Steny Hoyer

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Reclaiming my time. I do know that very, very well. We had surpluses, not deficits.

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for that response. We could go back and forth on how many jobs were, in fact, created. My belief is that there were substantial numbers of jobs created by this fund and the prospect of those 50,000 or 60,000 jobs is real, not ephemeral, not just a debating point. But I would say to my friend, my friend has been recently quoted, I'm sure accurately, perhaps--and correct me if I'm wrong--in saying that during the first 8 months we focused on cuts of our ``cut and grow,'' and now we need to focus on grow. I would tell my friend, assuming that quote is accurate, that, in fact, here we are again focused on cut, not on grow. Clearly, whatever the specific number is, I think that is, frankly, not refutable, that the investment in advanced manufacturing technology vehicles is, in fact, going to make us more competitive globally, is going to enhance the ability to make it in America, not only to succeed in America but to make ``it''--in this case, advanced vehicles which are competitive in the international markets. This is a specific area where we have tried to invest in making sure that we make ``it''--in this case, advanced technology vehicles--and I don't think it's good policy for us to be focused on cutting back on those areas which have the promise of growth and jobs. That is what I tell my friend. Obviously, the gentleman is correct, but I want to tell the gentleman also that if you keep cutting revenues, as we did in 2001 and 2003, and then you keep escalating spending, as we did over the last 10 years, inevitably you're going to get to the point where that family is not going to have any revenues to pay its bills, as the gentleman points out. But it's inevitable that when you continue to cut revenues and if you don't cut spending, you're going to be in trouble. That didn't happen in the last decade. It didn't happen in the last administration. In fact, as you know, exactly the opposite happened. We escalated spending more than we did under the Clinton administration; and, therefore, we find ourselves in a hole. The economy went into the tank, and it's struggling. I agree with you. It doesn't matter why it's struggling, who's to blame. It's struggling. As a result, what the President has done is come before us and said, Look, here's a jobs bill. We need to build jobs. I'm not going to go through all the polling data. I'm sure my friend has seen it. There's a recent CNN poll which shows that the public, by big numbers, wants us to focus on creating, building, expanding jobs. And very frankly, the public believes that you need to invest to do that, by pretty good numbers. I'm for disciplining spending. I will vote to discipline spending, but I don't think that targeting job-creation projects is the way to discipline it when Americans all over this country are really hurting because there are not jobs available for them. I want to thank the gentleman for what I think are very measured and positive responses to the President's suggestion on how we create jobs in this country. I would ask the gentleman what plans the gentleman has and his party has to move forward on the legislation that the President has asked to create jobs, to invest in growing our economy, and to help those small businesses expand and create jobs and to help those who do not have any job and who are worried about how to put food on their family's table, as well as investing in infrastructure and keeping teachers on the job. We think this legislation is critically important. We think the American people in the most recent CNN poll have responded very positively. They think this is a productive way to go forward. Can the gentleman tell me whether or not there are plans to have the committees move forward or for us to move forward on this legislation?

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for his comments. I also want to say that, yes, I have seen his comments. I think they have been positive. I think the gentleman has just gone through a list on places where we can, perhaps, find common ground. What we need, of course, is a vehicle, hopefully on this floor in the very near future, in which to find common ground and also to offer alternatives that each of our parties or individuals in this House think will, in fact, grow the economy and create jobs. I think that would be very useful. The President indicated in his speech a sense of urgency that the American people feel. They gave us that message very loud and clear. I think all of us share that message. To think about somebody being unemployed for 3 months or 6 months or 18 months or 2 years, not want to, and have the ability to work and can't find a job is a crisis, is in fact a depression in that person's life--not only psychologically but actually. So I would urge the gentleman to bring something to the floor as soon as possible that incorporates that on which we can agree and gives us an opportunity to offer solutions that, perhaps, the House will agree on. And if not, we won't agree. I also welcome the gentleman's rejection of the philosophy of ``my way or the highway.'' We welcome that recognition, that, in fact, we have to reach compromise if we're going to move this country forward. If I might in closing, let me, perhaps, ask you about the schedule longer term than next week. Obviously, we have a special committee. I think the gentleman and I are both committed to--I know I am committed to--the success of that committee. I think it is absolutely critical to give our business community confidence, to give our people confidence, and to give the international community confidence that this government can, in fact, work and can address very serious problems--in this case, the debt and deficit--but also confront the problem of growing our economy. As both the Bowles-Simpson Commission and the Rivlin-Domenici Commission said, we ought to address both. That's what the jobs bill is about, and that's what the special committee is about. Does the gentleman have any thoughts in terms of the probability of the schedule that you have issued that indicates that we'll get out on December 8? As we know, the committee has to be voted on by December 23. That doesn't mean we have to wait until the 23rd, assuming the committee comes out with a positive report. Could you elaborate somewhat on what you see the schedule to be and the certainty with which Members can plan based upon the schedule that has been issued given what faces us?

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for his comments, and I thank him for his time today. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for yielding. The previous speaker voted to go deeply into debt. Frankly, I voted for some of those programs myself, two of which were to support the efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq. We didn't pay for them. As has been said, I didn't vote for it initially, but I think it's a good program. We have made it better for the prescription drug program, and the gentleman wasn't here when we passed that, but we didn't pay for it. He is correct: It doesn't matter which side didn't pay for it; we haven't paid for it. This bill is about whether or not we are going to stand up and say, yes, we voted to pay for it but, guess what, we had our fingers crossed; we are not going to do it. We said we were going to do this. We took some tough action. Both sides joined together, both leaderships joined together and said we are going to do this. Now, this bill is a phony. This is posturing. This is politics. This is pure politics because the United States Senate has already rejected this bill and only one House needed to reject it. We are going to have an extension of the debt. The extension of the debt will simply mean that those items that we all voted on will be paid for, that we won't welsh on our debts, that America will pay its debts. Now, this bill is about, oh, no, let's not pay our debts. Let's pretend that they don't occur, that we really don't have to pay them. America's welshing on its debts really won't have much consequence; although the overwhelming majority of people believe that if we welsh on our debts it will have extraordinary consequences. In fact, it's having extraordinary consequences on our economy right now, as we speak. It's undermined the confidence in America that we had this confrontation about whether America was going to pay its bills. I rise, Mr. Speaker, to urge my colleagues to vote down this resolution of disapproval which is transparently political and which will do nothing to secure our Nation's fiscal future. In fact, this resolution is premised on the assumption that the American people are ignorant--I don't believe that--ignorant about the nature of our debt ceiling and the sources of America's fiscal challenges. As often as some in this House attempt to falsely persuade the American people that raising the debt ceiling means taking on more debt, we will be here to repeat the truth. This is about nothing more than paying the bills we have already incurred. The American people understand that fact, as evidenced by their disgust with the partisan brinksmanship that almost brought America to the brink of default. What Americans want to see is us coming together to take real action on two issues they are deeply concerned about: jobs and our mounting deficit. One of the most important things we can do to reduce the deficit is to create jobs, grow our economy, get people back to work. The President has put forward the American Jobs Act, which incorporates many elements of House Democrats' Make It in America agenda to create jobs. I hope my Republican colleagues bring it to the House floor for a vote as soon as possible. Over the long term, though, we must lay out a path to restore fiscal sustainability. And the only path that is feasible fiscally, politically, and morally is one that is balanced and asks everyone to pay their fair share, not let some of the special interests and favored few be left out of the obligations to bring fiscal responsibility to this Nation. All of us need to be included. A balanced solution is favored by an overwhelming majority of Americans and even three- quarters of Republicans.

Mr. HOYER. The Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction must put aside partisan politics and put some hard choices on the table, choices that encompass both spending and revenue, and we must support their efforts to reach agreement. That's what the American people deserve. That's the difference between posturing on our fiscal future, as this vote today does, and leading on our fiscal future. I urge my colleagues, let's vote down this empty resolution which is a pretense, a pretend, a statement that we don't like debt. Nobody likes the debt we've incurred, and everybody ought to join together in paying it down. Ladies and gentlemen, this is an issue of responsibility. It's not easy. It's not always politically popular. We've incurred a debt. It is our responsibility collectively, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as Americans to come together and pay down this debt and not pretend that simply by defeating a resolution, or passing a resolution of so- called disapproval--which is already a dead letter, and everybody on your side of the aisle knows it's a dead letter because the Senate has already voted. This is just a statement that I don't like debt. None of us like debt. Let's join together and reduce it as we did in the nineties.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, this week the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction began work on a roadmap to bring down our Nation's deficit and restore our fiscal health. They heard from Doug Elmendorf, Director of the Congressional Budget Office, who reiterated once again what we already know, our Nation's current fiscal position is not sustainable. We also know that the problem we're facing stems, in part, from buying things without paying for them, including two wars, tax cuts for the wealthiest in America, and a prescription drug program. But what matters now is taking action. Over the month of August, we heard very clearly from the American public that they want us to work together on the issues they are most concerned about: jobs and the deficit. Action on one issue will directly impact on the other. Creating jobs and growing the economy is one of the most important things we can do to bring down the deficit. And getting a handle on our fiscal situation will give confidence to encourage economic growth and job creation. Both the Bowles-Simpson and Domenici-Rivlin fiscal commissions supported this tenet by calling for immediate action to boost the economy while laying out a plan to reduce the deficit over the long term. This is why the joint select committee must succeed. We have a responsibility to show Americans and the international community that we can meet the challenges we face, that we can join together and make the tough decisions necessary to spur growth and to bring our debt under control. I believe the committee must go beyond the $1.5 trillion target in the deficit reduction bill if we hope to strengthen our economy and seriously change our Nation's fiscal outlook. Over 60 economists and former Members of Congress signed a letter encouraging the joint select committee to reach the biggest agreement possible, and I want to join with them in that request. In their letter, signed by cochairs of both the Bowles-Simpson and Domenici- Rivlin fiscal commissions, among others, they state, ``We believe that a `go big' approach that goes well beyond the $1.5 trillion deficit reduction goal that the committee has been charged with and includes major reforms of entitlement programs and the Tax Code is necessary to bring the debt down to a manageable and sustainable level, improve the long-term fiscal imbalance, reassure markets, and restore Americans' faith in the political system.'' I am in absolute agreement with that proposition. As the letter I just quoted indicates, the committee must also put all options on the table. That's a challenge on the Republican side; that's a challenge on the Democratic side. But it must be done because we cannot get to where we need to get without doing so. The math is irrefutable. We cannot get to where we need to go if we ignore revenues or if we fail to ensure our safety net is sustainable for generations to come. A balanced approach that looks at defense spending, revenues, and entitlements is the only real way we're going to put America's fiscal house back in order. A balanced approach is also key to making sure everyone pays their fair share. We cannot ask the middle class families and seniors to bear the entire burden of balancing the budget. The most well-off among us, which is most of us, by the way, in this body must also contribute to that objective. But as we focus on ways to restore our budget balance, we cannot and must not forget the immediate jobs crisis that too many families face. Any plan to bring down the deficit must start, as Bowles-Simpson and Domenici-Rivlin both observed, with getting people back to work. That is why I hope Republicans and Democrats will work together to bring the President's proposed American Jobs Act to the floor for a vote without delay. As the President said, we have 14 months to wait until the next election. People without jobs, people's whose homes are underwater, people who have lost their homes, they don't have 14 months to wait. The jobs program suggested by the President mirrors many components included in the House Democrats' Make It In America agenda and will help create jobs in the short term. All of us, Democrats and Republicans alike, must be invested in the committee's success. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to be committed to the success of reaching agreement in this committee of 12. This is a time to put partisan politics aside and do the hard things, very hard things, the courageous things that we have to do for our country. I believe we're equal to the task. And I say to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, if we are not equal to the task, then all of our citizens will rightfully be extraordinarily disappointed, as they are today, in their elected representatives on both sides of the aisle. Success of this committee, success of this House and the Senate in reaching and meeting the challenge that confronts us is essential if the confidence level of our own citizens and the international community is to be raised and given the level necessary for future success.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentlelady for yielding, and I thank her for her leadership. I want to thank the Congressional Black Caucus, which has raised this issue to a new height of not only visibility but of hope. Emanuel Cleaver, the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, told a wonderful story in our caucus the other day. He said there was a little boy and his dad, and his dad was reading the paper. The little boy scratched his hand, and as he did so, it obviously hurt. He went in front of his dad, shaking his hand. He walked to and from his father, and his father kept reading the paper. Finally, his father put down the paper and said, ``Son, I know you scratched your hand, but there's nothing I can do about it.'' And the little boy looked at his dad and said, ``You can say, `Ouch.' '' You can understand the pain that I am experiencing. You can understand the pain that losing a job is causing me. You can understand the pain of a home that is lost because the mortgage cannot be paid. You can understand the pain of a family, living in a home, who has seen the value of that most important asset of theirs dwindle and be reduced so that the mortgage payment they're paying is more than the value of the home in which they live. The Congressional Black Caucus did two things: It said, ``We hear and we say, `Ouch.' We understand the pain you're experiencing. We feel your pain.'' But if all we do is empathize and feel pain, that's not enough. Our President addressed us last week, and he said we can shrug our shoulders and say there are 14 months until the next election, but the people in pain can't wait 14 months. And that's what the Congressional Black Caucus did. Tens of thousands of people showed up throughout this Nation because somebody offered hope, and not just hope but real deliverables. Jobs were gotten; interviews were set up; training sessions for how you apply, how you dress, how you talk to prospective employers. Those kinds of seminars were given. A difference was made by the Congressional Black Caucus traveling throughout this country. So I rise to thank the leadership and all the members of the Congressional Black Caucus. I see Mr. Davis and Ms. Waters on the floor with Donna Christensen, and I thank them for their leadership in particular. Maxine Waters was an extraordinarily strong voice for saying just that: we feel your pain, and it's not just empathy we're going to give you; we're going to give you the help that we can give. This President came before us last week and said, ladies and gentlemen, it is time to act. It is time to add to the opportunity for success for putting America back to work, for addressing the mortgage crisis in our country, for putting some more money in the pockets of working men and women in this country, for helping small business grow and expand, making sure as well that we pay for what we buy. Every commission that has met, the Bowles-Simpson Commission and the Domenici-Rivlin Commission, said, yes, we have to get a handle on this debt and deficit, of which I'm a strong proponent; but in the short term we need to grow the economy because if you do not grow the economy, you will not get the deficit down because you need people working so that they can support themselves and their families and, yes, pay taxes, so that their grandchildren will not be deeply in debt. So I stand indebted to the Congressional Black Caucus for continuing to focus like a laser on creating jobs. Mr. Butterfield, another member of the Congressional Black Caucus and leader in our House, the chief deputy whip, is here as well and will be speaking so that in North Carolina and in America we can create jobs, invest in growing our economy, and, yes, give confidence, give confidence to every single individual, every family, and, yes, every business--small, medium, and large; that this Congress will act responsibly to address a challenge, to address the pain that our people are feeling, and to make sure in the long term, as we did in the 1990s, that our country is on a sound fiscal path leading to growth in the economy, jobs for our people, and a stronger and healthier America. So I am pleased to join the Congressional Black Caucus, thanking them, congratulating them, and saying that I look forward to working with them, not just today, but today, tomorrow, the next day, and the next week until such time as our people are no longer in the pain they now experience.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my friend from Virginia, the majority leader, Mr. Cantor, for the purposes of inquiring about the schedule for the week to come.

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for the information he has given to us. Can I inquire, as the gentleman knows, when we left for the August break there was a very substantial issue with respect to the FAA. Does the gentleman know whether there will be any policy riders on the FAA bill that comes to the floor? I know there is a reduction in authorized levels, but are there any policy riders in that bridge bill?

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for that information. I certainly hope that we can do so. And I am pleased to hear that we are having discussions so that that will not be a matter of contention. As you know, we had 4,000 FAA employees and about 71,000 or so contractor, private sector employees who were laid off for a period of time because of the failure to get agreement with the rider that was included in the bill that we passed over to them. I'm hopeful that we don't have a recurrence of that situation because it would be very harmful not just to those 75,000 people but to the FAA and generally, so I'm hopeful that we can work that out. The President, Mr. Leader, spoke to us last night about a jobs program. I know that you have made comments with reference to shifting focus from cuts to jobs. We think that's appropriate; we appreciate that observation. But do you have any idea of how soon we may get to the President's proposal on job creation and trying to get our economy growing again? You made some, I think, positive comments and the Speaker has made some positive comments. I think those are welcome. But can you give me some idea, given the President's sense of urgency and I think the sense of the American people of the urgency of trying to create jobs and give them some more resources with which to support themselves and their families, and to invest and to comprehensively try to staunch the loss of teachers and police and fire personnel that each one of our communities is experiencing? I yield to my friend.

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman. I would hope that we could also have hearings. I understand the gentleman is correct that the text has not been sent up--I expect that to happen in the very near future, probably, I would hope, before we get back on Monday night--but I would hope that we could start hearings on all segments of that and see that on which we could get agreement. Certainly investing in our infrastructure, investing in our schools, in our highways, critically important, we believe. And I think that will not only create jobs, but it will create jobs that will have a meaningful, positive impact on our infrastructure and our economic competitiveness. The President mentioned about making it in America. As you know, we have a Make It In America agenda which includes a large number of items, including a manufacturing strategy, the President mentioned. That was one of the few times we all stood very enthusiastically when he mentioned, whether it was making cars or refrigerators or other goods here in America, that having made in America goods was something that I think we all support. So that's part of his agenda as well and certainly our agenda, and I hope our agenda writ large on a bipartisan basis. If I might ask you, on the front page of The Washington Post today, as you probably saw, is a picture of my district in Upper Marlboro, Maryland, where there is great flooding as a result of the rains that we have received from Irene. The supplemental for FEMA is coming hopefully from the Senate relatively soon. I would ask the gentleman: As you know, $484 million remains in FEMA's Disaster Relief Fund, clearly not enough to meet the disasters. In the aftermath of 9/11, as the gentleman knows, we appropriated such funds as were necessary, and we did so without paying for them because, in fact, they were real emergencies, real pain, real displacement, real dislocation, real costs immediately incurred by people as a result of the disaster--in that case in a terrorist act, but in this case a disaster. Can the gentleman tell me whether or not we will be able to pass, in a relatively accelerated fashion, sufficient resources for FEMA without getting into arguments about how, in the short term, we will pay for them? We have to pay for things in the long term; I'm for that. But I would ask the gentleman whether or not he would anticipate getting that supplemental done as early as possible--and hopefully a clean supplemental next week if that is at all possible--because we need to respond to the emergencies that confront us. I yield to my friend.

Mr. HOYER. I appreciate the gentleman's observation and also his reference to the head room that we gave in the agreement that was reached in raising the debt ceiling, understanding that there are emergencies that occur and you need head room to deal with those emergencies. I'm appreciative of the gentleman's observation. I understand as well, I want to acknowledge that his district was hard hit, not only by the earthquake, but by Irene and, I presume, by the rains as well that have compounded that issue. In any event, I appreciate his willingness to ensure that we do, in fact, get a supplemental that will meet the needs, the immediate needs of those people throughout certainly the Atlantic coast, but in other parts of the country as well. I appreciate and will look forward to working with him on that objective, as I will look forward to working with him on realizing the early passage of a jobs bill which will, in fact, get Americans back to work and get our economy growing, as is essential. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman from Colorado. I also thank the gentlelady from North Carolina as well. Mr. Speaker, while I would prefer us to be addressing a reauthorization of No Child Left Behind, today's legislation reflects bipartisan support for innovation in public schools and improving educational opportunities for students who still lack access to a high- quality education. I know this rule that we are dealing with deals with both bills. I am for the rule. I think it's a rule that provides for two pieces of legislation that enjoy bipartisan support. The Chesapeake Public Charter School, a K-8 school located in my district, has developed a year-round school model which embeds the arts and environmental studies throughout its curriculum. This school hopes to, one day, expand its successful model through its existing charter with our local school system and would be able to do so with funding from this bill. As we consider this bill today, it's unfortunate that after 9 months in session, however, we are still not bringing jobs bills to this floor. So today, and throughout the fall, Democrats will offer Make It in America amendments at every opportunity to highlight ways we can create jobs and strengthen our economy. Today, Democrats are proposing two Make It in America amendments. I would say parenthetically that Mr. Garamendi had an excellent amendment. It wasn't made in order. He's going to ask that we get to it by the previous question. Congressman Lujan's amendment, however, focuses on sharing best practices in instruction and professional development in the STEM subjects to develop a more competitive and highly skilled work force. America needs that. And Congresswoman Davis' amendment reminds us that the primary objective of this bill is to use the innovation of charter schools to improve educational outcomes so all students can make it in America. The jobs of the future require a high-quality elementary and secondary education, which lead to high-quality postsecondary education and training components. We need to make sure that we are preparing students for the diversity of jobs that awaits them, the jobs that will bring home good wages, the jobs that will improve our economy in the long term. I believe charter schools can play a valuable role in that objective, which is why I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. HOYER. I yield to the gentleman from California.

Mr. HOYER. Reclaiming my time, when I speak about Make It in America, there is not a person on this floor, the most conservative, the most liberal, and everybody in between, who is not for our young people and all of our people making it in America. I'm hopeful that we can forge a bipartisan coalition to promote legislation which will promote making it in America.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and congratulate a remarkable group of talented young students from Maryland's Fifth Congressional District. On May 9th, a team from Dr. James Craik Elementary School in Charles County won first place in Maryland's statewide Mathematics, Engineering, Science Achievement (MESA) competition held at the Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory in Laurel. To participate in the competition, the students first had to prevail in the regional semi-finals against 21 other Charles County elementary schools. Led by coaches Nick Gardiner and Susan Steinmet, the team took on a series of challenges that tested their ingenuity, creativity, and determination. Although they faced stiff competition, the team impressed the judges and emerged victorious by incorporating green design elements like solar panels and making the most efficient designs. It is the second time Craik has won the competition in just 3 years. The team's win represents not only a victory for Craik, but for our State and Nation. With the proper education and support, these students have proven that the next generation of American leaders are poised to push the boundaries of science and technology and achieve great things. I urge my colleagues to join me in applauding this great accomplishment.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for yielding. We have missed, in my opinion, a wonderful opportunity, an opportunity to make a grand bargain, as the Speaker wanted to do, as Leader Pelosi wanted to do, as Leader Reid wanted to do, as the President wanted to do, and as the Vice President wanted to do. For months now, the world has looked to America and has asked whether we are still a Nation that pays its bills or whether, thanks to the ideological intransigents of a few, we would do the unthinkable and default on our obligations. We are a more responsible and honorable Nation than that. We are only at this point because the far right wing, for the first time in American history, has chosen to hold our economy hostage in order to enact a radical ideological agenda far out of step for the majority of Americans. If nothing else, these months have shown the American people who puts our country's welfare first and who would rather have ideological purity at all costs. I am voting for this bill, not because I like this bill, although it does do some things that I think need to be done, but because we need to bring down the deficit; we need to address the debt; we need to return to fiscal responsibility. Default for the United States of America is not an option. This would affect all of the people I represent and all of the people of this country if we defaulted. At the very least, this bill averts this outcome by paying our bills through 2013, which will bring certainty to a struggling economy that badly needs it. This bill cuts spending by $1.2 trillion, and also establishes a process to arrive at additional spending cuts. The second set of deficit reductions will be entrusted to a bipartisan committee. Hopefully, that committee will accurately reflect the priorities of this Nation.

Mr. HOYER. We are here because we missed, as I said, a great opportunity, a chance to pass now a truly balanced agreement that relies on both spending cuts and revenue. We're not there, but I have said many times during the course of this debate that to govern is to compromise, not to sell out. Some people think on this floor that voting for a compromise is somehow a sellout. We cannot run America on that theory, and that is not what democracy is all about. I urge my colleagues to ensure that America, in fact, pays its bills.

Mr. HOYER. I would be glad to yield to the gentleman from California.

Mr. HOYER. Ladies and gentlemen, I have said numerous times during the course of this debate about whether America was going to pay its bills and that we need to vote, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as Americans: Americans concerned about the fiscal posture of their country, concerned about the confidence that people around the world have in the American dollar, which is, after all, the standard of the world. That is what I think this vote is about. It should not be about partisan politics, and very frankly, it should not be about ideological extremes. It ought to be about responsibility. It ought to be about understanding that our oath of office is to preserve and protect the United States of America. This bill does that. Vote ``yes.''

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, my colleagues, our neighbors, our friends sent us here to be responsible and to come to the aid of our country at a time of crisis. Our country is at such a time now. Our people confront uncertainty and fear, and they're looking to us for the courage to compromise and act to prevent default and to prevent gridlock and irresponsibility. Yesterday, we learned that investors in American stocks lost more than $400 billion when just a few days ago Speaker Boehner said he could not compromise with President Obama. Not withstanding the remarks of my friend from California, the chairman of the Rules Committee, who talks about a bipartisan compromise, I tell my friend, you have not moved a single centimeter towards compromise with our side of the aisle, not a single centimeter. And what do we see in the United States Senate, my friends? We see a majority leader of the United States Senate who has a President with him. So, yes, you control one-third, and you control over 40 percent so you can stop things from happening in the Senate, but the people aren't looking to us for what we can stop; they're looking to us for what we can do, for what we can do to make our country healed at this point in time. So what has Senator Reid done with this bill that you introduced-- guaranteed to fail. This is the second time you have put a bill on the floor to extend the debt limit guaranteed to fail. It is a pattern, frankly, I say to you, my friends, and it's a pattern that the American public ought not to countenance. What Senator Reid has done is he has taken the view of Speaker Boehner and Leader Cantor and said we need a long-term solution. And then he has compromised, not notwithstanding the fact that all of us on this side believe that the wealthiest among us should help take us out of this crisis and not rely on the most vulnerable among us. And so there is no revenue in Senator Reid's bill, notwithstanding that an overwhelming number of us on this side of the aisle believe that's good policy, and I know that some of you on your side of the aisle believe that as well. Senator Reid has set up a process so that we can continue to look at what we know we need to look at, bringing our deficit and debt down, for which we are all responsible, my friends.

Mr. HOYER. And so we confront this moment of responsibility. I believe my side of the aisle will overwhelmingly say yes, not because they like this bill, but because they believe it is a compromise that can work because it takes so much of the demands that you have made on your side of the aisle. But if you came to Congress expecting perfection, if you came to Congress expecting only that you do it your way and no other way, you will be disappointed, as all of us are disappointed, because it cannot happen that way. Our Founding Fathers brought us from many places with many perspectives to try to heal our country and provide for the general welfare. Let us avoid default. Let us set ourselves on a path of compromise. My friends on the Republican side of the aisle, we are going to vote, for the most part, for this bill. We do not believe it's perfect, but we believe it's possible. America expects us to do that. The summer soldiers and the sunshine patriots will retreat at this time of crisis. Do not do that. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I yield to my friend, the majority leader, for the purpose of asking about the schedule for the rest of the weekend and the upcoming week.

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for his information, and I yield back the balance of my time.