crossed the Atlantic to join the allies in an assault of Germany. Then, after the atrocious attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, they crossed the Pacific to engage the Japanese. These dark times witnessed monumental loss of life and called for the greatest levels of sacrifice, both from the troops and the families they left behind. Yet our spirit never wavered, and this country survived one of its greatest tests. Mr. Speaker, we owe so much of this survival to the quality of our troops. They protected us then as they always have--with honor, courage and resilience. As we enjoy the freedoms afforded to this great Nation, we must remember and celebrate the achievements of our veterans. We are forever grateful for their gift of peace. This is a gift we will never be able to fully repay, but one that continues to engender respect and gratitude. It is the spirit of gratitude that gives birth to this resolution, and in that spirit I am privileged to offer my full support.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott). (Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Bishop) for the time. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to this closed rule and all four of the underlying pieces of legislation that it encompasses. For those who did not hear me the first time, I said four pieces of legislation under one closed rule. This is a quadruple coupon day in the House of Representatives, Mr. Speaker. Four opportunities to shut off democracy for the price of one. What is perhaps most offensive about the rule is the fact that not one amendment was made in order for any of the four bills. Let me repeat that: Not one amendment was made in order for any of the four underlying bills. Closed rules are an affront to our democracy. We should stop it now. My outrage and the outrage of all on this side of the aisle is as much about process as it is about policy. Pure partisan politics never produces sound public policy. And patronizing corporate interests to pad one's campaign coffers has no place in the people's House. Yet, that is all the majority seems interested in doing. The political score Republicans are seeking to settle with their barrage of anti-working-class legislation is not going to be fulfilled by stifling debate and blocking Democrats out of the process. Republicans are calling this the OSHA fairness package. Fair for who? There are only losers with these bills, Mr. Speaker, and the biggest victim is the American worker. All four of the underlying pieces of legislation represent a buffet of rollbacks in our laws governing working conditions. Mr. Speaker, do we have an overwhelming epidemic in this country of ridiculous and overzealous workplace lawsuits that I do not know about? The judicial process for violations and workplace health and safety standards has been in place for nearly 30 years. It is fair, and most importantly, it protects the rights of workers. Yet, two of the underlying bills affecting OSHA standards are coming as a direct result of recent court rulings that Republicans and their corporate friends do not agree with. The other two are aimed at stacking the OSHA commission with anti-worker commissioners and creating a system where only those who can afford legal representation will be permitted to file a complaint with the Workplace Safety and Health Board. Mr. Speaker, I do not like the new policy of this Congress which can best be described as ``when the courts rule against you, legislate against the courts.'' Why are we stifling Members from offering thoughtful amendments? Just one example, if I may. The ranking Democrat on the Committee on Education and the Workforce, my good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), a man who served in this body for 30 years and is known throughout the country as a champion for working- class Americans, Republicans denied him the opportunity to offer a substitute to one of the underlying bills that came out of his committee. Had the majority made the Miller substitute in order, the House could have done something today that would have actually benefited working- class Americans. We could have had a real debate about increasing the minimum wage to a meager $7.25 an hour. Realize, this is an amount that while above the current level of $5.15 is significantly below the much needed living wage that is needed to pull someone making the minimum wage 40 hours a week above the poverty line. In blocking the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller) from offering his amendment, Republicans are again proving that they are anything but the people's party. Perhaps the majority is blocking what it knows it cannot defeat, or better yet, perhaps the majority is just protecting its members from taking a vote that will show their true colors. Shame on them and shame on this body if it allows this assault on American workers to continue. None of us in this body would want to live on $5.15 an hour. None of us would want to work three jobs just to make ends meet. None of us would want to work three jobs and still have no health care. Yet, that is what we are asking, no, requiring millions of our fellow citizens to do. When the opportunity to increase the minimum wage presents itself, Republicans blocked House Members from voting on it. At least in the other body, while the leadership opposed an increase in the minimum wage, they at least permitted a vote. Protecting the rights of those most in need is the cornerstone of our great democracy. I refuse to remain silent while those on the other side of the aisle seek to dismiss this cardinal American value. I urge my colleagues to reject the closed rule and oppose the underlying pieces of legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller), a champion of worker rights.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens). (Mr. OWENS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gene Green). (Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I kind of question whether a closed rule is fair, but I hear the chairman. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to encourage my fellow citizens to engage in a National Weekend of Prayer and Reflection (in recognition of the genocide occurring in Darfur, Sudan). Our Congress on July 22, 2004 and the Bush Administration on September 21, 2004 has condemned the acts in Darfur as genocide and Congress has appropriately provided humanitarian assistance in Darfur. Today, the House is urging our nation to observe a Weekend of Prayer and Reflection to recognize the atrocities in Darfur. This Weekend of Prayer and Reflection would spread awareness to communities and religious institutions, promote constructive discussion, mourn the lives lost in these dreadful acts, and ultimately call for an immediate end to the genocide. The current crisis in Darfur began in February 2003 when two groups, The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), revolted against the Sudanese Government. Since then, the Sudanese government has actively imposed government restrictions and perpetrated violence against their civilians in order to crush this rebellion. The human rights violations which ensued in Darfur are numerous. The Janjaweed militia, backed by the Sudanese government, has committed grievous war crimes, such as rape, child abduction, the destruction of food and water sources, and denying humanitarian assistance to the Darfur region. An estimated 1.9 million people have been displaced and more than 213,000 people have been forced into neighboring Chad. Some observers project that up to 300,000 people have been killed over the past 2 years alone. The United States has been a leading donor of humanitarian assistance in Darfur. United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided an estimated $615 million in humanitarian assistance for Darfur since February 2003. USAID has also established a Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) for Darfur. This monetary assistance is extremely important, but the United States must also make a symbolic stance to condemn the human rights violations in Darfur. Mr. Speaker, every individual is entitled to the preservation of his and her human rights and human dignity regardless of one's religion, race, ethnicity, gender, or region of birth. The United States has a moral obligation to end the violence in order to curtail the human rights violations in Darfur. Congress must raise awareness and educate our society in order to promote understanding and initiate action. The people of the United States must not only take time to reflect on this tragedy and recognize the ongoing suffering, but we must also call an end to the genocidal acts. I hope all my colleagues join me in supporting the goals and ideals of a National Weekend of Prayer and Reflection for Darfur, Sudan.