J.D. Hayworth

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 3819, introduced by the gentleman from Washington State (Mr. Baird), would redesignate Fort Clatsop National Memorial as the Lewis and Clark National Historical Park, to include in the park sites in the State of Washington as well as the State of Oregon, and for other purposes. Additionally, this bill directs the transfer of existing Federal lands currently under the jurisdiction of the BLM and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to the National Park Service for inclusion in the Lewis and Clark National Historical Park. Finally, H.R. 3819 calls for a study of additional sites associated with the eastern legacy of the Lewis and Clark expedition to be completed by the Secretary of the Interior and the results transmitted to Congress within 1 year of this bill's passage. The study will serve to identify potential additions east of the Mississippi to the Lewis and Clark National Historic Trail, for which several pieces of legislation have recently been introduced. Mr. Speaker, without completing this important first step, determining which sites are truly worthy of recognition, designating further sites would stain the authenticity of the Lewis and Clark Historic Trail as a whole. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 3819 is supported by the majority and the minority of the committee and by the administration. I would urge adoption of the bill. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 142) to amend the Reclamation Wastewater and Groundwater Study and Facilities Act to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to participate in the Inland Empire regional water recycling project, to authorize the Secretary to carry out a program to assist agencies in projects to construct regional brine lines in California, and to authorize the Secretary to participate in the Lower Chino Dairy Area desalination demonstration and reclamation project, as amended.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 142, introduced by the gentleman from California (Mr. Gary G. Miller), provides Federal assistance for three water projects to produce dependable water supplies in Southern California. The bill provides for the strategic placement of wetlands to naturally clean surface water in the Santa Ana Watershed. The bill also authorizes Federal funding for the design and construction of a regional brine wastewater pipeline from local groundwater treatment plans. Thirdly, the bill provides for the design and construction of a desalter to treat brackish groundwater. At full build-out, these projects will produce an estimated 50,000 acre-feet of new water. This legislation, Mr. Speaker, is another example of how communities are utilizing new water technologies to provide water from varied sources of supply that are dependable and drought-proof. I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3932) to amend Public Law 99-338 to authorize the continued use of certain lands within the Sequoia National Park by portions of an existing hydroelectric project, as amended.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 3932, introduced by the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes) and amended by the Committee on Resources, would amend Public Law 99-338 to authorize the continued use of certain lands within the Sequoia National Park by portions of an existing hydroelectric project. The legislation would provide the authority necessary for Southern California Edison Company to continue operating the Kaweah hydroelectric project partly located in the park until the year 2016, with an option to extend until 2026. The bill also requires the company to pay the park compensation, which shall be determined in consultation with the Secretary. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 3932, as amended, is supported by the majority and the minority of the Committee on Resources and by the administration. I urge adoption of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes), the author of this important legislation.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4158) to provide for the conveyance to the Government of Mexico of a decommissioned National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration ship, and for other purposes.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 4158.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 4158 will transfer a decommissioned NOAA vessel, the Whiting, to the Government of Mexico. The United States is an active partner in the U.S.-Mexico Charting Advisors Committee which addresses regional issues on charting, research and data collection. As part of the cooperative activities of this committee, the Government of Mexico contacted NOAA indicating an interest in obtaining the vessel from the United States. The Government of Mexico does not have a vessel dedicated to hydrographic surveys, and the Whiting would be the first ship to fill that role. The Whiting is 163 feet in length, draws 12 feet of water, has a cruising speed of 12 knots and a cruising range of 5,700 nautical miles. It was removed from service in 2002 after 40 years of conducting hydrographic surveys in the Great Lakes and along the East and Gulf Coasts of the United States. Under the terms of H.R. 4158, all rights, title and interest in the Whiting are transferred to the Government of Mexico. The vessel must be used as a hydrographic platform in support of activities of the U.S.- Mexico Charting Advisors Committee. The ship will be delivered at the vessel's current home port of Norfolk, Virginia, and the United States will not be responsible for any remediation, maintenance or operation of the Whiting after delivery. I urge an ``aye'' vote on H.R. 4158, and compliment the author, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Ortiz), for his leadership. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4170) to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to recruit volunteers to assist with, or facilitate, the activities of various agencies and offices of the Department of Interior, as amended.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 4170, as amended.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 4170, introduced by the gentleman from California (Mr. Pombo), the chairman of the Committee on Resources, and subsequently amended by the Committee on Resources, would authorize the Secretary of the Interior to establish volunteer programs in the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the U.S. Geological Survey, the Bureau of Reclamation and the Office of the Secretary. With this authority, these four bureaus would be able to parallel the successful volunteer programs of the National Park Service and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to recruit volunteers to assist with or facilitate the activities within these agencies. Mr. Speaker, over 200,000 volunteers annually serve as campground hosts, clear trail, help with seasonal bird surveys, collect new information for maps and assist with many other day-to-day activities. Mr. Speaker, simply put, volunteers provide the Department of the Interior vital services to help it meet its mission responsibilities. Volunteer programs within the Department also provide outstanding opportunity for community service and public involvement in conservation programs. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 4170 is supported by the majority and the minority of the Committee on Resources and the administration. I urge adoption of the bill. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, in the spirit of bipartisanship, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, yesterday was the official end of the period of national mourning for former President Ronald Reagan. During this month there have been many tributes to this great President, all of which were deserving. Recently, I was given a copy of a book review by the well-respected Administrative Law Judge John C. Holmes, who is now retired. In August 1998, Judge Holmes reviewed Dinesh D'Souza's book, Ronald Reagan: How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary Leader. It was an excellent review that summed up how so many of us view Ronald Reagan and his life. I would like to submit the review for the Record and I commend it to my colleagues. [From the Free Press, 1997] Ronald Reagan: How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary Leader (By Dinesh D'Souza) Dinesh D'Souza, who served briefly as a low-level advisor to President Reagan in 1987-88, is an open admirer of Reagan's accomplishments. Yet not even Reagan's harshest critics are more revealing of his character flaws and human weaknesses. Rather than expressing scorn and derision, however, the author is in turn bemused, delighted, curious, and intrigued in candidly reporting the former president's character and personality idiosyncrasies. After careful examination, he concludes that Reagan's very real limitations in fact assisted as much as deterred this seemingly ordinary man in becoming an extraordinary leader. Beneath his apparent simplicity was a complex and sometimes contradictory person. For example, Reagan's sunny personality and near continuous optimism masked a psychological curtain that could descend on even his most intimate friends and family, keeping them at a distance. There was also the contradiction that, while constantly extolling the virtue of the family and its values, Reagan exhibited a disjointed personal one, having been divorced from his first wife, Jane Wyman, and distant from his son, daughter, and stepdaughter. Reagan's acknowledged short attention span masked a tenacious adherence to those principles and policies that concerned him most. His good- natured jokes and story-telling, sometimes criticized as irreverent and irrelevant, served to disarm and win over adversaries from Tip O'Neill to Mikhail Gorbachev. His famous line in the presidential debate with Walter Mondale that he ``would not use Mondale's youth and inexperience against him'' caused an involuntary grin and chuckle from his surprised opponent, totally diffusing the increasingly serious campaign issue of Reagan's age, and propelling Reagan into one of the largest presidential victories ever. He loved pomp and cavorted with the wealthy, but had a singular capacity to connect with, and was beloved by, the common man. The author dispels or modifies some public misconceptions. While Reagan himself self-deprecatingly joked about his nap times, he worked sometimes grueling hours, particularly for a man of his age, exhibiting strong discipline in doing homework on those issues he needed to know. His discipline in keeping physically fit probably saved his life early in his presidency when he was the recipient of a would-be assassin's bullet that lodged less than an inch from his heart. His character was revealed during this frightening time when despite the seriousness of the situation he could extemporaneously joke to his wife Nancy: ``Honey, I forgot to duck!'' and to his treating physicians: ``I hope you're all good Republicans.'' Such good humor in the face of adversity won him a reservoir of good will by an appreciative public. taking on the ``evil empire'' Reagan was a naive, rosy optimist, thinking that, if he could only show Gorbachev how ordinary Americans lived, Gorbachev would recognize the differences between the two systems and make big changes for the better. Reagan was a foolhardy, almost comical belligerent, standing at the Berlin Wall and challenging Gorbachev to ``tear down this wall!'' He was an embarrassment, a blind, unsophisticated patriot who had the gall, bad manners, and political incorrectness to call the free world's adversary an ``Evil Empire.'' He was an actor who knew nothing of foreign policy, a genial dummy who straddled between reckless action and somnolent inattention. Or so he was portrayed and so many believed. But D'Souza recognizes Reagan's historic accomplishment in fostering the dissolution of the Communist empire, which emanated at least in substantial part from the man's own willful, steadfast purpose. This dissolution was not foreordained, as has become the fashionable view. The author demonstrates the transparency of Reagan's critics, quoting extensively from their pronouncements on the growth, stability, and power of the Soviet economy and the folly of attempting directly to challenge Russia itself. Liberal historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. observed in 1982 that ``those in the United States who think the Soviet Union is on the verge of economic and social collapse are wishful thinkers.'' John Kenneth Galbraith, Harvard economist and guru during the Kennedy-Johnson years, pronounced that ``the Russian system succeeds, because, in contrast with the Western industrial economies, it makes full use of its manpower.'' Such assessment was concurred in by even ``neutral'' economists such as Paul Samuelson and Lester Thurow, who as late as 1989 marveled at the Russian growth process. As for confronting Russian expansion, Sovietologist Stephen Cohen of Princeton University thought that Reagan was pathologically wrongheaded in apparently abandoning the comforting previous policies of containment and detente for the objective of ``destroying the Soviet Union as a world power and possibly even its Communist system.'' Strobe Talbot, then a senior correspondent at Time magazine and later deputy secretary of state in the Clinton administration, indignantly scoffed at Reagan's unrealistic and misguided attempts to return to the '50s goal of rolling back Soviet domination in Europe. Though criticized as too ideological, Reagan appointed skilled pragmatists to implement his aggressive foreign policy. They included the maligned but effective Bill Casey at the CIA, Cap Weinberger at Defense, and George Schultz at State. Reagan's overarching plan was relatively simple: he would outspend the Russians on defense, thereby showing the vulnerability of the Russian economic system which Reagan, almost alone, was convinced would not keep pace. This culminated in the proposed future deployment of defense missiles and lasers dubbed ``Star Wars,'' a concept ridiculed by many, and not fully understood even by Reagan, but greatly feared by the Russian leadership. D'Souza presents the still- minority viewpoint, which I believe history will eventually confirm, that the elevation by the Russian leadership of Gorbachev was largely stimulated as an antidote for the very presence of Reagan, who by then had emerged as a popular and effective world leader who articulately advocated challenge of Russian aspirations for world dominance. Reagan took an immediate liking to Gorbachev and instinctively felt they could do business. His subsequent perseverance in challenging Gorbachev to reform the system, combined with U.S. military buildup, precipitated the eventual dismembering of the formerly impenetrable Russian political hegemony and military might. For this accomplishment alone Reagan should be recognized as the single most important person in the second half of this century in pointing our world in the direction of freedom and democracy. However, to the surprise and even anguish of liberal opponents, and the consternation of some conservative friends, his challenge was not limited to the communist totalitarian system, but to dictators everywhere, whether in the Philippines, South America, or Africa. The resulting extensive conversion from socialist and totalitarian states to democracies and free economies was truly remarkable, never before seen in the history of the world. taking on big government As Reagan ran against the political wisdom and apparent majority public opinion in advocating defeat of, rather than detente with, communism, so too he opposed the belief that a powerful central government was essential to ensure freedom, justice, and the general welfare. Reagan presented the then- heretical view that central government was the problem, not the solution. While Reagan accepted much of Roosevelt's New Deal as a necessary reaction to the economic emergency following the Great Depression, he felt the Great Society agenda fostered by President Johnson took the country too far along the path toward a suffocating central government that would eventually stifle individual initiative and freedom. His conversion from Democrat to Republican resulted. Reagan carried his message forward in speech after speech, initially while traveling the country for General Electric. Although the 1964 Republican Convention produced the spectacularly losing campaign of Barry Goldwater, Reagan's nominating speech--which has been since dubbed merely ``The Speech''--launched him into the national scene as the future messenger and leader of the conservative cause. It also brought him to the attention of king-makers in California, who lured him into a successful run against the incumbent, the firmly entrenched Governor Pat Brown, who, like every candidate Reagan has run against, underestimated his talents, personality, and character. As Governor, Reagan preached austerity, but in his first term did little in practice to put California's economic house in order. His main contribution, perhaps, was in standing up to the most radical of the free speakers, thereby keeping the universities open and restoring a modicum of stability during those turbulent times. The author labels Reagan's governorship as only moderately successful. Reagan, however, gained a stage that eventually catapulted him into the presidency. While running for and entering the presidency, his economic message remained the same: limited government. On the one hand, as his critics are quick to point out, Reagan never directly achieved his economic goals, as the high cost of defense build-up and his insistence on a tax cut made a balanced budget impossible. Moreover, this imbalance was exacerbated by the Democratic-controlled Congress, whose ``compromise'' meant more spending on cherished domestic programs rather than cuts that would have helped pay for the defense build-up. On the other hand, his intense lobbying efforts on his first budget, while not reaching all the results he envisioned, provided the mechanism for a future more limited domestic spending program, and provided more funds for the private sector through tax cuts. Through a numbing recession in 1982, with critics contending his ``voodoo'' supply-side economics were a proven failure, Reagan elected to ``stay the course,'' retreating to his California ranch for resuscitation and refusing the siren song to ``do something.'' He was assisted by a supportive Federal Reserve, which tightened credit to reduce the fever of double digit inflation prevalent during the preceding Carter administration. With recover came increasing public and business confidence. A growing economy meant more dollars to pay for the defense build- up. The author points to the ``outrageous'' act of firing the air traffic controllers as a further plank in economic recovery. Though their union, the Professional Air Traffic Controllers (PATCO), was one of the few to support Reagan's presidential bid, Reagan had no compunction in firing them and replacing them by non-union workers. Considering them ``untouchables,'' no previous president had so directly taken on unions and government workers. To Reagan, the moral basis was simple: government workers were servants of the people and not their masters. The law supported his viewpoint. Condemned, ridiculed, and pressured even by allies, and temporarily losing popular support, particularly from new- found ``Joe Six-Pack'' converts to the Republican party, Reagan stuck to his guns. This action, and his subsequent refusal to compromise, so shocked and silenced union leaders and government workers that corporations and government agencies were afforded for years to come the opportunity to downsize and ``reorganize.'' The seemingly forgotten principal that jobs were a privilege and not a right was at least partially restored and the economy further stimulated. Reagan's goals were not all achieved while in office. Nevertheless, he left an agenda that is still in many respects being followed today. Free international trade through agreements such as NAFTA, and the outline for fiscal savings as drawn up in the ``Contract for America,'' were Reagan initiatives. Even the line-item veto, scorned and laughed at as a campaign throw-away, and impossible to enact, has become law, ironically co-opted by President Clinton and touted as his own accomplishment. While temporarily contributing to a huge unbalanced budget and an unfavorable foreign trade deficit, the successful war against communism eventually allowed a resulting ``peace dividend,'' a prosperous economy, and a curtailed federal government. A balanced budget would be achieved 10 years after he left office. Reagan again knew instinctively what the most sophisticated economists were oblivious to. Reduction of tax rates during times when government has become too large and costly can actually increase total revenues by freeing the private sector from stifling governmental costs and regulations, thereby enabling sales and profits (as well as taxes paid) to rise. What was to become known worldwide as ``privatization'' resulted from these policies. Where previous Republican administrations had merely attempted to cut around the edges to make governments a little more efficient and accountable, Reagan attacked it head on, by word and deed freeing the private sector to accomplish its goals with minimal intervention. Taking on ``malaise'' A third area that Reagan sought to change flowed naturally from and was dependent upon success in his attack on communism and big government: restoration of the prestige and respect of the presidency, and the confidence, optimism, and patriotism of the American people. Following the ``Peace and Prosperity'' and ``Return to Normalcy'' of the 1950s under Eisenhower, we had experienced the assassinations of President Kennedy, Martin Luther King, and Robert Kennedy; the quagmire of Vietnam, causing President Johnson's decision not to run; Nixon's seemingly moderately successful presidency brought down by Watergate; and the failed Carter presidency, ending in American hostages being ignominiously held in Iran, communism seemingly on the march in international expansion, and Carter himself describing a ``malaise'' in the American psyche. Onto the stage strode the unlikely candidate the conservatives lusted for, but mainstream Republicans merely tolerated, and Democrats welcomed as ``easy pickings''--seemingly too old, too ideological, and too inexperienced to be elected or to accomplish the job. The reigns of government had barely been grasped when a sickening feeling of deja vu returned as an attempt was made on Reagan's life. Reagan's humorous reaction and relatively quick recovery boded well, allowing him to initiate his foreign and domestic programs. The sputtering of the economy in late 1981, leading to recession, however, dispelled this good will and left the nation in a sullen mood. As recovery finally came and Reagan's ``stay the course'' was more or less vindicated, his personality and talents as a ``Great Communicator'' began to sharpen and shape the American and world landscape. He entreated the people of the United States, the country he felt destined to be ``a shining city on the hill,'' to support and further his program and policies. He restored a sometimes teary-eyed patriotism, encouraging Americans to take pride in and celebrate our country, its meaning, and its history. Using his powers as a former actor and the sincerity of his own belief in the goodness of America, whose ``morning had just begun,'' he sought to enlist the people to assist the world along a better path to a brighter future. He returned a pride in military service, severely wounded since the Vietnam war. His own dedication to duty and pride of office restored dignity and world leadership to the presidency. History may record Reagan as having been extraordinarily lucky to have accomplished his successes at such an advanced age, barely before senility and the eventual ravages of Alzheimer's disease fully took over. D'Souza does not think so. He credits--too much, some will argue--Reagan's ability to cut through the thicket of unimportant matters and take the correct action at nearly every important juncture. Far from being a mere bystander, Reagan led on matters that mattered, even when his decisions were unpopular. D'Souza notes a nearly mystical aura that President Reagan himself privately acknowledged as governing some of his actions. While many presidents donned the mantra of churchgoing for public consumption, and Reagan himself supported, mainly as a sop to the religious right, a constitutional amendment to allow public school prayer, his own religious beliefs were more complex. Not an active churchgoer before or during his presidency, he apparently firmly believed in an intervening and active higher authority from whom he privately sought solace and guidance. When asked what person he most admired, Reagan invariably answered, ``The man from Galilee.'' Though public ridicule was made of his wife Nancy's seeking guidance from astrologers, without serious objection and perhaps active support from the President, Reagan's truer belief would have been the personally delivered opinion of Mother Theresa that he had been put on this earth for a divine purpose. This book will not find favor with liberal economists, with those Jeanne Kirkpatrick labeled ``Blame America Firsters,'' or with apologists for the former Soviet communist system who then had advocated accommodation and appeasement, but many of whom now find its demise historically inevitable and Reagan irrelevant. One of D'Souza's obvious purposes in the book is to attack this attempted instant historical revisionism. In so doing, he can fairly be accused of straying too often from a ``pure'' chronicle of Reagan to a strident attack on his critics. No doubt in anticipated rebuttal, D'Souza points to a ``stacked deck'' committee chaired by Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and commissioned by the editors of the New York Times in December 1996 to render a collective verdict on how history will rank the U.S. presidents. Not surprisingly these ``history experts,'' which included Doris Kearns Goodwin, James MacGregor Burns, ex-Governor Mario Cuomo, and ex- Senator Paul Simon, liberals all, ranked Reagan in the lower half, below George Bush and in the undistinguished company of Jimmy Carter, Chester Arthur, and Benjamin Harrison. In contrast, D'Souza believes Reagan should be ranked with the Roosevelts, Wilson, Lincoln, and Washington. Interestingly, however, the ideologically conservative ``true believers'' who allege that Reagan was merely a popular messenger for an irresistible movement will not be overjoyed with the book. D'Souza paints Reagan as a unique individual, the likes of which are unlikely to return. Though Reagan articulated the principals of the ascending conservative movement, he was flexible rather than rigid, and his sunny personality lent itself to compromise on everything except his hardcore principals. This enabled Reagan to overcome popular reluctance to accept his conservative agenda. D'Souza describes an apparently simple, but actually a flawed, complex, and contradictory man who accomplished his aims by concentrating on a few specifics that were fundamental to his beliefs. To this reviewer, who was initially extremely skeptical of Reagan's governing capability, let alone his electability to the presidency, but who has come to the happy realization that there really was something in the stars that brought forth this unlikely man to lead our country at such an important time in history, Ronald Reagan gets it exactly right.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman of the Subcommittee on Homeland Security of the Committee on Appropriations for yielding me this time. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Tancredo amendment because facts are stubborn things. Allegations, no matter how offensive, no matter how predictable from some in this House, have a way of being displaced by facts. The fact is federalism is dynamic because constitutionally there are responsibilities reserved to the States and localities, but more importantly, there are responsibilities constitutionally delineated to the Congress of the United States. I would remind my colleagues and specifically the preceding speaker that Congress, not States or cities, has the sole authority to draft and enact immigration policies. By permitting States and localities to flaunt Federal law enacting sanctionary policies, Congress is effectively allowing local governments to set up their own patchwork of individual immigration systems. Mr. Chairman, national security is synonymous with border security. Congress must act to put an end to these policies that allow this patchwork of different immigration policies based on whatever the whim of a certain locality or a certain State may be. We must do that if we are to maintain an orderly immigration system and to ensure that Federal antiterrorism efforts are successful. In contrast to those who would come with tiresome and objectionable notions that this is based on race, this is nothing of the sort. This is based on national security and understanding that we must know who comes into the country. Certainly there should be effective, consistent enforcement across the board. That is why I rise in support of this amendment and ask the Members to join me in this support.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate very much the comments of my friend from Washington State. Apparently, they were not pre-cleared by the ACLU because he referred to a Christmas tree rather than a holiday tree. I am sure he may get phone calls on that. Be that as it may, rather than focusing on posturing or props or process, let us take a look at results, a little economics 101. The fact is when you reduce income tax rates, you create economic incentive. You put people back to work. That is the essence of the job bill. One of the biggest taxes, as the chairman pointed out, geopolitically right now as it exists, American manufacturers and farmers are being hit with escalating tariffs. Tariffs is another term for taxes. Right now they are at 8 percent. Guess what happens because of rising tariffs? The very exports that everyone champions, even those who say they are friends of workers, when you have higher tariffs, you do not have the exports; that costs jobs. Lowering those tariffs will actually create jobs. We could talk more about the restaurant owners and depreciation and opportunities, but the bottom line is with this bill we create jobs. Vote ``yes.'' Reject the holiday ornamentation and the props and the pandering. Vote ``yes'' on this bill.

Mr. HAYWORTH

Mr. HAYWORTH. Mr. Chairman, I was pleased to vote for the Hooley amendment.