Alcee Hastings

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. In actual visitation.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. I have had that good fortune of visiting there, and with the entire board; and I have seen their work and they do an extraordinary job, as Asia is developing, in developing the rule of law and in economic reform that is necessary for those countries to survive. Most respectfully, I say to my friend from South Carolina (Mr. Sanford), who was wrong on the North-South Center in Florida, and the gentleman is wrong on Asia.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I am moved sitting here to think I am living in la la land somewhere. May I please ask the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh), chairman of this subcommittee, where is he from?

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, that is what I thought. I ask the gentleman from New York, is there low housing stock in Syracuse?

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, is the gentleman from a city in the State of New York? I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, the gentleman from New York also has a ghetto. We have ghettos all over this country. I am surprised that we would come down here and argue to the people that we want to cut out an opportunity for low-income people to have adequate housing. One of the problems in this country is the inseparable triumvirate of inadequate jobs, inadequate housing, and inadequate educational opportunities. One can go to Syracuse, and I have been there, and I will show one where the ghetto is. One can go to Fort Lauderdale or in Miami, the district of the distinguished gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Meek), who spoke earlier, and I will show one a place where there is a necessity for added housing in this country. At one point in the 1960's, I considered, as a lawyer, changing my entire practice to trying to help the low-income people of this country. At that time, the then HUD-FHA programs were 221D(3), 221D(4), 221H that did rehab of all properties. Along came Richard Nixon in 1968 and doggone if we did not cut out all of those opportunities. Real estate investment trusts attracted those persons who had high income to come into low-income areas to help build the housing stock. Now, from the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen), who I heard argue that the spend-down rate has been poor, one cannot spend where there is nowhere for a person to buy. We do not have adequate housing in this country. Therefore, if one had all of what everybody is arguing, one still would not have low- income housing stock because it has been on the decrease. Please come go with me in Washington, D.C., and let me show my colleagues boarded-over places, just like in Syracuse, I say to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh), just like in New York City, just like in Chicago and all over this country we find this. Our charge is to help the least of those among us. What we have done is turn it on its head in this House of Representatives. We have helped the least all right. The least which control most of everything in this country are now gaining the most. None of us are to begrudge them, but that does not mean that the least of us should not be helped. How dare we not accept the program like the gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Mollohan) has offered and allow for us to be able to at least address minimally a problem that all of us know that is developing. The gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) spoke about how this creates dysfunctional families. It also helps to breed crime. It helps to breed all of those things about our society that all of us find repugnant. Yet, we come here and think that these people are supposed to be ignored. This is the same Federal Government that allowed for banks to build all of these things all over this Nation and redline other communities and not give them an opportunity to have their communities developed. In the area where I am from, from Fort Lauderdale, I have supported every Chamber project, I have supported every one of the tax situations that allowed for the development of the downtown area. All around me, everywhere around me, other than where I live, has developed in a mighty way. I am proud to be a part of that community. But I will be doggone if I can stand here and say that I am proud so much that I ignore those people in the areas that all of that prosperity is looming around, booming all over them, and busting them right in the mouth by saying to them that we cannot do a minimal housing program that will be advantageous to all of society. Shame on this House. Shame on every one of us that does not support the Mollohan amendment, and shame on all of us that cannot believe that it is necessary to put a fair roof over the heads of every American no matter where he or she lives; those that are disabled, those that are sick, those that are elderly, those that are children, those that need the kind of assistance that we can adequately provide in the kind of prosperous times that we have. How dare we not do that. I find it absolutely abhorrent, and I call on every Member of this House of Representatives to support the Mollohan measure. Yes, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh) will move a point of order, but I can order him to look in Syracuse, where the gentleman needs help in housing, and I certainly do in Ft. Lauderdale, and there are 433 other Members of this House with impoverished and rural areas that need adequate housing. Point of Order

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I believe, again, the House needs to understand why we are proceeding with this bill in an expeditious manner.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. I yield to the gentleman from New York for an explanation.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, we do not object.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, further reserving the right to object, I would like to make some additional points. First, I would like to thank the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman) for expediting this matter and, the Chair of the Subcommittee on Africa, along with the ranking member, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne). It was my pleasure to be a cosponsor with the chairman of this resolution. It is simple but it strongly condemns the ongoing spiral of political violence in Zimbabwe. Mr. Speaker, for those of us who cherish life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and believe that government should be for the people and by the people, the current situation in Zimbabwe is not only atrocious, but quite painful. As we witness the escalation of violence in that tiny nation, it appears that due process, free speech, and the right of assembly are ignored. And if quick and robust attention is not brought to these matters, I fear this nation could slip into civil unrest and economic devastation. First, I am gravely concerned about Zimbabwe's economic downturn and that government's inability to control the inflation, unemployment, and violence. The economy has suffered and continues to suffer and Zimbabweans are paying a terrible price. Agriculture production is down and inflation is over 70 percent. President Mugabe must immediately demonstrate a willingness to address its economic problems strategically and equitably. Second, I would like to express my deep concern for the people of Zimbabwe by condemning the many egregious acts of violence and intimidation occurring there against both Zimbabwean farm workers and individuals who support opposition parties. Recently, the chairman held a full hearing on this matter in the Subcommittee on Africa, and we heard from one of those members of the opposition party by way of technology that is now being utilized in Committee on International Relations. The ruling party militants have attacked teachers and health workers, forcing many to flee their clinics and schools in the wake of pre- election violence. I strongly condemn the widespread and violent attacks in Zimbabwe, including reports of murder, rape, beatings, and burning of homes. Third, Mr. Speaker, the government of Zimbabwe is supportive of the squatters who currently occupy white farms. The results of the February 12 referendum provided additional momentum for demographic reform activists. The people of Zimbabwe sent a message by their ballot that a constitution perpetuating state power was not acceptable. And in the interest of time, I would just like to say that the bottom line is this: President Mugabe and his key associates fear losing power in a democratic election in which their adversaries are fellow black Zimbabweans. Mr. Speaker, I continue to believe that we must act swiftly to avoid further disaster. I believe that with Sierra Leone in a state of anarchy, the Democratic Republic of Congo a battlefield, and the other parts of the African continent are undergoing cataclysmic upheavals, we cannot allow Zimbabwe to collapse as well. There is still time, but only if President Mugabe listens, acts swiftly and returns to his senses. Mr. Speaker, continuing my reservation, I would like to make some additional points. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is simple, but it strongly condemns the ongoing spiral of political violence in Zimbabwe. It further condemns all violence directed against farm workers; recommends that a bipartisan delegation travel to Zimbabwe under the auspices of the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, to monitor elections scheduled for June 24 and 25, 2000; and urges President Mugabe and his ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front to enforce the rule of law, and support international efforts to assist land reform. Mr. Speaker, for those of us who cherish life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and believe that government should be for the people and by the people, the current situation in Zimbabwe is not only atrocious but quite painful. As we witness the escalation of violence in that tiny nation, it appears that due process, free speech, and the right of assembly are ignored. And if quick and robust attention is not brought to these matters, I fear this nation could slip into civil unrest and economic devastation. First, I am gravely concerned about Zimbabwe's economic downturn and that government's inability to control inflation, unemployment and violence. The economy has suffered and continues to suffer, and Zimbabweans are paying a terrible price. Agricultural production is down and inflation is over 70 percent. President Mugabe must immediately demonstrate a willingness to address its economic problems strategically and equitably. Second, I'd like to express my deep concern for the people of Zimbabwe by condemning the many egregious acts of violence and intimidation occurring there against both Zimbabwean farm workers and individuals who support opposition parties. Recently, Mr. Speaker, the ruling party militants have attacked teachers and health workers, forcing many to flee their clinics and schools in the wake of pre- election violence. I strongly condemn the widespread and violent attacks in Zimbabwe, including reports of murder, rape, beatings and burning of homes. Third, Mr. Speaker, the government of Zimbabwe is supportive of the squatters who currently occupy white farms. The results of the February 12th referendum provided additional momentum for democratic reform activists. The people of Zimbabwe sent a message by their ballot that a constitution perpetuating state power was not acceptable. President Mugabe's supported constitution was defeated with approximately 55 percent of all ballots against the measure. However, Mr. Mugabe rejected rulings from the independent judiciary. He is supportive of the squatters who currently occupy white farms. To be sure, while the take overs have been largely peaceful, the Zimbabwe Supreme Court has ruled these actions to be illegitimated and have ordered the protesting civil war veterans off the white farms. However, the police and security personnel have yet to enforce the court decree, and it is now perceived that the Zimbabwean government is countering the rule of law. Mr. Speaker, the bottom line is this: President Mugabe and his key associates fear losing power in a democratic election in which their adversaries are fellow black Zimbabweans. Mr. Speaker, I continue to believe that we must act swiftly to avoid further disaster. I believe that with Sierra Leone in a state of anarchy, the Democratic Republic of the Congo a battle field and other parts of the African continent undergoing cataclysmic upheavals, we cannot allow Zimbabwe to collapse as well. There is still time, but only if President Mugabe listens, acts swiftly and returns to his senses. Mr. Speaker, the United States has a longstanding friendship with the people of Zimbabwe, and we must do everything we can to preserve and advance democratic gains, protect civil society, and help the people of Zimbabwe to uphold the rule of law. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, continuing my reservation, I would like to make a few additional points. First, I would like to congratulate the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Ryun), on behalf of all of us in the House for being a distinguished Olympian in and of himself, and it proves once again the greatness of this country, that a person like the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Ryun) would get a chance to work in the Olympics and then come and be in the Olympics of legislation. We are delighted. The Olympics obviously are a significant event for all nations to share in the accomplishments of men and women in the area of athletics. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), for expediting this matter, and the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Ryun) for bringing it to our attention. We strongheartedly endorse it. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, further reserving the right to object, I yield to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Ryun).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I believe the House needs to understand why we are proceeding with this bill in an expeditious manner. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, continuing my reservation of objection, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, continuing my reservation, I would like to make a few additional points, one being that under President Putin it seems that conditions are getting worse. But, more important, I would like to thank the chairman of the Committee on International Relations for expediting this matter and for all of our colleagues that are cosponsors. None are more significant than the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), who, along with the chairman, is the author of some of the language that appears in the resolution. Having that understanding, I would like to reflect on two things. Had he been here and not had the scheduling mix-up that he has, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) no doubt would have pointed out that under former President Yeltsin, the media enjoyed a reasonable degree of independence and freedom from supervision by the so-called Media Ministry. The gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), myself and the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman) have expressed our concerns that these actions will exacerbate tension in the Russian media and Russian society vis-a-vis the government. Finally, the government of Russia has a right to enforce its laws and investigate illegal activity of its citizens. However, such a selective application of the Russian government's procuratory authority, imprisonment before the actual charges are brought and the overall abuse of the Federal authority, does deserve Congressional condemnation. For the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and for the gentleman from New York (Chairman Gilman), I offer my thanks. Mr. Chairman, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I believe the House needs to understand why we are proceeding in an expeditious manner, but I would ask the Chair, in deference to the fact that the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Weldon) has such extraordinary experience in this area, if we could be permitted to allow him to go forward and then allow the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) to speak. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Weldon), who has a great deal of experience in this area. (Mr. WELDON of Pennsylvania asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I thank the ranking member for yielding me the time. Mr. Chairman, I yield to my colleague, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch).

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Weldon amendment. To those who say that it upholds the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, I urge them to read the act. The act does not give States the ability to unilaterally deny tribes access to class 3 gaming by refusing to negotiate. In fact, it requires States to negotiate with tribes for class 3 gaming that is otherwise available in the State. If the State fails to do so, the act provides a mechanism through the Secretary of the Interior for the tribe to have access to the kind of games that others in the State enjoy. This matter arose in the district that I am privileged to serve, and yet the State of Florida has refused to negotiate with Florida tribes compacts for class 3 gaming. And it has done so with impunity. It is time to give Florida tribes and those in other States a way to enforce the rights Congress affirmed more than 11 years ago in enacting the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act. When the State of Florida asserted its sovereign immunity to a lawsuit that could have triggered secretarial procedures under the IGRA, it upset the balance Congress deliberately struck between the tribes' rights and the States' rights in the negotiating process. It also calls the constitutionality of the act to come into serious question. I would remind my colleagues that if the IGRA is rendered unconstitutional, we go back to the Cabazon standard. If that happens, States will have absolutely no role in determining what kind of games tribes can have.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, sitting on a bench, riding on a bus, or even walking down the street, a hate crime can occur anytime or any place. Hate crimes are acts of pure unadulterated evil, wronging someone because they are different. People should not and cannot live in fear because of their race, color, religion or sexual orientation; it is time that we take the strongest course of action to prevent these crimes. Over the past decade the number of hate crimes has risen rapidly, consummating with 1999's ``summer of hate.'' If taking anything positive from this infamous period is possible it is, that we have not done enough to prevent such crimes. Committing a hate crime is the most serious of offenses. It is our duty to make the punishment severe enough to deter even the most prejudicial person from considering a crime of this size. We in Congress have the ability and the opportunity to prevent the possible consequences of bias from occurring. Today, as we commemorate the second anniversary of James Byrd's tragic death, we must pledge upon ourselves to do everything in our power to reduce the number of hate crimes. No one should ever fall victim to a hate crime, or any other crime for that matter, and we must renew and maintain our focus of the Hate Crimes Prevention Act (H.R. 1082), to ensure that crimes cease.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, sitting on a bench, riding on a bus, or even walking down the street, a hate crime can occur anytime or any place. Hate crimes are acts of pure unadulterated evil, wronging someone because they are different. People should not and cannot live in fear because of their race, color, religion or sexual orientation; it is time that we take the strongest course of action to prevent these crimes. Over the past decade the number of hate crimes has risen rapidly, consummating with 1999's ``summer of hate.'' If taking anything positive from this infamous period is possible it is, that we have not done enough to prevent such crimes. Committing a hate crime is the most serious of offenses. It is our duty to make the punishment severe enough to deter even the most prejudicial person from considering a crime of this size. We in Congress have the ability and the opportunity to prevent the possible consequences of bias from occurring. Today, as we commemorate the second anniversary of James Byrd's tragic death, we must pledge upon ourselves to do everything in our power to reduce the number of hate crimes. No one should ever fall victim to a hate crime, or any other crime for that matter, and we must renew and maintain our focus of the Hate Crimes Prevention Act (H.R. 1082), to ensure that crimes cease.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I am privileged to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), a tireless worker for peace in the Middle East.

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have remaining?

Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley), a new member of the Committee on International Relations who has distinguished himself with his service there.