Jesse Helms

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, this is an occasion when I wish to attempt, with a heavy heart, to pay my respects to a dear lady who last week passed away. Myra Leonard was a leader of the Polish-American community and the long- time Executive Director of the Washington Office of the Polish American Congress. For nearly 20 years Myra was a respected and tireless advocate of the ties that bind the United States and Poland. During the 1980s, when Poland's Solidarity movement struggled under martial law, Myra generated great support for the movement by soliciting humanitarian support to Poland. She coordinated the ``Solidarity Express''--a train of some 22 railroad cars loaded with relief goods. At her suggestion, on the first-year anniversary of Solidarity, a Solidarity Convoy produced thirty-two container trucks bearing relief cargo. Myra's initiatives contributed literally millions of dollars of humanitarian support to the Polish people during that difficult decade, but more recently, Myra played a pivotal role in the effort to transform the Polish-American relationship from one of partnership to that of allies. One cannot overestimate the energy and momentum she and her husband, Casimir, brought to the effort to bring Poland into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. For her efforts, Myra and her husband were both honored by the Polish Government with the Commanders' Cross. This year, Poland and the United States will, together, launch the Polish American Freedom Foundation. Myra's invaluable counsel and political judgment ensured that this initiative successfully navigated the difficult path of transforming a grand concept into a real foundation that will on a daily basis reaffirm the commitment of the United States and Poland to democracy and freedom. So, we are deeply saddened by Myra's passing and we use this occasion to express to her husband, Casimir Leonard, and to the other members of her family, how much we will miss her. Our memory of Myra will be a lady of tireless energy and warmth who brought to Washington a genuine devotion to the ties binding Poland and America.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, may I inquire of the Chair if it is in order for me to offer an amendment to the bill under the existing unanimous consent agreement? I believe it is not.

Mr. HELMS. That is my understanding. I thank the Chair. Mr. President, I genuinely regret that it is not possible for me to offer an amendment at the present time, but I do wish to raise an issue that continues to cause confusion and frustration and hard feelings in the schools and in the courts at all levels. It involves an issue that deserves careful consideration by the Senate, and it seldom comes up; but I have made the decision that I am going to bring it up from time to time and have the Senate vote on it. All of us should be willing to stop pussyfooting and take a stand, unequivocally, clearly and honestly on the issue of school prayer. There is no question about the absurdity of the Senate remaining silent while some judge somewhere says that a high school football team cannot even engage in a simple prayer before the whistle blows the start of the game. Equally absurd is the denial of a valedictorian of a high school of the right to include a brief invocation in her remarks. But that sort of thing is going on all over the country. I believe Benjamin Franklin and the other patriots, whom we refer to today as our Founding Fathers, made clear the power of--and the need for--prayer when they met at Philadelphia to set in motion this great land of freedom. It is very clear what Benjamin Franklin meant when he lectured his fellow colleagues. He said, ``We should close the windows and the doors and get down on our knees and pray for guidance.'' I have lived a large part of my life believing there should never be any limits on the right of public prayer. I never heard of a high school student being debased or deprived of his rights, or having any problem as a result of school prayer. We had prayer every day in every school I attended, and my recollection is that all of us got along pretty well. No student was ever shot, or raped, or found to have drugs on his or her person, let alone a gun, in any school that I attended. But then along came Madalyn O'Hair and her crusade against school prayer. That was in 1962 when she stirred up a few atheists and agnostics, and ultimately some judges, who contrived out of the whole cloth a fanciful argument that somebody's rights might be violated if a simple prayer were allowed in school. It was always allowed every day in the schools of America until Madalyn O'Hair came along. Since the systematic removal of nearly all aspects of religious expression from the schools, there have been repeated disasters of all kinds, cataclysmic things we never believed would happen. From teen crime to teen pregnancy, so many young people are sinking in a quicksand of immorality. Would these heartbreaking events have occurred if prayer had not been banned from the schools? I don't think they would. When that question is raised, my response is that such things didn't happen before prayers and religion were banned from the schools. There is still time to fix this problem. We can restore prayer in school. By the way, the distinguished occupant of the Chair this morning may have recalled that I offered this same amendment I am discussing right now to the Senate in 1994. It passed overwhelmingly, with 74 other Senators agreeing that a more sensible policy regarding prayer in schools is essential and necessary. But that amendment was gutted--gutted--at the eleventh hour for partisan reasons, which I am not going to get into now. On some occasion, I may describe exactly how that happened. In any event, the amendment I would like to have offered this morning allows students to exercise their first amendment prerogative of prayer. Under the amendment: No funds made available through the Department of Education shall be provided to any State, or local educational agency, that has a policy of denying, or that effectively prevents participation in, prayer permissible under the Constitution in public schools by individuals on a voluntary basis. I must say that once more my amendment clearly states that: No person shall be required to participate in prayer in a public school. If a student doesn't want to pray, he or she, under no circumstances, will be required to do so. Therefore, I regret the parliamentary situation under which the Senate is operating this morning, which prevents my calling up this amendment for consideration. Let me say this: I steadfastly believe that any education bill that does not protect the first amendment rights of students to engage in voluntary prayer is incomplete, and I intend to raise this issue subsequent to this morning as often as it takes until the right to voluntary school prayer is guaranteed once and for all. I ask unanimous consent that the text of my amendment, No. 3128, now at the desk, be printed in the Record.

Mr. HELMS. I thank the Chair for recognizing me. I ask unanimous consent that it be in order for me to deliver my remarks seated.

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Monday, May 8, 2000, the federal debt stood at $5,662,693,356,964.51 (Five trillion, six hundred sixty-two billion, six hundred ninety-three million, three hundred fifty-six thousand, nine hundred sixty-four dollars and fifty-one cents). Five years ago, May 8, 1995, the federal debt stood at $4,856,503,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred fifty-six billion, five hundred three million). Ten years ago, May 8, 1990, the federal debt stood at $3,080,170,000,000 (Three trillion, eighty billion, one hundred seventy million). Fifteen years ago, May 8, 1985, the federal debt stood at $1,744,562,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred forty-four billion, five hundred sixty-two million). Twenty-five years ago, May 8, 1975, the federal debt stood at $512,942,000,000 (Five hundred twelve billion, nine hundred forty-two million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,149,751,356,964.51 (Five trillion, one hundred forty-nine billion, seven hundred fifty-one million, three hundred fifty-six thousand, nine hundred sixty-four dollars and fifty-one cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Wednesday, May 3, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,658,066,936,728.56 (Five trillion, six hundred fifty-eight billion, sixty-six million, nine hundred thirty-six thousand, seven hundred twenty-eight dollars and fifty-six cents). One year ago, May 3, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,562,741,000,000.00 (Five trillion, five hundred sixty-two billion, seven hundred forty-one million). Five years ago, May 3, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,855,155,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred fifty-five billion, one hundred fifty-five million). Ten years ago, May 3, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,078,032,000,000 (Three trillion, seventy-eight billion, thirty-two million). Fifteen years ago, May 3, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,741,069,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred forty-one billion, sixty-nine million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $3 trillion--$3,916,997,936,728.56 (Three trillion, nine hundred sixteen billion, nine hundred ninety-seven million, nine hundred thirty-six thousand, seven hundred twenty-eight dollars and fifty-six cents) during the past 15 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Tuesday, May 2, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,669,550,992,339.00 (Five trillion, six hundred sixty-nine billion, five hundred fifty million, nine hundred ninety-two thousand, three hundred thirty-nine dollars and zero cents). Five years ago, May 2, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,859,125,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred fifty-nine billion, one hundred twenty-five million). Ten years ago, May 2, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,082,811,000,000 (Three trillion, eight-two billion, eight hundred eleven million). Fifteen years ago, May 2, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,745,505,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred forty-five billion, five hundred five million). Twenty-five years ago, May 2, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $516,450,000,000 (Five hundred sixteen billion, four hundred fifty million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,153,100,992,339.00 (Five trillion, one hundred fifty-three billion, one hundred million, nine hundred ninety-two thousand, three hundred thirty-nine dollars and zero cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Monday, May 1, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,660,725,641,944.27 (Five trillion, six hundred sixty billion, seven hundred twenty-five million, six hundred forty-one thousand, nine hundred forty-four dollars and twenty-seven cents). Five years ago, May 1, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,860,333,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred sixty billion, three hundred thirty-three million). Ten years ago, May 1, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,082,585,000,000 (Three trillion, eight-two billion, five hundred eighty-five million). Fifteen years ago, May 1, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,744,028,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred forty-four billion, twenty-eight million). Twenty-five years ago, May 1, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $516,680,000,000 (Five hundred sixteen billion, six hundred eighty million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,144,275,641,994.27 (Five trillion, one hundred forty-four billion, two hundred seventy-five million, six hundred forty-one thousand, nine hundred ninety-four dollars and twenty-seven cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, I have been around this place a long time and a lot of things have happened that I can't quite understand, one of them being the veto of this measure by the President of the United States. If you stop and think, you see that it is purely political. For that reason, I hope this Senate will not hesitate to vote to override the veto of S. 1287, the Nuclear Waste Policy Amendments Act of 2000. The President's decision to veto this vital legislation is just further evidence that the Clinton administration has no energy policy, except the appeasement of the doctrinaire environmentalists. Because of the President's purely political veto, the United States will continue to have spent fuel assemblies piling up at all nuclear generation facilities throughout the United States--including five facilities in North Carolina. The taxpayers of my state alone have paid more than $700 million into the Nuclear Waste Disposal Fund justifiably expecting that the spent fuel assemblies would be transported to Yucca Mountain, Nevada, for permanent storage. But no, it was not to happen, according to the environmentalists, and therefore according to the President of the United States, who immediately got his pen out and vetoed it. A portion of the monthly electric bill payments of North Carolinians and other states goes into this fund, but while the Administration plays its political veto game, North Carolina's utility companies have been forced to construct holding pools or dry cask storage facilities to store this used material. This has caused additional expense for the utilities and higher prices for their customers. Why did Mr. Clinton veto this legislation? Clearly it was to appease the self-proclaimed environmentalists, who so piously proclaim their concern about the air Americans breathe. We are all concerned about that. Mr. President, it has long been self-evident that these so-called self-proclaimed environmentalists are opposed to nuclear energy production--which is, behind hydro-power, the cleanest source of electricity. Nuclear power generation does not emit greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere. The question is inevitable. Is it not better for the environment that no fossil fuels are burned? So while the President plays politics to please the self-proclaimed environmentalists the spent fuel assemblies continue piling up all over the country in spite of the availability of the Yucca Mountain storage site which--according to the experts-- poses absolutely no environmental risks for the permanent disposal of the spent fuel assemblies. A handful of North Carolina anti-nuclear activists are complaining about the on-site storage of this material. If these activists were truly concerned about the environment, they would support this legislation and urge the federal government to complete construction of the national storage site at Yucca Mountain in one of the most remote areas of the United States. I have at hand a copy of a letter sent to President Clinton by the Executive Director of the Public Staff of the North Carolina Utilities Commission urging the President to sign S. 1287. I ask unanimous consent that this letter be printed in the Record.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business Friday, April 28, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,685,108,228,594.76 (Five trillion, six hundred eighty-five billion, one hundred eight million, two hundred twenty-eight thousand, five hundred ninety-four dollars and seventy-six cents). One year ago, April 26, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,598,230,000,000 (Five trillion, five hundred ninety-eight billion, two hundred thirty million). Five years ago, April 28, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,852,327,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred fifty-two billion, three hundred twenty-seven million). Ten years ago, April 28, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,059,578,000,000 (Three trillion, fifty-nine billion, five hundred seventy-eight million). Twenty-five years ago, April 28, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $515,176,000,000 (Five hundred fifteen billion, one hundred seventy-six million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,169,932,228,594.76 (Five trillion, one hundred sixty-nine billion, nine hundred thirty-two million, two hundred twenty-eight thousand, five hundred ninety-four dollars and seventy-six cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Wednesday, April 26, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,718,483,607,979.32 (Five trillion, seven hundred eighteen billion, four hundred eighty-three million, six hundred seven thousand, nine hundred seventy-nine dollars and thirty-two cents). One year ago, April 26, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,591,807,000,000 (Five trillion, five hundred ninety-one billion, eight hundred seven million). Five years ago, April 26, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,848,089,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred forty-eight billion, eighty-nine million). Fifteen years ago, April 26, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,730,404,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred thirty billion, four hundred four million) which reflects a debt increase of almost $4 trillion--$3,988,079,607,979.32 (Three trillion, nine hundred eighty- eight billion, seventy-nine million, six hundred seven thousand, nine hundred seventy-nine dollars and thirty-two cents) during the past 15 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to yield to the distinguished Senator from Oregon and that I follow him.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, the news media is buzzing with speculation that President Clinton will attempt, in his final month in office, to strike a major arms control deal with Russia--including a major ABM Treaty that would limit the ability of the United States to defend itself against ballistic missile attack. White House officials have openly stated their concern that Mr. Clinton faces the prospect of leaving office without a major arms control agreement to his credit--the first President in memory to do so. And from this President--a man uniquely absorbed with his legacy-- that perhaps would be, to him, a personal tragedy. Mr. Clinton wants an agreement, a signing ceremony, a final photo-op. He wants a picture shaking hands with the Russian President, broad smiles on their faces, large, ornately bound treaties under their arms, as the cameras click for perhaps the last time--a final curtain call. I must observe that if the price of that final curtain call is a resurrection of the U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty that would prevent the United States from protecting the American people against missile attack, then that price is just too high. With all due respect, I do not intend to allow this President to establish his legacy by binding the next generation of Americans to a future without a viable national missile defense. For nearly 8 years, while North Korea and Iran raced forward with their nuclear programs, and while China stole the most advanced nuclear secrets of the United States, and while Iraq escaped international inspections, President Clinton did everything in his power to stand in the way of deploying a national missile defense. Do you want some facts, Mr. President? Let's state some for the record. In 1993, just months after taking office, Mr. Clinton ordered that all proposals for missile defense interceptor projects be returned unopened to the contractors that had submitted them. In December of that same year, 1993, he withdrew the Bush administration's proposal for fundamentally altering the ABM Treaty to permit deployment of national missile defenses at a time when Russia was inclined to strike a deal. By 1996, 3 years after taking office, Mr. Clinton had completely gutted the National Missile Defense Readiness Program. He slashed the national missile defense budget by more than 80 percent. In 1997, he signed two agreements to revive and expand the U.S.- Soviet ABM Treaty, including one that would expand ABM restrictions to prevent not only national missile defense for the American people but to constrain theater missile defenses to protect our troops in the field. Then for the next 3 years, the President, heeding some of his advisers, no doubt, refused to submit those agreements to the Senate, despite making a legally binding commitment to submit them. He made that commitment to me in writing. He did not submit them because he was afraid the Senate would reject them, while in doing so would clear the way for rapid deployment of missile defenses. To this day, he still has not fulfilled his legal requirement to submit those treaties for the Senate's advice and consent. In December 1995, Mr. Clinton vetoed legislation that would have required the deployment of a national missile defense with an initial operational capability by the year 2001. Three years later, in 1998, he again killed missile defense legislation--the American Missile Protection Act--which called for the deployment of national missile defense, as soon as its technology was ready, by threatening a veto and rallying Democratic Senators to filibuster the legislation. Only in 1999 did he at long last sign missile defense legislation into law, but only after it passed both Houses of Congress by a veto- proof majority and only after the independent Rumsfeld Commission had issued a stinging bipartisan report declaring that the Clinton administration had dramatically underestimated the ballistic missile threat to the United States. But while Mr. Clinton was doing all this, costing America almost 8 years in a race against time to deploy missile defenses, our adversaries were forging ahead with their missile systems. While Mr. Clinton was dragging his feet, for example, foreign ballistic missile threats to the United States grew in terms of both range and sophistication. Today, several Third World nations possess, or are developing, ballistic missiles capable of delivering chemical, biological, or nuclear warheads against cities in the United States. According to the Rumsfeld Commission, both North Korea and Iran are within 5 years of possessing viable ICBMs capable of striking the continental United States, and North Korea may already today have the capacity to strike Alaska and Hawaii. Last month, Communist China explicitly threatened to use nuclear weapons against United States cities should the United States take any action to defend democratic Taiwan in the event Beijing launched an invasion of Taiwan. So Mr. Clinton is in search of a legacy? La-di-da. He already has one. The Clinton legacy is America's continued inexcusable vulnerability to ballistic missile attack. The Clinton legacy is 8 years of negligence. The Clinton legacy is 8 years of lost time. But in the twilight of his Presidency, Mr. Clinton now wants to strike an ill-considered deal with Russia to purchase Russian consent to an inadequate U.S. missile defense--one single site in Alaska to be deployed but not until 2005--in exchange for a new, revitalized ABM Treaty that would permanently bar any truly national missile defense system. The President is attempting to lock this Nation, the United States of America, into a system that cannot defend the American people, and the President is trying to resurrect the U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty which would make it impossible for future enhancements to U.S. national missile defense in general. The agreement Mr. Clinton proposes would not permit space-based sensors; it would not permit sufficient numbers of ground-based radars; and it would not permit additional defenses based on alternate missile interceptor systems, such as naval or sea-based interceptors. All of these, and more, are absolutely necessary to achieve a fully effective defense against the full range of possible threats to the American people. Mr. Clinton's proposal is not a plan to defend the United States; it is a plan to leave the United States defenseless. It is, in fact, a plan to salvage the antiquated and invalid U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty. That is what it is. No more. No less. It is a plan that is going nowhere fast in protecting the American people. After dragging his feet on missile defense for nearly 8 years, Mr. Clinton now fervently hopes he will be permitted in his final 8 months in office to tie the hands of the next President of the United States. He believes he will be allowed to constrain the next administration from pursuing a real national missile defense. Is that what he believes or even hopes? Well, I, for one, have a message for President Clinton: Not on my watch, Mr. President. Not on my watch. It is not going to happen. Let's be clear, to avoid any misunderstandings down the line: Any modified ABM Treaty negotiated by this administration will be DOA--dead on arrival--at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, of which, as the Chair knows, I happen to be the chairman. This administration's failed security policies have burdened America and the American people long enough. In a few months, the American people will go to the polls to elect a new President, a President who must have a clean break from the failed policies of this administration. He must have the freedom and the flexibility to establish his own security policies. To the length of my cable-tow, it is my intent to do everything in my power to ensure that nothing is done in the next few months by this administration to tie the hands of the next administration in pursuing a new national security policy, based not on scraps of parchment but, rather, on concrete defenses, a policy designed to protect the American people from ballistic missile attack, a policy designed to ensure that no hostile regime--from Tehran to Pyongyang to Beijing--is capable of threatening the United States of America and the American people with nuclear blackmail. Any decision on missile defense will be for the next President of the United States to make, not this one. It is clear that the United States is no longer legally bound by the U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty. Isn't it self-evident that the U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty expired when the Soviet Union, our treaty partner, ceased to exist? Legally speaking, I see no impediment whatsoever to the United States proceeding with any national missile defense system we--the American people and this Congress-- choose to deploy. That said, for political and diplomatic reasons, the next President-- the next President--may decide that it is in the U.S. interest to sit down with the Russians and offer them a chance to negotiate an agreement on this matter. Personally, I do not believe a new ABM Treaty can be negotiated with Russia that would permit the kind of defenses America needs. As Henry Kissinger said last year in testimony before the Foreign Relations Committee: Is it possible to negotiate a modification of the ABM Treaty? Since the basic concept of the ABM Treaty is so contrary to the concept of an effective missile defense, I find it very difficult to imagine this. But I would be open to argument-- And let me emphasize these words as Henry Kissinger emphasized them when he said-- provided that we do not use the treaty as a constraint on pushing forward on the most effective development of a national and theater missile defense. Now then, like Dr. Kissinger, I am open to the remote possibility that a new administration--unencumbered by the current President of the United States in his desperate desire for a legacy and this administration's infatuation with the U.S.-Soviet ABM Treaty--could enter into successful negotiations with the Russians. The Republican nominee for President, Mr. Bush of Texas, has declared that on taking office he will give the Russians an opportunity to negotiate a revised--a revised--ABM Treaty, one that will permit the defenses America needs. But Mr. Bush made it clear that if the Russians refuse, he will go forward nonetheless and deploy a national missile defense. And good for him. Mr. Bush believes in the need for missile defense, and he will negotiate from a position of strength. By contrast, President Clinton clearly has no interest whatsoever in missile defense. His agenda is not to defend America from ballistic missile attack but to race against the clock to get an arms control agreement--any agreement; he means any agreement--that will prevent his going down in history as the first President in memory not to do so. So it is obvious, I think, that any negotiations Mr. Clinton enters into in his final months will be from a position of desperation and weakness. For this administration--after opposing missile defense for almost 8 years--to attempt at the 11th hour to try to negotiate a revised ABM Treaty is too little, too late. This administration has long had its chance to adopt a new security approach to meet the new threats and challenges of the post-cold-war era. This administration, the Clinton administration, chose not to do so. So this administration's time for grand treaty initiatives is clearly at an end. For the remainder of this year, the Foreign Relations Committee will continue its routine work. We will consider tax treaties, extradition treaties, and other already-negotiated treaties. But we will not consider any new last-minute arms control measures that this administration may negotiate and cook up in its final, closing months in office. As the chairman of this committee, I make it clear that the Foreign Relations Committee will not consider the next administration bound by any treaties this administration may try to negotiate in the coming 8 months. The Russian Government should not be under any illusion whatsoever that any commitments made by this lame-duck administration will be binding on the next administration. America has waited 8 years for a commitment to build and deploy a national missile defense. We can wait a few more months for a new President committed to doing it--and doing it right--to protect the American people. Thank you, Mr. President. I yield the floor.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Tuesday, April 25, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,714,809,510,973.78 (Five trillion, seven hundred fourteen billion, eight hundred nine million, five hundred ten thousand, nine hundred seventy-three dollars and seventy-eight cents). Five years ago, April 25, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,842,768,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred forty-two billion, seven hundred sixty-eight million). Ten years ago, April 25, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,059,578,000,000 (Three trillion, fifty-nine billion, five hundred seventy-eight million). Fifteen years ago, April 25, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,731,602,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred thirty-one billion, six hundred two million). Twenty-five years ago, April 25, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $514,706,000,000 (Five hundred fourteen billion, seven hundred six million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,200,103,510,973.78 (Five trillion, two hundred billion, one hundred three million, five hundred ten thousand, nine hundred seventy-three dollars and seventy-eight cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, I have a slight difficulty with my balance due to a temporary defect in my feet. I ask unanimous consent I be permitted to deliver my remarks seated.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Monday, April 24, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,711,905,996,688.11 (Five trillion, seven hundred eleven billion, nine hundred five million, nine hundred ninety-six thousand, six hundred eighty-eight dollars and eleven cents). Five years ago, April 24, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,839,548,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred thirty-nine billion, five hundred forty-eight million). Ten years ago, April 24, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,066,631,000,000 (Three trillion, sixty-six billion, six hundred thirty-one million). Fifteen years ago, April 24, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,731,710,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred thirty-one billion, seven hundred ten million). Twenty-five years ago, April 24, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $514,446,000,000 (Five hundred fourteen billion, four hundred forty-six million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,197,459,996,688.11 (Five trillion, one hundred ninety-seven billion, four hundred fifty-nine million, nine hundred ninety-six thousand, six hundred eighty-eight dollars and eleven cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Wednesday, April 12, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,764,655,944,486.86 (Five trillion, seven hundred sixty-four billion, six hundred fifty-five million, nine hundred forty-four thousand, four hundred eighty-six dollars and eighty-six cents). One year ago, April 12, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,663,867,000,000 (Five trillion, six hundred sixty-three billion, eight hundred sixty-seven million). Five years ago, April 12, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,874,101,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred seventy-four billion, one hundred one million). Ten years ago, April 12, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,087,071,000,000 (Three trillion, eighty-seven billion, seventy-one million). Fifteen years ago, April 12, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,729,937,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred twenty-nine billion, nine hundred thirty-seven million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $4 trillion--$4,034,718,944,486.86 (Four trillion, thirty- four billion, seven hundred eighteen million, nine hundred forty-four thousand, four hundred eighty-six dollars and eighty-six cents) during the past 15 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, in December 1988, a few days before Christmas, a terrorist bomb exploded on Pan Am flight #103 over Scotland. 270 people died--murdered is the more fitting word--including 189 Americans. It was one of the worst terrorist attacks in history. Next month, two Libyan suspects are scheduled to go on trial in the Netherlands for the bombing. These two Libyans are believed to have planted the bomb, but there is widespread belief that the Libyan government ordered the attack. Though the United Nations has suspended sanctions on Libya since Qadhafi saw fit to turn over the two suspects in the Pan Am 103 bombing, Libya has by no means been restored to the status of a civilized nation. Libya is a rogue nation that has been an avowed enemy of the United States for three decades. (``The time has come for us to deal America a strong slap on it's cool arrogant face,'' Qadhafi said in 1973--at the same time he ``nationalized'' all foreign oil concessions in his country. ``Nationalized'' in this instance is a dressed-up word for outright thievery.) So it is Qadhafi's regime that stands accused of the deliberate murder of American servicemen in the 1986 La Belle discotheque bombing. The same regime whose top officials have been convicted, in absentia, by French courts for bombing a French jetliner, killing 171 people, including seven Americans. The same regime that ordered the murder of 189 Americans on Pan Am Flight 103--Americans from 22 states: New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Vermont, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Maryland, North Dakota, California, New Hampshire, Colorado, West Virginia, Texas, Florida, Virginia, Kansas, Arkansas, Rhode Island, and Washington D.C. Nearly half of America's states lost one or more residents to the Libyan terrorists in that 1988 bombing of Pan Am 103 over Scotland. The mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, and all those children of the Pan Am 103 victims will never forget the horror but, unfortunately, the U.S. foreign policy establishment appears less concerned with that history, hence the recent U.S. decision to ``review'' the ban on American citizens' travel to Libya. Mr. President, this resolution should remind the Administration of the heinous crimes committed by the Libyan regime. It identifies Libya's continued refusal to accept responsibility for its role in these acts. It calls on President Clinton to consult with Congress on policy toward Libya--consultations that would include disclosing United Nations documents containing assurances to the Qadhafi regime that it would not be destabilized as a result of the trial in The Hague. Most importantly, this resolution would emphasize the Sense of the Senate that all U.S. restrictions on Libya, including the travel ban, should remain in place until all cases of Libyan terrorism against Americans have been resolved, and until the Libyan government cooperates in bringing the murderers to justice. A clear signal is needed to Qadhafi, and, apparently, to the Clinton Administration--that the United States will not stand idly by when our citizens are murdered. If and when Libya apologizes and begins to make amends to all Americans, then perhaps there can be talks. Not before.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Tuesday, April 11, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,763,650,722,859.87 (Five trillion, seven hundred sixty-three billion, six hundred fifty million, seven hundred twenty-two thousand, eight hundred fifty-nine dollars and eighty-seven cents). Five years ago, April 11, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,871,386,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred seventy-one billion, three hundred eighty-six million). Ten years ago, April 11, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,084,969,000,000 (Three trillion, eighty-four billion, nine hundred sixty-nine million). Fifteen years ago, April 11, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,730,073,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred thirty billion, seventy-three million). Twenty-five years ago, April 11, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $511,156,000,000 (Five hundred eleven billion, one hundred fifty-six million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,252,494,722,859.87 (Five trillion, two hundred fifty-two billion, four hundred ninety-four million, seven hundred twenty-two thousand, eight hundred fifty-nine dollars and eighty-seven cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Monday, April 10, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,761,021,041,671.35 (Five trillion, seven hundred sixty-one billion, twenty-one million, forty- one thousand, six hundred seventy-one dollars and thirty-five cents). Five years ago, April 10, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,869,423,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred sixty-nine billion, four hundred twenty-three million). Ten years ago, April 10, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,083,479,000,000 (Three trillion, eighty-three billion, four hundred seventy-nine million). Fifteen years ago, April 10, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,729,371,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred twenty-nine billion, three hundred seventy-one million). Twenty-five years ago, April 10, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $510,599,000,000 (Five hundred ten billion, five hundred ninety-nine million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,250,422,041,671.35 (Five trillion, two hundred fifty billion, four hundred twenty-two million, forty-one thousand, six hundred seventy-one dollars and thirty-five cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Thursday, April 6, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,762,301,865,002.06 (Five trillion, seven hundred sixty-two billion, three hundred one million, eight hundred sixty-five thousand, two dollars and six cents). One year ago, April 6, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,665,194,000,000 (Five trillion, six hundred sixty-five billion, one hundred ninety-four million). Five years ago, April 6, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,872,968,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred seventy-two billion, nine hundred sixty-eight million). Ten years ago, April 6, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,092,513,000,000 (Three trillion, ninety-two billion, five hundred thirteen million) which reflects a doubling of the debt--an increase of almost $3 trillion--$2,669,788,865,002.06 (Two trillion, six hundred sixty-nine billion, seven hundred eighty-eight million, eight hundred sixty-five thousand, two dollars and six cents) during the past 10 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Wednesday, April 5, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,758,940,935,120.58 (Five trillion, seven hundred fifty-eight billion, nine hundred forty million, nine hundred thirty-five thousand, one hundred twenty dollars and fifty-eight cents). One year ago, April 5, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,662,955,000,000 (Five trillion, six hundred sixty-two billion, nine hundred fifty-five million). Five years ago, April 5, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,878,158,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred seventy-eight billion, one hundred fifty-eight million). Ten years ago, April 5, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,093,268,000,000 (Three trillion, ninety-three billion, two hundred sixty-eight million). Fifteen years ago, April 5, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,737,241,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred thirty-seven billion, two hundred forty-one million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $4 trillion--$4,021,699,935,120.58 (Four trillion, twenty-one billion, six hundred ninety-nine million, nine hundred thirty-five thousand, one hundred twenty dollars and fifty-eight cents) during the past 15 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Tuesday, April 4, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,758,854,640,223.41 (Five trillion, seven hundred fifty-eight billion, eight hundred fifty- four million, six hundred forty thousand, two hundred twenty-three dollars and forty-one cents). Five years ago, April 4, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,876,207,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred seventy-six billion, two hundred seven million). Ten years ago, April 4, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,092,193,000,000 (Three trillion, ninety-two billion, one hundred ninety-three million). Fifteen years ago, April 4, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,738,045,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred thirty-eight billion, forty-five million). Twenty-five years ago, April 4, 1975, the Federal debt stood at $505,481,000,000 (Five hundred five billion, four hundred eighty-one million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $5 trillion-- $5,253,373,640,223.41 (Five trillion, two hundred fifty-three billion, three hundred seventy-three million, six hundred forty thousand, two hundred twenty-three dollars and forty-one cents) during the past 25 years.

Mr. HELMS

Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, at the close of business yesterday, Wednesday, March 29, 2000, the Federal debt stood at $5,733,451,648,545.39 (Five trillion, seven hundred thirty-three billion, four hundred fifty-one million, six hundred forty-eight thousand, five hundred forty-five dollars and thirty-nine cents). One year ago, March 29, 1999, the Federal debt stood at $5,647,515,000,000 (Five trillion, six hundred forty-seven billion, five hundred fifteen million). Five years ago, March 29, 1995, the Federal debt stood at $4,851,857,000,000 (Four trillion, eight hundred fifty-one billion, eight hundred fifty-seven million). Ten years ago, March 29, 1990, the Federal debt stood at $3,052,317,000,000 (Three trillion, fifty-two billion, three hundred seventeen million). Fifteen years ago, March 29, 1985, the Federal debt stood at $1,710,731,000,000 (One trillion, seven hundred ten billion, seven hundred thirty-one million) which reflects a debt increase of more than $4 trillion--$4,022,720,648,545.39 (Four trillion, twenty-two billion, seven hundred twenty million, six hundred forty-eight thousand, five hundred forty-five dollars and thirty-nine cents) during the past 15 years.