Steny Hoyer

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chair, I claim the time in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chair, I thank the gentleman for recognizing me. Mr. Chair, I presume this is a message amendment. I presume that because I know that the gentleman who offered it is bright, knowledgeable, and knows this amendment is clearly unconstitutional. I am sure he has read the Constitution. He talks about it from time to time. Of course, the language of the Constitution is very clear for exactly the reason that the Founders did not want us to be able to monetarily penalize them for judgments with which we disagreed. They wanted an independent judiciary. They wanted a Nation of laws and not of men. They wanted a nation of laws that are not compromised by threats of cutting salaries and changing lifestyles so that the judiciary would be, unlike England, who had a king who made the laws. It would be the parliament and the courts. Mr. Chair, I suggest we withdraw this amendment, with all due respect to my friend from Texas, because surely he would not want to go against the Constitution of the United States of America. Mr. Chair, I also want to say that I am honored to serve as the ranking member. I would rather be chairman. I am honored to serve as the ranking member with the distinguished Member of this body, Mr. Joyce. If he would like me to yield to him now, I will. If not, I want to thank him for his leadership of our committee, which has been collegial and positive. I think it has led to this resolution today. Mr. Chair, I urge strenuously and by the way, let me mention to the gentleman from Texas he is protected by the Constitution of the United States from having exactly the same thing done to him.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chair, I thank the Chairman, Mr. Sessions, from the great State of Texas for his remarks. I want to tell the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy) that the gentleman who offered this amendment is protected by that same Constitution of the United States from having this done to him. Surely he would want to do unto others as he would want done unto him. Mr. Chair, I urge strenuously the defeat of this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman has raised a point. He has carefully drafted this amendment. Mr. Chairman, his rhetoric, however, and the other gentleman who spoke has been about an individual, about a judge. Their effort is to indirectly do what the Constitution says they cannot do directly. This Congress ought to recognize that the Constitution clearly had in mind that you cannot do this, directly or indirectly, when the expressed intent of the outcome of the adoption of this amendment is to cut the salaries of judges with whom they disagree. That would not be a nation of laws. It would be a nation of men. That, we should hold askew, Mr. Chairman, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I again urge the rejection of this amendment. It is clearly designed to alter opinions based upon the threat of being reduced in monetary ability to proceed. They disagree with the judge. There is a way to go about that. It is to appeal, not to threaten financial retribution. Mr. Chair, for the sake of our democracy and the sanctity of something that makes America special, which is a justice system that works unrelated to threats of retribution, I urge the defeat of this amendment. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I would ask Mr. Scalise: Where is my 1 minute when I need it? Mr. Speaker, I thank my dear and close friends, Steve Womack and Madam Speaker, for being here. I also thank my colleagues and my dear friends, Majority Leader Scalise and Majority Whip Emmer, for being here. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with, obviously, mixed emotions and reluctant conviction. There is a true story I have told many times over the past 60 years. It is about a young man--myself--who was a student at the University of Maryland, College Park, just a few miles from this place. As a freshman, like many young people, I lacked a vision for my future. I nearly flunked out of college and didn't enroll in the 1958 fall semester. Fortunately for me, I reenrolled the following spring. It was the spring convocation of April 27, 1959. Classes were canceled from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. so that we could all go hear the guest speaker. Frankly, I had not planned to attend. However, I was walking up the hill near Cole Field House where the event was located. I saw our guest drive up in a 1958 Pontiac convertible. That, Mr. Speaker, was a cool car. It was so cool that I decided to go to this convocation. That walk was my road to Damascus. It changed my life. The speaker was John F. Kennedy. In his remarks, he urged us to do our duty in those days of world chaos. In particular, he charged us students to become more active in our communities. Nancy heard those same words. Like many hundreds of thousands of young people, I was deeply inspired by Senator Kennedy and his words. Jack Kemp, who was my colleague when I first came here, had a similar story. A week later, I changed my major from business to political science. Mr. Speaker, 7 years later, in 1966, 5 months out of Georgetown Law School, I was elected to the Maryland State Senate. Mr. Speaker, 15 years after that, in 1981, the voters of the Fifth District elected me to the United States House of Representatives. I stand here now, after some 60 years in public service, including nearly 45 years as a Member of this House. I have won elections and lost a couple. I celebrated triumphs and suffered setbacks. I enjoyed friendships and endured hardships. As the song says: ``Some days are diamonds. Some days are stone.'' Happily, I have experienced more diamonds than stone. Shakespeare advised us all: ``This above all: to thine own self be true, And it must follow, as the night the day, Thou canst not then be false to any man.'' In that vein, Mr. Speaker, I have decided not to seek another term in the people's House. I make this decision with sadness, for I love this House, an institution the Framers designed to reflect the will of the American people and to serve as the guardian of their liberty and their democracy. Through the past 45 years, I have come to know many good, decent, and patriotic Members chosen by their neighbors to represent them. They come from both parties and all parts of the ideological spectrum. The Congress I entered in 1981 was somewhat different. Most Republicans and Democrats worked together in a collegial and productive way. The leaders of the House, Tip O'Neill and Bob Michael, fostered that environment. It was, of course, not a Congress without conflict. In the year to come, I will have much more to say about the issues we have grappled with and the ways this House has changed during my time. At the outset, I have said that I spoke with reluctant conviction. That reluctance is because I am deeply concerned that this House is not living up to the Founders' goals. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to examine their conscience, renew their courage, and carry out the responsibilities that the first Article of the Constitution demands. Only in that way can we ensure that our 250 years will be a preface to a stronger and brighter beacon in a free and principled democracy. It will be a nation of laws, not of men. It will be a nation respected around the world for its strength, certainly, but even more for the ideals it represents and the justice with which it acts. That effort must extend beyond this House. I fear that America is heading not toward greatness but toward smallness, pettiness, divisiveness, lawlessness, and disdainfulness. We must respect and love one another. We must remember that we are not great or unique because we say we are great but because we are just, generous, and fair. I hope that spirit can guide us the rest of this Congress because I still have much I want to do in the coming year, not least of which is keeping the government open. To do that, we must send all our appropriations bills to the President in a bipartisan and timely fashion. There are many people I intend to thank in the coming months, but here are a few I will recognize now: First, my family, who has borne much of the burden of my service. I ask them to stand. To my late wife, Judy, who died too young and gave so much. To my beloved daughters, Susan, Stefany, and Anne, who paid a price for Dad's absences. To my grandchildren and great-grandchildren, for giving me great joy. To my mother, who thankfully lived to see her son become the president of the Maryland State Senate. To my staff, for serving me and their Nation with great loyalty and ability. To my colleagues, for trusting me with leadership. To the people of Prince George's County, particularly the African- American community, without whom I would not have won my elections. To the people of Maryland's Fifth District, who gave me a majority of their votes 23 times. To my wife, Dr. Elaine Kamarck, who has made my life whole and happy. Thank you, Babe. And to God, for sending me down this road so many years ago that I call the ``Road to Damascus.'' I thank all of my colleagues--extraordinary people, decent people, people whom their neighbors respect and sent here. The only way they got here was through their neighbors saying that they wanted them to represent them. I thank you all. Mr. Speaker, with tremendous gratitude, I yield back.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding. He and I have known each other for some 60 years. We have served in this body for a very long time. I can remember two events. One was on September 11, 2001, and we were, as the gentleman observed, attacked by an enemy from without. That was horrific. America lost thousands of lives that day. We stood on the steps of the United States Senate that evening and sang ``God Bless America.'' On January 6, I was sitting where the gentleman from South Carolina now stands. I saw an officer, a detail officer from the Capitol Police, come in and take Speaker Pelosi from the rostrum. Then, the Capitol Policeman assigned to my detail, as we call it, came up to me, took me by the arm, and said: We have to get out of here. I got to that door. We went through that door, and I said to him: What has happened? The stunning words of his reply were: The Capitol has been breached. Mr. Speaker, I observed, and I don't know whether the cameras are panning this House, but the other side of the aisle is empty, failing to recognize one of the most grievous, criminal, treasonous events that has happened during the 44-plus years that I have been in this House. It is as if it were not a historic event, where every Member of this House, 435 of us, ought to be rising today and saying that, America, we will not survive that kind of conduct; that is not America; and urging every one of our constituents, as I am going to quote George Washington in just a minute, to honor democracy in victory and in defeat. Al Gore lost a Presidential election 5-4. When the Supreme Court said that the election was over, by a vote of 5-4, Al Gore did what real patriots do. He said that the Court has declared the election ended, and because of his love of America and democracy, and because that is how our system works, as a nation of laws, not of men and women. Mr. Speaker, my favorite painting in the Capitol hangs in the rotunda. It was painted by John Trumbull. It depicts George Washington in the Maryland State Senate Chamber as he resigns his commission as Commander in Chief of the Continental Army at the end of the Revolutionary War. That painting, Mr. Speaker, is a testament to a man who so eagerly relinquished his power and who only reluctantly reclaimed it when the American people called him to serve as their first President. It is a symbol of the peaceful transition of power upon which our democracy depends. Mr. Speaker, 5 years ago today, that painting towered over the swarm of insurrectionists Donald Trump sent to this Capitol. That is why he was deemed to be, as the whip said, the most culpable of the figures involved in this insurrection. What did he say? He told the mob to ``stop the steal'' and to ``fight like hell.'' Then, he deployed them to the Capitol of the United States of America, the beacon of democracy, freedom, and liberty for all the world, and the Capitol was breached. There, of course, was no steal, and the courts said so in court after court after court after court. However, unlike Al Gore, President Trump did not honor the courts. Rather, he deployed an army to come to the Capitol, breach it, and stop democratic proceedings. The army he deployed maimed some 140 of our brave U.S. Capitol Police officers, several of whom lost their lives. They paraded Confederate and Nazi symbols through these Halls, as the whip observed as well. They erected gallows. They erected gallows on the Capitol lawn to hang the Republican Vice President of the United States, and so stated. Unlike the past few months, the National Guard was nowhere to be found. Donald Trump had every opportunity to restore order. The Republican leader of this House, Mr. McCarthy, called the White House and said: Mr. President, you need to stop this violence. Nothing happened. Instead, the President played the figurative fiddle as the Capitol was sieged and our Constitution was challenged. The same man responsible for the violence that day is now trying to distort it and erase it. Perhaps, Mr. Speaker, that is why there is no other Republican on the floor, to try to forget what happened, erase it from the minds of Americans, and erase it from the history books. It was just a group of tourists taking an amble through the Capitol. Mr. Speaker, the President of the United States inexplicably has described January 6 as ``a day of love.'' Mr. Speaker, I call it what it was: a day of violence, sedition, and treason. Trump has called those who stormed the Capitol ``unbelievable patriots.'' Mr. Speaker, 435 of us ought to be on this floor saying: No, sir. It was unbelievable violence and sedition. I call those unbelievable patriots what they are: criminals convicted of such, insurrectionists, cop killers, cop beaters, and democracy destroyers. In one of the first actions in his second term--the whip has mentioned this, and others will mention it. I use the word ``inexplicable.'' In his first days in office, some 1,600 insurrectionists who stormed this Capitol, who breached this Capitol, and who tried to stop democracy from working were pardoned by the President of the United States, Mr. Donald J. Trump. David Dempsey was sentenced to 20 years. He viciously assaulted and injured police officers defending the lower west terrace, at the lower west terrace tunnel, using weapons made from broken furniture, pepper spray, and flagpoles. Daniel Joseph Rodriguez was sentenced to 12\1/2\ years after being found guilty. He was filmed deploying fire extinguishers and dragging Metropolitan Police Officer Michael Fanone and repeatedly shocked Fanone in the neck with a taser. He was pardoned. The chief of the Capitol Police, when asked about those pardons, said that it was deeply troubling to the Capitol Police, as well it should be. Patrick McCaughey, sentenced to 7\1/2\ years, used a stolen riot shield to pin Metropolitan Police Officer Daniel Hodges to a metal door frame while another assailant beat Hodges in the face with a stolen baton. U.S. District Judge Trevor McFadden described McCaughey as the poster child of all that was dangerous and appalling about January 6. Peter Francis Stager, sentenced to 4 years and 4 months, wielded a flagpole and repeatedly struck a defenseless officer who was lying face down. I would ask any member of the President's party or our party to come to this floor and defend pardoning somebody who perpetrated a crime on a police officer. Stewart Rhodes, sentenced to 18 years, said this: ``Patriots,'' using Donald Trump's word for them, ``it was a long day but a day when patriots began to stand. Stand now or kneel forever. Honor your oaths. Remember your legacy.'' That is what he said. It is pride in assaulting the officers, pride in assaulting democracy, pride in driving the Congress, thankfully for just hours, out of this Capitol so they could not proceed in doing their constitutional duty. That pardon list included 600 who were charged with assaulting or obstructing law enforcement. Mr. Speaker, so much for supporting the thin blue line, so much for supporting the brave men and women of law enforcement. Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford to forget January 6. We cannot afford to be absent, Mr. Speaker, to take a walk, to turn our backs on what happened on January 6. To do so is to risk its repeated actions. It did not end when a bipartisan majority in this House impeached Trump the following week, and it still has not ended. Mr. Speaker, I ask this House now, as I did on January 6, standing where the gentleman from South Carolina is standing now: Do we have the courage to stand up to a President who violates our Constitution, our laws, and our norms? Will enough of my colleagues across the aisle find that courage? Liz Cheney found that courage. Liz Cheney--the third-ranking Republican in the House of Representatives, Liz Cheney, the daughter of Vice President Cheney--found that courage to recognize that day for the tragedy it was. I pray others will do the same. General Washington, whom I mentioned earlier, would do the same. He would tell them what he told his own officers when he learned they were conspiring to overthrow the Continental Congress just a few months before he resigned his commission. He said this: Express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn the liberties of our country and who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord and deluge our rising Nation in blood. That is what happened on January 6. On January 6, we saw the floodgates of insurrection open. If we forget that, if we gloss over that fact of history, if we ignore it, if we diminish its venality or glorify the actions of the mob as Trump does, we risk letting that dream of liberty for which our Founders pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor be swept away. Let us remember January 6, lest it be repeated.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I won't take 3 minutes. This Chamber should be full. I said that earlier because this was not an attack on Democrats. It is not an attack on Republicans. It was an attack on our country, on our democracy, and on our Constitution. That is why every Member of this House ought to be on this floor, urging Americans to do what democracy demands, solving our differences peacefully through elections, through debate, through votes on this floor. We have as a centralized premise that might does not make right. The people who stormed up Constitution Avenue coming straight from in front of the White House and a speech by the President of the United States have said they were doing what they thought the President wanted them to do. We ask God to bless America. If we do not speak, we ask God to save America.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman who heads the Ukrainian Caucus and has ties to Ukraine. She is deeply tied to America, to democracy, liberty, and freedom. Mr. Speaker, I adopt her remarks as my own. I will add to that, but it will be surplusage because we could repeat everything she said and all the dangers she referred to and all the atrocities of the Russians. As I was sitting here, with the exception of Mr. Vindman, who is a young man, it occurred to me that the speakers who have spoken so far are of a generation who were children at the time of the Soviet Union. They understood the viciousness of the bear, and they understood the enslavement of the Russian people and the captive nations. Mr. Speaker, I rise today for the people of Ukraine, for the people of America, for the people of Europe, for the people of Asia and Africa, South America, and Australia because all of us are at risk if dictators like Putin prevail. For Ukraine, the question is: Will America and this Congress allow it to become a nation betrayed? I have said it before, and I will say it again. President Trump, Vice President Vance, Secretary Rubio, Negotiator Witkoff, Secretary of Defense Hegseth, and others have done everything to express support for Vladimir Putin's and Russia's position and to exonerate them from the aggression and from their war crimes. Earlier this year, Trump said that the Russians have all the cards. Mr. Speaker, someone ought to remind our President--and I do so tonight--that NATO has a combined defense expenditure of $1.58 trillion. Together, we field 3.5 million troops. Our combined GDP is 25 times more than Russia's. Europe holds some $246 billion in frozen Russian assets. I suggest to all of us, to the President, and to the world at large: Those are a lot of cards, but we need to play them. As long as they are in the deck, they won't make a difference. Every day we do not, we look weaker in the eyes of the world. That is a danger for us and a danger for the international community. Every day, Russia slaughters more Ukrainians. At least 43,000 Ukrainian soldiers have already given their lives in defense of democracy, and many more have been wounded. The Ukrainians will continue to fight valiantly, as the gentlewoman pointed out, with or without our support. However, our decision will determine whether their fight is in vain or will prevail. The other day, a Ukrainian soldier on the front lines told a reporter: ``They kept withholding military aid, couldn't agree on how to respond, and we keep paying for their indecisiveness with our blood, the blood of our children.'' He was referring, of course, not just to the United States but to the world at large. Ukraine may be paying the price for our negligence today, but we, the free world, will ultimately bear the cost if we let Putin prevail. When we fail to show our strength, our adversaries doubt our resolve. When our adversaries doubt our resolve, they are assuredly more likely to test our might. That is the mistake that Neville Chamberlain made. That is the mistake that America and the United Kingdom made when we did not honor the Budapest Memorandum when Putin annexed Crimea. In my view, Crimea is the mother of this war. The failure to act decisively in the face of that war crime, of that theft, and of that international law that was broken led Putin to believe that he could do this, the invasion of Ukraine, with impunity. That is a mistake that Donald Trump is making now. This Congress must not do the same, and the good news is that this Congress has not done the same. There were 12 votes between 2022 and July of 2025. Mr. Speaker, the good news is that, on both sides of the aisle, the overwhelming majority of Members voted to support Ukraine. Mostly, it was unanimous on this side, but it was also unanimous on the Republican side, save 1 vote, and then it was 110 to 117, just a small minority. Those votes average 80 percent of the Members of Congress voting to support Ukraine. It is not as if there is division in this House. As the gentlewoman said, there is a discharge petition, which lays in that desk behind me. Mr. Speaker, 214 Democrats have signed it, and 2 Republicans have signed it. There are 216 signatures in all now. We need 2 more to say to Ukraine, to say to the world, and to say ``yes'' to our administration that we are in support of liberty over tyranny; we are in support of a people who have shown extraordinary courage. Fortunately, we have a winning card to play. Ranking Member Meeks and I have that bipartisan discharge petition to force on the Ukraine support, and two Republicans have signed that. That means there are another 100 who support Ukraine, and all they need to do is sign that petition, and we will vote in January on that bill that says that we are going to support Ukraine, freedom, democracy, liberty, and international law. Every House Democrat and two Republicans, I say, have signed. Our legislation includes both sanctions to undermine Russia's war economy and direct financial and military aid for Ukraine's defense and reconstruction. There were 80 United States Senators who have signed onto a bill imposing sanctions on Russia some 6 months ago, and it has not moved. What do you think that does to the psychology of Ukraine, Ukrainians, and their soldiers? If we report out this bill, in my view, it will change this war not only materially but psychologically. It doesn't matter how many concessions you give to Putin--and this administration has given him many--he will keep fighting this war so long as he thinks he can outlast the free world. This is an issue of resolve. I mentioned how much superiority we have with respect to Russia in size, in money, and in resources. Mr. Speaker, I know we can do this. Since the Russian invasion in 2022, the House has had at least 12 votes, and I mentioned them, and 80 percent of our people have supported them. Mr. Speaker, now is not the time to fold. Now is the time to call. If we play our hand correctly, we can still ensure that Putin suffers a defeat that will make other dictators around the world think twice before violating international law and creating war crimes. Mr. Speaker, we must because make no mistake: Vladimir Putin is playing for keeps and for empire. Our European allies know that to be the case because they have been at the point of the enemy's spear when Chamberlain said that we were buying peace in our time. We then had World War II. Let us act. Mr. Speaker, I urge my Republican colleagues and friends who have signed on and voted for supporting Ukraine to sign this discharge petition.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, this Chamber will soon be empty as Members leave for the holiday without having taken action to aid Ukraine, our friend, our ally, and a courageous people who want to be free. The trenches in Donbas will not be empty, however. Ukrainian medic stations and hospitals will not be empty. The air-raid shelters beneath Kyiv, Odesa, and Kharkiv will not be empty. Mr. Speaker, this administration is sleepwalking toward the edge of an abyss that will be difficult to escape. Neville Chamberlain once did the same. He returned from Munich and hoisted a piece of paper above his head that bore his signature and that of Adolf Hitler. Without consulting Czechoslovakia, Chamberlain traded a fifth of its territory in exchange for Hitler's word that he would not invade. Chamberlain said that it would secure peace with honor, a peace for our time. Within 5 months, the Nazis occupied every square inch of Czechoslovakia. Within a year, they had added Poland. Within 2 years, German bombs were falling in London. Just a few days after Chamberlain brandished Czechoslovakia's death warrant, Winston Churchill said: ``The German dictator, instead of snatching the victuals from the table, has been content to have them served to him course by course.'' Mr. Speaker, in that case, Hitler was the dictator. In our case, it is Putin. Another dictator now hungers for his next course. Vladimir Putin did not stop with his invasion of Georgia or his campaign to separate Transnistria from Moldova. He did not stop with his 2014 annexation of Crimea, though perhaps he would have if America and the United Kingdom honored the Budapest Memorandum. It is foolish and dangerous to think he will stop at the Donbas. The Russian bear is about to take its next bite, and Donald Trump is setting the table. Trump, Witkoff, Hegseth, Vance, and Rubio have done everything to appease Putin, short of putting on a Russian uniform. Their 28-point peace plan last month was a Russian menu. What concessions did Trump demand from Ukraine? He demanded it forfeit a fifth of its territory--including the land that Russia does not occupy--to its invader; that it cap the size of its military; and that it forego its right to join NATO, which I believe is the only measure that can truly guarantee Ukraine's security. What has he demanded from Russia in exchange? Nada, zip, nothing. He has demanded no economic reparations for Ukraine, no requirement that Russia return the Ukrainian children it abducted, and no accountability for the war crimes Putin has committed. He has asked for Putin's promise not to invade again, one he has yet to make and one he would never keep. This administration acts as though we have no leverage in this situation, as though NATO's $1.8 trillion defense expenditures, 3.5 million troops, and combined GDP of $54 trillion mean nothing. America is not impotent, nor is NATO, nor is the West in this fight against fascism, and neither is this Congress. Over 300 of us in every one of 12 votes has cast its vote for Ukraine; the majority of Republicans on all but one of those votes. We only need three more Republicans to sign onto the bipartisan discharge petition Ranking Member Meeks and I put forward to bring the Ukraine Support Act to the floor for a vote. That legislation would undermine Russia's war machine and give Ukraine the support it needs to win this fight actually and psychologically. Mr. Speaker, this House has taken twelve votes on past bills supporting Ukraine. An average of 80 percent of our Members have voted for every one of those. Yet we stand silent. We have not acted. We cannot build ``Peace with Honor'' on a promise from Putin. We can only achieve peace by awakening to our own power and to our own influence. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues, each of them who has supported Ukraine continuously in the past on almost every vote, to sign the discharge petition now. Let us not go home silent in the face of tyranny.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise to note the extraordinary act of patriotism of one of our fellow citizens. I rise today to thank MacKenzie Scott, formerly the wife of Jeff Bezos, for donating $50 million to Bowie State University, the largest single contribution in the school's history. Bowie State University is not only Maryland's oldest HBCU; it is one of our State's finest higher education institutions, period. MacKenzie Scott's generous gift will help make Bowie State University even more affordable and support the groundbreaking research its students produce every day. With her historic donations to Bowie State University, Morgan State University, and the University of Maryland Eastern Shore, MacKenzie has proven herself to be an honorary Marylander, an American who cares about investing in our future, an American who understands the critical importance of education in our State, in our Nation, and for our kids and for our future. I thank MacKenzie Scott.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor a great Marylander, a fellow University of Maryland Terrapin, and dear friend, Bob Mitchell, who passed away on November 12, just days shy of his 89th birthday. Bob built our community, literally. An accomplished developer, he built more than 5,000 homes in roughly 40 communities throughout the capital region. Bob was a leader in his industry, serving as president of the Maryland National Capital Building Industry Association, the Maryland State Builders Association, and the National Association of Home Builders. His greatest pride, however, was his family. My prayers are with his wife, Marlene; their four children; six grandchildren; and two great-grandchildren as they mourn this great loss. I mourn with them. He was a friend, a friend who I liked, who I respected, and who I learned from. The House mourns with them. Maryland mourns with them. May God bless and keep Bob Mitchell.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor a leader who has been a tremendous advocate for the disability community: Mary Davis. After more than four decades of working for the Special Olympics, including ten years as its Chief Executive Officer, she will start her much- deserved retirement at the end of this year. In that time, she has accomplished a great deal for people with disabilities in America and around the world. A proud daughter of Ireland, Mary first became involved in the Special Olympics as a volunteer when she was studying physical education as a university student. In 1985, she helped organize the Special Olympics European Games in Dublin--the first regional games the organization ever hosted. She continued to rise through the ranks, eventually receiving an appointment to serve as National Director of Special Olympics Ireland in 1989. She further distinguished herself during her tenure as CEO of the 2003 Special Olympics World Summer Games and later as President and Managing Director of Special Olympics Europe-Eurasia, which led to her appointment as CEO of Special Olympics International in 2016. I remember seeing Mary not long after, in 2018, at the 50th anniversary celebration of the Special Olympics. I was greatly impressed with her leadership, vision, and passionate commitment to creating opportunities for these Special Olympians to demonstrate their talent. The first Special Olympics World Summer Games, held in Chicago in 1968, featured roughly 1,000 athletes from the U.S. and Canada competing in three sports. The most recent World Summer Games, held in Berlin in 2023, saw nearly 7,000 athletes from 176 nations compete across 24 different events. Crucially, local, national, and regional Special Olympics events are organized every single day around the globe, with more than 100,000 held each year. We owe the growth of this remarkable tradition in no small part to Mary Davis. She has helped show the world all that these Special Olympians are capable of, and she has shown them and the rest of the disability community how much we value their contributions to society. For that, she has my thanks and the gratitude of this Congress. Eunice Kennedy Shriver--the founder of the Special Olympics and my dear friend--once said: `do it well, finish it properly, and move on.' Mr. Speaker, Mary has done well, finished properly, and now is moving on to what I hope will be a relaxing and meaningful retirement. I ask that my colleagues join me in wishing her all the best as she starts this next chapter.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, one of the most important and critical responsibilities any nation has, any community has, any State has, is the education of its children. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to highlight the extraordinary work of an organization from Los Angeles that has lessons for every community in America. Nearly two decades ago, then-Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa partnered with my good friends, philanthropists Melanie and Richard Lundquist, to launch the Partnership for Los Angeles Schools. Dr. Lundquist is with us today. Their nonprofit is committed to strengthening public schools in some of L.A.'s most underserved and challenging communities. Today, under the leadership of Guadalupe Guerrero, the Partnership for L.A. Schools manages 20 K-12 public schools, serving more than 13,500 students in Boyle Heights, Watts, and South L.A. These are not charter schools. They are neighborhood public schools working in close collaboration with the Los Angeles Unified School District. The results speak for themselves. When the partnership began, the high school graduation rate in its schools was just 36 percent. Today, that rate has risen to 92 percent. The progress does not stop there. This year's partnership schools reached their highest math performance ever and matched their strongest literary results. Following the pandemic, students demonstrated 3 consecutive years of growth in math and 2 consecutive years of growth in reading. Every partnership elementary school advanced in literacy, and nearly all of them advanced in math, as well. Black and emergent bilingual students, those who have historically faced the steepest barriers, made some of the strongest gains. I had the opportunity to see this outstanding education model at work when I toured Santee High School, one of the partnership's campuses. I was impressed by the students and their learning progress. I was convinced then and am even more certain now that the partnership has created a scalable and sustainable model for schools nationally. The partnership is not only a success for L.A. but an example for all of America. Their work demonstrates that when we invest in teacher coaching, leadership development, aligned systems of support, and other proven strategies, students make real and, importantly, lasting gains. Many in our country have taken aim at public schools recently. The partnership is proof that our public schools can deliver for every child so long as we provide them with the right tools and, importantly, the resources. The partnership continues to prove that every day. I commend the Partnership for L.A. Schools--its educators, students, and families--for showing our country a better path forward. Dr. Lundquist has become a dear friend and an extraordinary shining example for us all. I recognize my friend, Melanie, who is with me here today, and the tens of thousands of children, teachers, and participants who have made this such a success. Mr. Speaker, tens of thousands of children have seen brighter futures because of Melanie and her husband Richard's philanthropy, vision, and dedication to improving America's public schools. My friend, the late congressman Bill Natcher, used to say: ``As long as you take care of the health of your people and the education of your children, you'll continue to live in the strongest and best nation on earth.'' Mr. Speaker, that is exactly what Melanie Lundquist and the partnership for LA Schools are doing. And for that, they have my thanks and the gratitude of the American people.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise to mourn the loss and celebrate the life of a friend and a great American: Mrs. Freida B. Dority of Alabama. She passed away on June 28 at age 73. I came to know her over the years on the Faith and Politics Institute's Congressional Civil Rights Pilgrimages to Alabama. Mrs. Freida served as Director of Culinary Experiences for the Faith and Politics Tour Luncheon, playing a leading role hosting Members of Congress and other distinguished guests as we came to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma and pay tribute to the civil rights heroes who helped build a more perfect Union. The bible tells us: Offer hospitality to one another without grumbling. Each of you should use whatever gift you have received to serve others, as faithful stewards of God's grace in its various forms, 1 Peter 4:9-10. Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Freida offered her hospitality cheerfully, eagerly, and enthusiastically. She had many gifts, including a lifelong aptitude for cooking. The hearty fare that came out of her kitchen nourished not only the body but the soul. She put together meals infused with joy, love, and comfort. It was impossible to partake without feeling kinship and community with those around you. The Members who attended the pilgrimages came from across the country and the political spectrum. Mrs. Freida helped bring them closer together, not only with her food but with her warm, generous spirit. So too did the rest of the team at First Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, including Benjamin and Annie Beasley and Reverend E.B. Morris. Some of my most cherished memories are walking across the Edmund Pettus Bridge arm-in-arm with my dear friend and brother, John Lewis, on numerous pilgrimages over the years. Those memories are incomplete, however, without recalling the stories, laughs, and prayers he and I shared at the dinners Mrs. Freida helped prepare. Indeed, Mrs. Freida lived a life of service. As an Army & Air Force Exchange Services Manager at Maxwell Air Force Base for nearly two decades, she helped lift up countless servicemembers and military families. From singing in the First Baptist Church's Choir to overseeing its Meals on Wheels program, Mrs. Freida was also a leader in her church and her community. No one was more familiar with Mrs. Freida's, beautiful soul than her family. She was a loving wife of 52 years to her husband, Chief Master Sergeant Jackie T.L. Dority. She lovingly raised her daughter, Alisha; adopted son, Eric; and numerous foster children over the years. She was a nurturing force in the lives of so many, including her siblings, grandchildren, greatgrandchildren, and many godsons and goddaughters. My prayers are with her family and with everyone whose life was blessed by her generosity. Mr. Speaker, until her very last breath, Mrs. Freida B. Dority was, as the verse said: a faithful steward of God's grace. May her memory not only be a blessing but a calling for all of us to act as faithful stewards of that grace as well. I ask that all my colleagues join me in praying for her and giving thanks for her life of service.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to wish a very happy retirement to an excellent Marylander whom I am proud to represent in the Fifth District: Karen Reid. She is retiring after 23 years of distinguished service here in the House. Karen started working in the House Office Supply Service and House Gift Shop in 2002 as a Supply Account Specialist. Much has changed over the past 23 years. When she started on the Hill, Dennis Hastert was Speaker and President George W. Bush had just started his first term in office. As Karen can attest, given her long commute to work every day, gas was just $1.36 a gallon. Karen's professionalism, character, and joyful personality, however, have remained the same. From her start in the 107th Congress to the end of her tenure in the 119th Congress, she has excelled in her accounting role. In these 12 Congresses, Karen has set up and taken down multiple Member and Committee charge accounts seamlessly so that we can perform our Congressional duties to the best of our ability. Karen has played a vital role in our organization and has always been a joy to work with. Her coworkers tell me that her desk is adorned with mementos and photos of her children and grandchildren, whom she is so proud of and loves so dearly. I am also told that she is quite fond of all things `frog related,' and her desk reflects that passion as well. It is now 2025, and after nearly a quarter of a century serving this great institution, Karen is ready to start a well-deserved, commute- free, and hopefully frog-filled retirement. We have been so fortunate to have her serving the House for all these years. We will miss Karen, but we wish her happiness and relaxation in her retirement. I ask all my colleagues to join me in congratulating her.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor a Marylander of great character, intellect, and vision: Dr. Anson H. ``Tuck'' Hines. After 46 years working at the Smithsonian Environmental Research Center (SERC) in Edgewater, Maryland, Dr. Hines is retiring as SERC's Director. We ought to reflect on all he has been able to accomplish in that time. Dr. Hines came to SERC as a Marine Ecologist in 1979 a few years after earning his PhD in Zoology at the University of California, Berkeley. Over the decades, he has authored more than 160 peer-reviewed publications and distinguished himself as a leader in the field of marine ecology and conservation. His research on fisheries, blue crabs, and invasive species has received international acclaim. Crucially, it has informed policy. His research into the decline of the Chesapeake Bay's blue crab population led both Maryland and Virginia to regulate harvesting of female blue crabs. Many of us on Team Maryland have worked with Dr. Hines on other conservation efforts over the years. Dr. Hines has also served as a mentor to numerous up-and-coming scientists. As an adjunct professor at my alma mater, the University of Maryland, College Park, he guided some 20 postdoctoral fellows as a major advisor. He has also supported hundreds of undergraduate interns, master of science students, and PhD candidates. Indeed, Dr. Hines is renowned not only as a researcher and academic but also as a leader. In 1988, he became Assistant Director of SERC before becoming its Director in 2005. Throughout his time in leadership, he helped turn SERC into a global leader on some of the most pressing challenges of our time--from climate change to habitat destruction to declining biodiversity. He oversaw major expansions to SERC. He helped increase the Center's landholdings by 1,100 acres and took charge of its effort to conserve 2,654 acres of the Rhode River watershed. He also expanded SERC's housing facilities so that the institution can host some of the field's brightest minds and train the next generation of scientists. Additionally, Dr. Hines sought to preserve the Chesapeake Bay's history with his restoration of the Woodlawn House--the oldest building in the Smithsonian's collection that is still in its original location--back in 2020. It now serves as the Woodlawn History Center, with exhibits that explain the story of the historic site as well as SERC's work. Sustainability remained one of Dr. Hines' top priorities as Director. He spearheaded the construction of the Smithsonian's first net-zero energy research facility: the LEED-Platinum certified Charles McC. Mathias Laboratory. How fitting that this cutting-edge facility is now home to scientists producing cutting-edge research that is preserving our planet for future generations. For all these efforts, Dr. Hines has received more awards and accolades than I could possibly name. Most importantly, he has earned the respect and gratitude of his fellow Marylanders and Americans. He truly has advanced the Smithsonian's stated mission: `the increase and diffusion of knowledge' I wish him all the best as he starts this exciting new chapter, and I have no doubt that he will remain a trusted voice in his field, a passionate custodian of the environment, and an important leader in our community long into the future. I ask my colleagues to join me in congratulating him on this milestone.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Cephas Carter, who will be retiring after 35 years of serving the House. Cephas has been with the Clerk office since October 1989. He started his tenure as a Property Supply Specialist under the then Clerk Donnald K. Anderson. In 1992, he joined the Office of the Official Reporters as a production specialist. And then in 2012, Cephas joined the Legislative Computer System's Audio team, where in 2018, he was promoted to its team leader. Over the past 13 years, Cephas has provided an exemplary service on the House Floor, providing audio coverage of the Floor proceedings. His professionalism, accountability, and kind personality set him apart. He could always be counted on to be there to provide a seamless service, whether it was late nights or weekends, always flexible to the needs of the House. Cephas was and is a consummate professional, excelled at his job, and understood the importance of his mission. He was always proud to be part of this great institution. Cephas looks forward to his retirement and spending more time with his wife and family. I wish Cephas Carter many years of good health and congratulate him on a well-earned retirement. He has helped the People's House function For The People, which is why I ask all my colleagues to join me in thanking him.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Nelson Line as he prepares for retirement after more than 20 years of service to the U.S. House of Representatives. Over his career, Nelson has been one of the House's most dedicated public servants, serving in multiple positions in the Office of Official Reporters within the Office of the Clerk. Nelson was born in Hagerstown, Maryland. In 1976, he graduated from South Hagerstown High School. After high school, Nelson attended Hagerstown Junior College and in 1981, he earned a bachelor's degree in Recording Industry Management from Middle Tennessee State University in Murfreesboro, Tennessee. After college, Nelson relocated to the Washington, D.C. area and worked in retail management selling recorded music. He then went on to work for several court reporting firms, including Miller Reporting, Inc.; Susan Talarico and Associates; and Diversified Reporting Services, Inc. In November 2004, Nelson joined the Office of Official Reporters' committee division as a Production Assistant. In June 2009, Nelson transitioned to the floor operational division of the Official Reporters' Office, working as a Legislative Data Specialist. Nelson was promoted in 2016 to the Systems Analyst position, the most senior position of the Official Reporters' Legislative Data Specialists' team. Over long hours whenever the House is in session, Nelson's duties include processing Members' submissions for the Congressional Record, including Extensions of Remarks, General Leave Statements, and Personal Explanation statements. That includes, Mr. Speaker, more than just a few submissions from yours truly. Furthermore, Nelson is also responsible for the transmittal of the electronic Congressional Record to the Government Publishing Office. Nelson has admirably dedicated 20 years of his professional career to the Office of the Clerk. He has worked under six Speakers of the House: the Honorables J. Dennis Hastert, Nancy Pelosi, John A. Boehner, Paul D. Ryan, Kevin McCarthy, and now, Mike Johnson. In addition, Nelson has worked for five Clerks of the House: the Honorables Jeff Trandahl, Karen L. Haas, Lorraine C. Miller, Cheryl L. Johnson, and Kevin F. McCumber. Post retirement, Nelson is looking forward to his next chapter of adventures. He plans to travel, read, spend time with friends, pursue educational opportunities, and invest more time in personal interests. Nelson is one of the countless hardworking, dedicated professionals who serve behind the scenes to make the People's House function For The People. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the U.S. House of Representatives, I want to thank Nelson Line for his wonderful service to his country and to wish him well as he begins this exciting new chapter.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise to thank Troy Buckler, who is retiring on June 30, 2025, after over 37 years of outstanding service to the House of Representatives in the Office of Acquisitions Management. He lives in Seagate, Maryland, and I am proud to represent him here in Congress. Troy was born in Leonardtown Hospital in St. Mary's County and has lived in Maryland his whole life. His parents own Sandgates Restaurant in Sandgates, Maryland, where he spends his leisure time helping out. He has two children and one grandson. He first came to the House in 1988, when he applied for a position in the Office Supply Store. His job included fulfilling delivery orders to the Cannon and Old O'Neill House Office Buildings. It was a big change for him where he had spent most of his time doing blue collar jobs wearing jeans and T-shirts. He didn't think he would last a week when he started March 28, 1988. It took a lot for him to get used to wearing dress slacks and ties. But here he is 37 years later and looking forward to playing with his grandson, Levi, and not having to commute over 50 miles to work. He held several positions over the years in the Office Supply Store, including stock orders and special orders for Members. During a reorganization realignment in 2009, Troy became a Purchasing Agent under the Office of Acquisitions. His favorite job over the years was doing the deliveries being around people and socializing with Members and staff. Troy's plans for retirement include doing what he wants and having fun. He is looking forward to working at his parents' restaurant and helping his brother who has an electrical business. Now he will have the time to join his parents in Florida during the winter months and also help his brother who shovels snow for the county. Although he has lived his whole life around seafood, pizza is his favorite food and Jim Beam and cranberry juice over the rocks is his favorite drink. He likes football, wrestling, and baseball and roots for the Baltimore Orioles and Washington Commanders. He fondly remembers meeting the team's legendary fullback John Riggins in person. His interests and hobbies include riding his motorcycle and working at his parents' restaurant. Outside of work, he treasures time with his family and is looking forward to more adventures. I congratulate Troy, and I ask my colleagues to join me in thanking him for his distinguished service to the House and the Nation it represents. He has helped the People's House function For The People. I wish him all the best as he begins a new chapter in his life.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, live from Washington, D.C., it is ``Saturday Night Live.'' You can't make this up. Mr. Speaker, I rise in perplexion. I first will say how much respect I have for Mr. Westerman. He is my dear friend and one of our best Members. My, my, my, Mr. Speaker, Bruce is doing a lot of work this time. Is this infantile bill to rename the Gulf of Mexico really this House's top priority? I heard the gentlewoman say it is going to solve all the problems, of course, if we name it the Gulf of America. Golly day, why didn't we think of that? The economy is shrinking for the first time since COVID-19. Costs are going up. I think ``Saturday Night Live'' just called me. They want me on. Mr. Speaker, costs are going up, and small businesses are going under. American families are worried they won't be able to keep the lights on, keep food on the table, and keep a roof over their head, but they are happy about Gulf of America. That will do it. Millions of Americans risk losing their health insurance if Republicans' Medicaid cuts go through. Yet, Republicans think this juvenile legislation is the best use of this House's time. This is the only thing we are doing today, Mr. Speaker. What a sick joke this is. Republicans worry about 400-year-old words on a map. I worry about families in every community in America who are struggling to get by. This bill is obviously a distraction, a joke. Where is Trump's one big, beautiful bill that we keep hearing so much about, the one that cuts taxes for the wealthiest among us, threatens healthcare for millions, and pulls the rug out from under working Americans? The majority still hasn't been able to put it on the floor. That is how divided, dysfunctional, and divisive they are. My dear friend, the late Elijah Cummings, with whom some of you served, said: ``We are better than this.'' The American people are counting on us to be better than this. We ought to be debating legislation to bring down costs, to pay our debts, and to fix our broken immigration system. Instead, MAGA Republicans waste our time with this childish drivel. Not only that, they give it a prime spot on the floor schedule. This is the only thing we are doing for America today, renaming the Gulf of Mexico, as if that is going to solve the problems.

Mr. HOYER. Very frankly, my confidence in America does not need that. I don't need Canada to be the 51st State. I don't need to invade Greenland, and I don't need the Gulf of America to have confidence in the greatest country on Earth. Are we so small? Do we feel so belittled by the rest of the world that we have to do this silly, silly, silly step? Hear me, we are made smaller by this effort. Vote rationally. That would be a ``no.''

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow, May 8, marks 80 years since Nazi Germany surrendered to America and its Allies. Victory in Europe, known as VE Day, came at a tremendous price: hundreds of thousands of Americans and millions of others dead, many more physically maimed and mentally scarred, an indeterminate amount of treasure exhausted, and a continent reduced to ruin. On that day, Mr. Speaker, President Truman said that the only way to repay that debt was through ``ceaseless devotion . . . to build an abiding peace, a peace rooted in justice and in law.'' He said, ``We can build such a peace only by hard, toilsome, painstaking work--by understanding and working with our allies in peace as we have in war.'' Mr. Speaker, I was born just a few months before that war began. I was only 5 years old when Truman said those words. I have lived my entire life virtually amid the abiding peace he envisioned all those years ago. I have lived my entire life knowing that America was the world's most consequential nation. I have lived my entire life believing that America was also the nation most committed to freedom, democracy, free markets, and self-determination, even if our deeds sometimes fell short of those goals. The Pax Americana that began in 1945 was not inevitable. As Truman said, it took hard, toilsome, painstaking work not only by the Greatest Generation that saw the horrors of World War II but also the generations that have followed. President Kennedy said, in his inaugural address, ``The torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.'' Kennedy spoke of universal brotherhood and sisterhood of all mankind and the recognition that we are inextricably connected. It reflected the pledge we make to our flag, the symbol of our value and our unity, recognizing that, under God, we are indivisible. United around that principle, we did not repeat the mistake we made after 1918. We came together. We made an alliance. We did not disarm. We did not turn our backs on our Allies and the world. We did not try to appease dictators and authoritarians. We continued to express to the world our willingness to partner with democratic and free nations to defend liberty, as Kennedy said, here and around the world. That is, Mr. Speaker, until 2016. Sadly and dangerously, candidate Donald Trump announced that America might not honor that pledge. He made it conditional, transactional, if you will. He was right, of course, to demand our NATO allies pay their proportionate share for NATO's expenses, but he sent shock waves of doubt to our allies, to our friends, and, yes, to our enemies and our adversaries. He expressed uncertainty about whether the United States would honor its commitment under Article 5 of the NATO charter to defend a NATO ally in the event that they were attacked, as our NATO allies have done for the United States after the September 11 attacks. Mr. Speaker, in 2017, I worked across the aisle with Speaker Paul Ryan, Leader Kevin McCarthy, and others to pass an overwhelmingly bipartisan resolution that reassured NATO nations, and potential adversaries, as well, that the United States would always honor Article 5. It passed, Mr. Speaker, 419-3. For over three quarters of a century, the credibility of our commitment to ensuring we would never see world war III, which, of course, was the assurance of deterrence and resolve against warmongers, was unassailable. President Trump, however, as a candidate, put the premise of peace through strength and unity in doubt, which brings me, Mr. Speaker, to Ukraine. I wear the Ukrainian flag and the flag of the United States every day. Every morning, I pin this pin on the suit that I am wearing. When the Soviet Union collapsed, largely because of a failed economic system and the resolve of America, NATO, and the free world, the USSR's captive nations regained their independence and sovereignty. While their histories were unique, their status as independent nations was recognized by the United Nations and most of the world. In 1994, a few years later, the Russians signed an agreement recognizing Ukraine's sovereignty and pledged to respect the integrity of the then-existing borders in exchange for Ukraine turning over all of its nuclear weapons to Russia. Predictably and sadly, the Russians did not honor their agreement. On February 20, 2014, they invaded a part of Ukraine, Crimea, in an act of international criminal behavior. Two agreements that Russia and Ukraine signed in Minsk--the first in September of 2014 and the second in February of 2015--outlined a Russian commitment to withdraw from the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine and to respect Ukraine's territorial integrity. Instead, Russia continued waging a proxy war in eastern Ukraine for years. Mr. Speaker, I believe that the West's failure to respond to the 2014 invasion and the illegal annexation of Crimea led to Russia's second criminal and horrific invasion of Ukraine without provocation in 2022, some 3 years ago. Our failure to act sent a message not only to Putin, but to the rest of the world that the United States and the free world may not respond to illegal war invasion. Although President Trump may not bear the blame for how the war began, he may determine how it ends: in victory or defeat for freedom, democracy, and international law. Mr. Speaker, I fear that this administration is pursuing a strategy of defeat in Ukraine. The Trump administration is trying to appease Vladimir Putin, just as Neville Chamberlain tried and failed to appease Adolf Hitler. Trump and many of his loyalists parrot the Russian propaganda lie that somehow Ukraine, the victim of Putin's unprovoked invasion, started the war. The President has now said he did not mean that, but that is what he said. The Trump administration has halted American efforts to investigate and prosecute Russian war crimes. He pressures Ukraine to forfeit Crimea, a part of Ukraine agreed to by Russia in 1994. He pressures Ukraine to forfeit Crimea and large swaths of its eastern lands. Crucially, President Trump and other members of the administration have dismissed Ukraine's ambitions and desire to become members of NATO. I believe NATO membership is the best and perhaps only way to assure Ukraine's security. Mr. Speaker, we didn't ask Russia's permission to have Sweden join NATO. We didn't ask Russia's permission to have Finland join NATO. They joined because they correctly feared additional Russian invasions, including on the long borders that Finland has with Russia. Why would we ask Russia's permission, therefore, to let Ukraine join NATO? That decision belongs to us, our NATO allies, and Ukraine. No one else. Not once has NATO threatened to invade Russia. That is not Putin's fear. No, he is afraid that NATO will stand in the way of Russia invading others. Yet, Mr. Speaker, even with all of Trump's concessions, Vladimir Putin continues to drag his feet in negotiations. He wanted this war when he launched his invasion 3 years ago and, frankly, he still wants it today. He wants conquest, not simply concessions. He is laser- focused on restoring and expanding the old autocratic dictatorship known as the Soviet empire. Even if Putin were to agree to a peace deal, we could never trust him to keep it. Eventually, he would toss it into the ashbin with the U.N. Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, the Budapest Memorandum, the Minsk agreements of which I spoke, and all the other international laws and agreements he has violated over the years. Mr. Speaker, Trump risks falling for the same grand illusion that Chamberlain fell for, that feeding the Russian bear will make Putin less hungry for expansion, less dangerous, less dismissive of international law. That did not happen with Hitler, and it will not happen with Putin. Supporting Ukraine, Mr. Speaker, is the moral thing to do, but importantly and centrally, it is also in America's interests, and in the interests of international security and global stability. Vladimir Putin is part of a new axis of aggression, one made up of Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea. A Russian victory in Ukraine would embolden not only Putin, but also expansionist authoritarians everywhere to prey on the free world. When our adversaries doubt our resolve, they become more willing to test our strength. Mr. Speaker, if Putin wins, Xi Jinping wins, Khomeini wins, Kim Jong-Un wins, they are authoritarians, aggressive, acquisitive, and dangerous. If Ukraine loses, America loses, Europe loses, the free world loses, democracy loses, and international law loses. Freedom is at risk. That is, I tell you, Mr. Speaker, the consensus of our allies. This year, I visited five of our European allies on congressional delegations, one led by Mike Turner, the former chair of the Intelligence Committee, and the other led by Michael Rogers, chairman of the Armed Services Committee. I spoke to leaders and many others at the Munich Security Conference. They all agree, Russia must not win its war of aggression. They are committed not only to Russia's strategic defeat, but also to securing a lasting peace like the one that began in 1945, a peace through strength and resolve. Our allies, Mr. Speaker, also recognize that we all need to do more. Experts predict Russia will field a 2 million-strong army by 2030. Right now, Russia produces more ammunition in 3 months than NATO does in an entire year. That includes America, of course. That has to change, and it is. Of NATO's 28 nations, 23 reached and exceeded the alliance's requirement for a minimum 2 percent of GDP for defense spending. Poland, Estonia, and Latvia are now over 3 percent. Lithuania and Finland will be over 3 percent in 2025. For context, the U.S. spent 3.38 percent of GDP in 2024. Poland and Estonia are already higher. Most of our NATO allies, Mr. Speaker, already have plans to increase spending further in the years ahead. The only action that will deter Putin's expansionist vision and break through his KGB psychology is one strong enough, resolved enough, and credible enough to dispel any doubt that waging war against the West would come at an untenable cost. However, if we shrink from the concept of victory in Ukraine against a despotic, illegal invasion, Russia and other authoritarian regimes may not believe that the West will act. We can only secure peace through strength if we help Ukraine deal Putin a definitive, strategic defeat. Mr. Speaker, most Members of this Congress agree. The Congress has had at least 12 votes on the issue of supporting Ukraine since Russia's savage invasion on February 24. Less than 2 weeks later, Republicans and Democrats overwhelmingly voted to support Ukraine's defense. Mr. Speaker, 84 percent of the Members voted ``yes.'' Two months later, there was a second vote, and 87 percent of the Members of this body voted ``yes.'' Over the next 2 years, there were 10 more votes on support for Ukraine. They received an average of 80 percent of the votes of the U.S. House of Representatives. We provided Ukraine with the military aid it needed to stay in the fight. With incredible resolve, extraordinary courage, and a commitment to their freedom and to their land, with our help, with the help of our NATO allies, and other free-loving nations around the world, they have hung in there for longer than anybody thought was possible. Now, however, we need to give Ukraine the resources it needs to win the war. This Republican majority will do, I think, what Trump asks. All he has to do, Mr. Speaker, is pick up the phone and tell them to put a Ukraine supplemental on the floor with his support. He has made an economic deal. I don't know fully the details, but that gives us a further stake from an economic standpoint, a business standpoint, and a transactional standpoint, which of course our President focuses on so often. If we put that bill on the floor, it will pass overwhelmingly. Concessions, Mr. Speaker, will never get Putin to the negotiating table. Only strength will do that. Truman told Stalin to lift the blockade of Berlin, and he did. Kennedy told Khrushchev to stay out of Cuba, and he did. Reagan told Gorbachev: ``Tear down this wall.'' He did. Why? Certainly not because America made endless concessions and kowtowed to our adversaries. No, those Presidents succeeded because America stood strong, stood up for its values, and stood up for its allies, for freedom. He clearly cares about his image, and I refer to ``he'' as President Trump. The image that he likes to portray is winning. Mr. President, make history. Make Putin get out of Ukraine. You said this war would never have started if you were President. Now that you are President, make Ukraine whole and make the aggressor leave. Tell him to go home, to stop taking lives and start making the lives of his people better. President Trump must do this, if we are to maintain the peace secured 80 years ago, if our children are to have a world we want for them, a world of peace and decency and respect for one another, a world where transgressors are held accountable. Mr. Speaker, the work to build a more secure world remains just as hard, just as toilsome, just as painstaking as it did eight decades ago, as Truman pointed out, but it remains just as important today as it was then and has been for 80 years. Mr. President, let us stand up for freedom. Let us stand up for law and justice and stand with the courageous Ukrainians who, like us, want to protect their land, protect their families, protect their economic well-being, protect freedom. Mr. President, I think you can do it. Please do. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.