Steny Hoyer

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I also want to urge the Senate to stop ignoring this issue and listen to the voices of thousands who have taken the time to add their names here and share their stories. We must take action to make it clear that Black lives matter. Mr. Speaker, we passed a bill just a few days ago to remove the statues of Roger Brooke Taney and other people. In the opinion, the Dred Scott decision, what Roger Brooke Taney of the State of Maryland said was Black lives do not matter. They are not citizens. They are not worthy, he pointed out, to be with those of us who are White. We need to make sure that those citizens of our country understand that, yes, Black lives matter. Mr. Speaker, I also have the sad obligation to say that yesterday, Mr. Donnald Anderson passed away. He was a page at the age of 13 on this floor. We don't have pages anymore, but it was a wonderful experience for those young people. He stayed. He stayed in the Cloakroom. He became the director of the Cloakroom, and then he became the Clerk of the House. He had a distinguished career serving in this institution, which he loved. It began as a teenager, as I said. When I came to the House, he was the assistant manager of the Democratic Cloakroom. He served as Clerk of the House for the 100th through the 103rd Congresses. Donn was also a U.S. Army Reservist. His life was filled with service to his country. Mr. Speaker, I hope all of the Members of this House will join me in expressing gratitude for his life and service and condolences to Donn's family. I will be taking time when we return. Mr. Speaker, I want to announce our schedule. I did it before when not everybody was on the floor, but hopefully most. We are sending it out. Mr. Speaker, I would like to take a moment to thank the House for their hard work and perseverance as we engaged in one of the most productive periods in the modern history of the House. In 20 days, 4 weeks--1\1/2\ weeks in June, 2\1/2\ weeks in July--the number of major bills we passed in June and July is literally staggering. We passed the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act. We passed the Defense authorization bill. We passed D.C. statehood. We passed legislation to strengthen and expand the Affordable Care Act; a bill to protect renters and mortgage holders; a No Ban to reverse the Muslim ban, which was inconsistent with America's Constitution and principles; and we provided for access to counsel. We passed the Great American Outdoors Act in a bipartisan fashion; a major, major infrastructure bill; Water Resources Development Act; a bill to remove Confederate statues, which I have already talked about; childcare bills, two major childcare bills; 10--listen to me--10 appropriations bills. The Senate has not passed a single appropriations bill, not one. When we came here to the last Congress, to this Congress, the government was shut down. Why? Because the majority party had not passed the funding of government. None of you, in my view, nor I, have served in a 20-day period where so much consequential legislation was passed. Sadly, Mr. Speaker, much of that legislation is now and may well be sitting in the Senate for some period of time. This came, Mr. Speaker, after we passed the HEROES Act 80-some days ago. We now, Mr. Speaker, face a crisis, our people face a crisis, our country faces a crisis, because for 80 days that legislation sat untended in the United States Senate, and the relief that the American people needed then and now--and now has become a crisis--were not tended to by the United States Senate. The leader of the United States Senate said: Let the States go bankrupt. Thankfully, the leader of this party said: Let's wait and see what happens. Well, we have seen what happened. I hope everybody, lamentably, saw the front page of The Washington Post: the deepest decline in the GDP, even beyond the Great Depression--think of that--because we twiddled our thumbs. On May 15, we passed an act to react robustly and effectively in meeting the crisis caused by this pandemic. How sad that the Senate, if it didn't agree with our bill, didn't send us another bill. But they did nothing, and now we see an economy at extraordinary risk and individuals and families and children and those who are hungry. We included food assistance in the bill that we passed in the HEROES Act. We included legislation to make sure that we could go back to school safely and the schools would have the resources to make that happen. We included additional medical assistance for this onslaught that our hospitals are confronted with. That is in the HEROES Act. But what do our Republican friends offer us? By the way, I don't know that our Republican friends offered us anything, Mr. McConnell, because they can't agree in the Senate. As Senator Graham said, they are deeply divided. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, they are a deeply divided and dysfunctional party, because they cannot come up with an alternative. Meanwhile, other than the defense authorization bill--that is the only bill they passed--the Senate did not pass a single piece of major legislation during that same period, 80 days. We have passed major legislation over and over and over again, and we did it in 20 days. So, Mr. Speaker, we are not announcing the August work period. We will be ready to act as soon as we can on a COVID-19 relief act. We believe the HEROES Act does that. The only thing that they propose, or come back with, is extending unemployment and cutting it 66 percent so that an American family relying on that money is going to go cold turkey under their plan. Now, I have said we can discuss the level, but we cannot discuss it so that we say, 24 hours from now, they are on their own, Mr. and Mrs. America. So I have put everybody on notice on both sides of the aisle that I will call this House back into session. The Speaker will technically call it out, but I will recommend that the Speaker call this House back into session at the very minute that we have an agreement, that we know we can pass something through the United States Senate. We can pass it here. We have passed it. The people need the assistance we give them. The economy needs the assistance. And I would think my Republican friends who see the economy in absolute free fall would be demanding that we get to an agreement, not just demanding you do this and only this. We are a democracy. The American people have elected us to be the leadership in this House. And they have elected a lot of Democrats in the Senate and the Republicans to be in charge of the Senate. They expect us to come to an agreement. Do you know who said that, Mr. Speaker? Newt Gingrich, Newt Gingrich when he made a deal with Bill Clinton on the budget. The conservatives in his party said: No, we are not going to make any deal. And Newt Gingrich's reply was: Look, we are in a democracy, and we have to heed the views of both sides of the aisle. Newt Gingrich said that, and he was savaged by his conservatives who simply wanted to say no. The American people need a yes. The American people need help. Families need help. People who are not able to buy food need help, and hospitals that are stretched, and States and local governments. I urge all of my Republican colleagues and Democratic colleagues to talk to your local mayor, your local county commissioner, your local city council person. They will tell you they are hemorrhaging revenues. Why? Because the economy has fallen so swiftly. They are on the front lines. They hire teachers. They hire sanitation workers. They hire police. They hire fire protection. They hire emergency medical response teams. They are on the front lines, all of those levels of government. We must come together, Mr. Speaker, and get to an agreement. If we do not, we will fail the American people. On May 15, we passed a bill, and for 80 days, the Republican leadership did nothing. And now, they say: Take this or nothing. We are going to be on the side of the people, and we are going to get a bill that is for the people. At that point in time, I will immediately give 24 hours' notice minimum so that people can get back here and do their duty. Mr. Speaker, last week, I shared with the House that my office had launched a website where Americans could learn about the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, weigh in with their opinion on the bill, and list themselves as a ``citizen cosponsor'' if they support it. Thousands of Americans have become ``citizen cosponsors.'' Many have also shared their own stories and called for Senate action on this bill. Sadly, Senate Republicans refuse to do anything to address the crisis of systemic racism and police brutality. More than a month has passed, and they have taken no action on the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act. That's an irresponsible abdication of its duty to address the challenges facing our country. Today, I will begin submitting the names of the more than 7,000 ``citizen cosponsors'' of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act into the Congressional Record. There are so many, that it may take several days to do so. And as more add their names at justiceinpolicing.us, we will continue to submit them into the Record. Because the Senate needs to see how important this issue is to so many of our fellow Americans. They need to see how many of our people are urging them to act. So, Madam Speaker, include in the Record this list of ``citizen cosponsors.'' And I ask that the Senate stop ignoring this issue and listen to the voices of thousands who have taken the time to add their names here and share their stories. We must take action to make it clear that Black Lives Matter. In addition, I want to share the sad news that former Clerk of the House Donnald Anderson passed away yesterday. He had a distinguished career serving this institution, which he loved. It began as a teenager, when Donn served as a House page. When I came to the House, he was the assistant manager of the Democratic cloakroom. He then served as the Clerk for the 100th through 103rd Congresses. Donn was also a U.S. Army reservist. His life was filled with service to his country. I hope all of the members of this House will join me in expressing gratitude for his life and service and condolences to Donn's family. I would like to take a moment to thank the members of this House for their hard work and perseverance as we engaged in one of the most productive periods in the modern history of the House. The number of major bills we passed in June and July is staggering: George Floyd Justice in Policing Act; Defense authorization; D.C. statehood; Legislation to strengthen & expand the Affordable Care Act; A bill to protect renters & homeowners from eviction; No ban & access to counsel; Great American Outdoors Act; A major infrastructure package; Water Resources Development Act; A bill to remove Confederate statues and other reminders of slavery from the Capitol; Child care bills; and Ten appropriations bills, funding the vast majority of the government ahead of the fiscal year. These came on the heels of May's HEROES Act, major relief to the American people during this present crisis. Meanwhile, other than the Defense authorization bill that the House sent over, the Senate did not pass a single piece of major legislation during that same period. So, I want to thank you all for bearing with the very busy schedule so that we could make sure the people's house continues to govern for the people.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, as the Members know and as the country knows, we have failed to reach an agreement on moving ahead on COVID-19 legislation. Therefore, Members are advised that no additional votes are expected in the House this week after we complete the next two votes. Members are further advised, Madam Speaker, that as conversations surrounding additional coronavirus relief legislation continues, it is expected that the House will meet during the month of August. I have told my Members, and I have told the minority leader and whip, that no one should schedule themselves for next week or until such time as we adopt COVID-19 legislation. Members will be given at least 24 hours' notice before the House will be called back into session. We will not start the August district work period until we pass appropriate COVID-19 relief to meet the current health and economic crisis confronting our people and our country. Further information will be provided as soon as it becomes available. And, Madam Speaker, at the end of the day, I will make further observations with reference to where we stand, but Members are advised that this is the schedule. It obviously is designed to ensure that we act as quickly as humanly and legislatively possible to give the relief the country needs.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, the Bible tells us: ``Raise up a child in the way they should go, and they will not depart from it.'' As a parent, I have sometimes, if not always, reflected that that seems to be the case. But it surely is the case that we need to provide our families and our children with safe and positive places so that we can raise them up in the way they should go. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the bills on the floor today to protect childcare workers from losing their jobs and to help more families afford the cost of childcare. They build on provisions that we had in the HEROES Act. First, the Child Care Is Essential Act would create a $50 billion childcare stabilization fund to keep childcare providers from going out of business. I want to thank Chairwoman DeLauro of the Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies, as well as Chairman Bobby Scott of the Education and Labor Committee. Secondly, the Child Care for Economic Recovery Act takes a long-term approach by improving infrastructure and designating childcare providers as essential and providing tax credits to help more families qualify for and afford safe and accessible childcare. I want to thank Chairwoman Lowey of the Appropriations Committee and my dear friend Chairman Neal, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, for sponsoring this legislation. As noted yesterday, in an editorial by The Washington Post: ``The childcare industry is collapsing under pandemic-inflicted financial pressure.'' They went on to say: ``Without swift action from Congress, childcare centers are at risk of permanent closures that could severely undermine the country's economic recovery.'' Madam Speaker, I am the father of three daughters and a granddaughter who has four children, my four great-grandchildren. She is fortunate that she is able to stay home with those children. Three of them are in school. I have two other daughters who are now older, and their children are older. But when they had children at a young age, childcare was critical and very difficult to obtain and very expensive. Dad and mom helped out. But there are so many millions who don't have a dad or mom or a grandfather or grandmother to help out. And when we don't help them, the cost is to everybody. Governor Agnew was elected Governor the same year I was elected in the State of Maryland. I remember a line from his inaugural address: ``The cost of failure far exceeds the price of progress.'' Failure to bring up these children in the way they should go and have them in safe childcare settings will result in a cost far higher than providing that service. If the Congress fails to take actions like those, like the House is taking today, we risk our economic recovery by forcing parents to drop out of the workforce or lose work hours due to the demands of dependent care. It would place a substantial burden on working families with young children or elderly parents to care for, and it would disproportionately hurt minority workers and their families because, as The Washington Post editorial further pointed out, minority parents ``are more likely than White parents to experience job disruptions due to childcare.'' That is not good for them; it is not good for their children. Madam Speaker, it is not good for America. House Democrats are determined to help families get through this public health and economic crisis, but we must have a longer vision, as Chairman Neal pointed out, because it is not just the pandemic that caused this problem. It has been a problem that has been with us for a long period of time. We refuse to do what some have suggested, again and again, for the past decade, which is to tell the American people: You are on your own. ``You are on your own'' is not a moral stance. It is not. Am I my brother's keeper? The answer to that is yes, I am my brother's keeper because I want my brother healthy; I want my brother educated; and I want my brother well-housed. Why? Because my brother affects my life and my children's lives and my grandchildren's lives and my great- grandchildren's lives. If you are going to make America great, you need to make all our people great. So, I am here in support of this legislation. It is critical legislation for our country--yes, for the children, yes, for the families, but for our country. I hope all of my colleagues, Republicans and Democrats, will join us in passing these bills. Let's do that today to keep childcare providers open, expand the availability of childcare for working families, and help workers return to their jobs when it is safe to do so. Vote ``yes'' for America's families and for America.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, on July 21, our former colleague, Chet Edwards, who represented Texas's Eleventh District from 1991 to 2010, wrote an op-ed in the Waco Tribune to share his remembrances of our friend Rep. John Lewis, who today will depart the Capitol for the last time before returning home to Atlanta for his funeral and burial. I am privileged to share Mr. Edwards's moving article about his friendship with Rep. Lewis and include it in the Record. [From the Waco Tribune July 1, 2020] How We Can Honor John Lewis (By Chet Edwards) In his Gettysburg Address, President Abraham Lincoln spoke eloquently of his humility in the wake of great service and sacrifice for our nation when he said: ``In a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract . . .'' Today, as I think about the passing of Congressman John Lewis, I find it difficult to conjure the words to adequately hallow his lifetime of service, sacrifice and courage. Our founding fathers embedded in the first sentence of the Constitution the ideal of making ours ``a more perfect union.'' In doing so, they sent a message to every one of us in each generation that true patriotism is about making ours ``a more perfect union.'' By that high standard, John Lewis was a true patriot. His entire life was committed to bringing our nation ever closer to the principle enunciated in our Declaration of Independence that ``all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights . . .'' At the age of 23, on Aug. 28, 1963, just before Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. gave his historic ``I Have a Dream'' speech, a youthful John Lewis spoke powerfully about the need to ensure real freedom for all Americans. John led the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee; rode in the Freedom bus rides in the South; and on March 7, 1965, led the march in Selma, Alabama, in support of a national voting rights act at a time when black World War II and Korean War veterans were being denied the right to vote all across the South. The nationally televised image of John nearly losing his life that day, of peaceful marchers being brutally beaten by Alabama state troopers, awoke a powerful conscience across our nation and led to passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. It made our nation a more perfect union. I served in Congress with John Lewis for 20 years. For eight years we worked together almost daily as two of the four Democratic chief deputy whips in the U.S. House of Representatives. Every time I was in his presence, I knew I was in the presence of true greatness . . . and goodness. John was a historic figure, one of the Big 6 of our nation's Civil Rights Movement, but he was also one of the most decent, kind and humble persons I have ever known. History will record that John Lewis made our nation a better place, a more perfect union. I agree. But what I respected most about John was that, despite all of the racial hatred he faced in his life, there was not one ounce of hatred in his body or soul. Not ever. One day in a conversation just off the House Floor, I asked John how he kept from hating those who had mistreated him and even tried to kill him. He told me that the real key to his life, and to the Civil Rights Movement's progress, was the ideal of Christian love--to love one's neighbor as thyself and to even love one's enemy. John stayed committed to those principles of his faith and to the cause of non-violent protest, even when others within the Civil Rights Movement criticized him for not supporting violence and when many white Americans threatened him. Make no mistake. John Lewis was passionate about the cause of justice; he was willing to go to jail more than 40 times in agitating for change in America. But his actions were always peaceful and he was always motivated by love, not hate. I used to savor it when John would get a twinkle in his eye talking to young people and encouraging them to get into ``good trouble.'' John Lewis was the conscience of Congress, and in 2001 I saw the power of the bipartisan respect he had earned. In the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on our nation, then-Majority Leader Tom DeLay offered a resolution on the House floor that said it was the ``necessary duty'' of all Americans to pray for our nation. As a person of faith, I was concerned that prayer, a solemn choice between a person and God, would be demeaned by Congress in declaring prayer to be a government-mandated ``necessary duty.'' On a nearly vacant House floor, I found John and asked him to speak against this misguided resolution. John, never one to back off from fighting for his principles, spoke eloquently from the well of the House about his reverence for prayer and the constitutional separation of church and state. In a testament to the respect he had among his colleagues, we were able to defeat this badly flawed resolution. As someone who will always cherish the blessing of knowing John Lewis, I am thrilled that across America today journalists and citizens from all walks of life are honoring John with heartfelt words of praise. As I hear those well- deserved words about this great and good American, I'm also challenged by the question posed by President Lincoln at Gettysburg. After recognizing that we could not further hallow the ground of those who died at Gettysburg, Lincoln went on to ask how we could truly honor those who died there. He said these powerful words: ``It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion . . .'' John Lewis dedicated his life, and risked his life, in the of racial justice and the right of all Americans to vote. I will never forget when he spoke at the Waco Convention Center and shared stories of the sacrifices made and lives lost in the Civil Rights Movement and its effort to protect for all Americans the fundamental right to vote. You could hear a pin drop in a room of hundreds of people when he leaned over the lectern and said, ``Given the sacrifices I have seen, I cannot imagine anyone not exercising the right to vote.'' John Lewis never thought that patriotism was to love our country or leave it. As the son of Alabama sharecroppers and as a child who could not check out books at his local library because of the color of his skin, he learned that we should love our country despite its imperfections and commit ourselves to making it ``a more perfect union.'' If we truly want to honor the life of John Lewis, we should each be dedicated to his unfinished work of bringing about racial justice in our community and nation and protecting the right to vote for all Americans, for which he nearly gave his life 55 years ago in Selma, Alabama. If we truly want to honor the life of John Lewis in an age of political division and animosity, we should each do better in honoring his faith in the power of love, in the power of hope, in the power of respecting others. We should strive for the ideal that he called the ``beacon'' of his life--the ideal of a ``beloved community.'' Here on earth, John Lewis marched with the people for a divine cause. Now, in heaven, he will soar with the angels. He will reap what he sowed here on earth. God speed, my dear friend. And thank you for teaching us so much by the sermon of your life.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I join my colleague, Mr. Aguilar, and I thank him and Mr. Davis for bringing this to the floor. Madam Speaker, I echo but I will not repeat all the words of the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hurd), who has been a real leader in this House. I thank him for his remarks and his acknowledgment of the importance of the Latina and Latino population to our country and the contributions they have made. Madam Speaker, I want to rise and thank Representative Serrano and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus for leading this effort. As the Speaker knows, Mr. Serrano is one of my closest friends. The dean of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus has been one of the most effective and hardworking Members of this House, and he will be missed next year when he retires after 30 years representing New Yorkers. He has been and will continue to be a dear, dear friend. This is also a very meaningful day for all the members of the Hispanic Caucus, including our colleague and friend, Representative Lucille Roybal-Allard, whose father, Ed Roybal, was a dear friend of mine and on whose committee I served, and who was the founder of the caucus, with others. It started with five members in 1976. Today, it has 38 members. I am proud to join Representative Serrano and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus on this bill and bring it to the floor today. For more than 500 years, half a millennium, Latinos have been a part of our American story. Through medicine, education, innovation, public service, the military, athletics, and the arts, Latinos and Latinas have strengthened our economy, enriched our heritage, and have made America a safer and more prosperous Nation. The story of America is incomplete without the story of the American Latino. That is why a national museum of the American Latino is so critical and appropriate. I know that it will be a wonderful addition to the Smithsonian Institution and our National Mall. At a time, Madam Speaker, when many people, including in our government at the highest levels, denigrate, discriminate, and target Latinos, we need this museum to recognize the service and the extraordinary assets that the Latino community has brought to America. I hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will join me in supporting this bill, as I believe they will. I look forward to the day when we can walk through the doors of the Smithsonian's newest museum and experience the full richness and diversity of Latino cultures and how they have helped to make America great.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to mark the 30th anniversary on Sunday of the Americans with Disabilities Act being signed into law by George H.W. Bush, President of the United States. Mr. Speaker, I was proud to be the lead sponsor of that legislation in the House; a task that was assigned to me by our former whip, Tony Cuello of California. The ADA is an example of what we can do together, in a bipartisan way, to protect equal rights and help Americans access opportunities to get ahead, to be included, to be a part of one Nation indivisible. It was a landmark piece of civil rights legislation which passed the House and Senate with strong, bipartisan support, and was signed into law, as I said, by President George H.W. Bush. And when the Supreme Court ruled a narrow interpretation of the law that was overly limiting, Democrats and Republicans came together to pass the ADA Amendments Act in 2008, to restore the original intent and expand on its protections. The ADA hasn't just led to the construction of accessible spaces, it has also helped change America's perception of those with disabilities. And it brought dignity and recognition to millions who previously were excluded and thought to be lesser-than because of their disabilities. I have often said that the bill was misnamed. It should have been called the Americans with Abilities Act. Drop the ``dis.'' Drop dissing people. Understand what they can do, which is what is important. Over the past 30 years, the ADA has made it possible for so many of our fellow citizens to participate in the workforce, in government, and in every area of our society in ways they were previously unable to do without great difficulty. The law, Mr. Speaker, breathed new life into the words of our Declaration, that all are ``created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'' Indeed, the ADA was, in so many ways, a declaration of independence for the millions of Americans living with disabilities, yearning not only to be seen and accepted, but to be treated equally as they pursue happiness and the American Dream. And it set a global standard, with its provisions adopted by literally scores of other countries throughout the world, so that the actions of this body and the United States Senate, and President George H.W. Bush were a signal to the world to include your citizens as well. As we celebrate this anniversary, Mr. Speaker, let us remember that Americans with disabilities still face many hurdles in employment, education, access to healthcare, accessible technology, and the ability to live independently. Mr. Speaker, I hope our country will use this moment, not only to reflect on the enormous differences we have made for people with disabilities, but also to rededicate ourselves to the task of continuing that work. I want to take a moment to thank a number of my colleagues and former colleagues on both sides of the aisle who were instrumental in getting the ADA passed and signed into law. But before I mention them, let me mention the literally unnamed, unknown thousands of people with disabilities who had the courage and the conviction to come to this body and say to us, I have great ability, but I am being shut out. Hear me. See me. Help me. And we responded, as a country, as a Congress. Among them, of course, I have mentioned Tony Cuello, but then there was Senator Tom Harkin, Senator Bob Dole, Senator Ted Kennedy, Senator David Durenberger, Steve Bartlett, as well as Ham Fish, Teddy Kennedy, Major Owens, and Silvio Conte, who are no longer with us. And, of course, the late President George H.W. Bush. I want to thank the many advocates who were instrumental in building grassroots support for the ADA, as well as the Congressional and White House staff. I would mention my own staff, Melissa Shulman, who did such an extraordinary job in shepherding the ADA through multiple committees, through hundreds of hours of discussion and debate as to how to make this a viable document, a workable document for inclusion and honoring the dignity of those with disabilities. We worked late nights and we produced a text and built consensus. I want to mention, in particular, Chai Feldblum, former lead attorney for the ACLU at the time and, later, an Equal Employment Opportunity Commissioner, as well as former White House Counsel Boyden Gray, under President Bush. I also, again, want to thank Melissa Shulman, who served on my staff and was critical to getting this law enacted. I want to thank Representatives Jim Langevin and Don Young, who today serve as co-chairs of the Congressional Disability Caucus. Representative Young, of course, was also involved in the passage of the law. There are too many others--including the former chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, the gentleman from Wisconsin, Jim Sensenbrenner-- to name here, individuals who gave their time, energy, and talents to making the ADA possible. I want to mention Senator Orrin Hatch, who worked so diligently in the Senate, not only on the passage of the bill, but on the amendments as well, passed years later, after the Supreme Court tried to narrow the protections afforded by the Americans with Disabilities Act. And I am proud to join my friend from Rhode Island, Representative Langevin, in introducing a resolution today to recognize the importance of the Americans with Disabilities Act, a celebration of the advancement of inclusion, and recognize the barriers that still remain for people with disabilities. Mr. Speaker, I hope all of my colleagues will join in supporting that resolution, and in celebrating this anniversary as well, in our shared commitment to further progress in the march for the rights, dignity, and full equality of those with disabilities. Recognizing and Honoring the Service of Michael Collins

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, we will honor next week, as we have honored this week, an extraordinary American, John Robert Lewis. He will lie in state just a few yards from here. He will be honored by thousands who will walk by the Capitol and his casket, and that will be right. In the Gospel of Matthew, Christians read, and others read, the parable of the talents, in which a returning master praises his servants for being good stewards of his house. ``Well done, good and faithful servant,'' he says. Last Friday, I believe that God welcomed John Lewis into His embrace with those very same words: ``Well done, thou good and faithful servant.'' Faithful to his God, faithful to our people, and faithful to his country. For such he was, God's faithful servant on Earth, spending his life in service to all of God's children, to their equal dignity and equal rights, to their safety and success. That is how he approached his service as a Congressman as well. Those of us who served with John in this House and who were his friends know that he did not perform that work alone. And, therefore, I rise to honor, to thank, and to revere another good and faithful servant. His name, Michael Collins. We all know him. He was, arguably, John's closest friend, closest confidant, and greatest supporter. His Chief of Staff deserves great praise for not only all he did for John Lewis, but for all of us. Michael Collins was at John's side for more than two decades as his chief adviser, confidant, and manager of his Washington office. Michael did not just work for John. They were family. Not ``like'' family; they were family. Michael was like a second son to John Lewis, and all of us who are grieving with John Lewis' family this week have been grieving with Michael as well. A void will exist in his life that we should all help fill. Thank him. Michael was an example, Mr. Speaker, of the best of those who work for this institution, the House of Representatives. Those who sit at the desk, those who appear on the floor with us, those who work in our offices, those who work back in our districts, they do it because they love their country. And I know, Mr. Speaker, for myself, I love those who work with me. And my great benefit in life is they love me. We Baptists would call it an agape love; not a physical love, but a love of spirit, a love of soul, a love of vision. Michael Collins and John Robert Lewis were of one mind, of one spirit, and Michael reflected the best that was in John Lewis. Let us all do the same. Michael Collins can be an example for all of us. When I called John for the last time--actually, Michael Collins called me. It was Saturday, before the Friday of John's passing. And he put John on the phone with me. He said, Mr. Hoyer, John would like to talk to you. His was a weak voice, but a strong conviction, evidencing the courage he displayed throughout his life. And, of course, Mr. Speaker, I cried because I knew that it was probably the last time that I would talk to John. And I am so thankful to Michael Collins that he got me on the phone so that I could say goodbye to my dear, dear friend. It was a dear, dear friend, Michael Collins, who got him on the phone from Atlanta with me. As we mourn John this week, I have heard from countless people, telling me how much Michael made sure John never missed an opportunity to do good, to do right, and to do justice. So on behalf of us all, I want to thank Michael. Michael Collins enriched John's life as John enriched his. He took good care of our friend, and he was at John's side with such loyalty and good counsel for all those years. To him, let us all say: Well done, good and faithful servant. God blessed John Lewis with Michael Collins, and God blessed us all with John Lewis.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. I have spoken a lot about John. I spoke this morning about John and about his extraordinary chief of staff, Michael Collins, who was such a positive part of his life and who exhibits so many of the traits that made John Lewis a wonderful, good, decent person who loved all of his brothers and sisters, whoever they were, whatever color they had, whatever religion they pursued. John Lewis was the best of us, and we will honor him appropriately. He will be one of the few Americans who is laid in state in the rotunda, in the center of our democracy, in the symbol of a free people. John Lewis deserves that honor. He enhances that honor by being so honored. And I thank the gentleman for his comments.

Mr. HOYER. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman.

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Louisiana for yielding. Madam Speaker, I will say that on Monday, the House will meet at 9 a.m. for morning-hour debate and 10 a.m. for legislative business, with votes expected to occur, Madam Speaker, approximately 12 p.m. On Tuesday, the House will not be in session as we pay respect to Congressman John Lewis while he lies in state. On Wednesday, the House will meet at 9 a.m. for morning-hour debate and 10 a.m. for legislative business. On Thursday, the House will meet at 9 a.m. for morning-hour debate and 10 a.m. for legislative business. Members are advised that votes on Thursday will be postponed until 6:30 p.m. I know that all Members would like to attend the funeral on Thursday of our brother and great Member and great American John Lewis, however, COVID-19 makes a small-group-only possible. And we will be returning, which is why votes will be delayed until the 6:30 hour. On Friday, the House will meet at 9 a.m. for legislative business. Members are advised that last votes could occur later than 3 p.m. We got out earlier today, and I want to congratulate our floor director, Shuwanza Goff, who got us a schedule that is working very, very well. The suspension bills will be announced by the close of business today. The House will consider two childcare bills. H.R. 7027 would create a $50 billion Child Care Stabilization Fund within the existing Child Care and Development Block Grant. This would immediately address the problems childcare providers are having in staying open and covering their increased operating costs with limited revenue during this pandemic. The House will also consider H.R. 7327, Child Care for Economic Recovery Act. This bill would expand the availability of childcare by providing tax relief to families, providers, and employees, significantly increasing funds for the Child Care Entitlement to States programs, providing funds to improve childcare safety and infrastructure and ensure dependent care for essential workers during the pandemic and recognizing all childcare workers are essential. These two bills are obviously a response to the extraordinary challenge to childcare providers and those who need childcare services. In addition, Madam Speaker, the House will consider H.R. 7617, the Defense, Commerce, Justice, Science, Energy and Water Development, Financial Services and General Government, Homeland Security, Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, Transportation, Housing and Urban Development Appropriations Act, Fiscal Year 2021 appropriations bill. With that, we will have passed most--almost 97 percent, maybe 98 percent, of the spending requirements of the Nation for the year to come. Members are advised that additional legislative items are possible, which we will be discussing with the minority as well. Lastly, Members are further advised that conversations are ongoing regarding additional coronavirus relief legislation. Members should keep their schedules flexible for the week of August 3. Let me remind Members that are listening, and on the floor, the week of August 3 was scheduled to be a week where we would begin the August work period. However, the Senate is not beginning its August work period until August 8. It is very likely, therefore, that we may not reach an agreement on COVID-19 until that week. I want to tell all Members that it is the intention of the Speaker and myself not to go on a work period until such time as we have passed legislation, hopefully, in a bipartisan way, and sent it to the President and the President signs it, which will help the American people, American businesses, and our country meet the ever-growing, quickly metastasizing crisis that we are confronting. Further information regarding the timing of a coronavirus relief bill will be announced as soon as possible. I would simply add that I will make a determination, along with discussions with others, including the minority, next week at some point in time as to exactly how we should schedule. I think it will depend upon where we are in the negotiations and how quickly we can reach an agreement on COVID-19 legislation.

Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentleman for his comments. As the gentleman knows, we passed a bill on May 15th that included within that bill $100 billion for specific assistance--not from the State's excess funds, but specifically for educational institutions to accommodate the expenditures necessary to provide for safe schooling. I will tell you, I represent five counties. We only have 23 counties in Maryland. We have relatively few political jurisdictions in our State, unlike some, who have many, many and are smaller. All five of the counties that I represent, including one of the largest school districts in the country, Prince George's County, have decided through their elected school boards to open up virtually. And they are following the medical advice and the advice of scientists as to how that can be done. I think all of us hope that our children can go back to school as quickly as possible. I will tell the gentleman, I have three great- grandchildren, all of them in school. My granddaughter is extraordinarily happy with how the teachers of those three students-- one is in pre-K, one is in third grade, and one is in seventh grade-- how well the teachers have responded to the parents and to the children. But everybody wants to go back to school. I will tell you, I received a text from my granddaughter shortly after the President spoke about, well, you have to go back to school, and she said: ``He-pop,'' which is what she calls me--``He-pop, I am terrified about sending our kids back to school.'' We need to get an agreement. We passed a bill over 2 months ago through this House, and unfortunately, our friends in the United States Senate have not passed a bill, so we don't have anything to go to conference with. Unfortunately, yesterday, we learned that the Senate can't agree with itself on the Republican side of the aisle and has not got an agreement with the administration. So at this point in time, as the gentleman knows, we have no alternative, frankly, to discuss. But we are hopeful that that will happen soon. We are hopeful that at least the Senate Republicans will come to an agreement on an alternative they want to suggest, and then we can discuss that. Frankly, in order for the Senate to pass something, it has to be bipartisan, and there has been no bipartisan agreement reached at this point either. So, we will wait. Hopefully, there will be an alternative, and hopefully, we can move forward quickly.

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, let me respond to my friend. Obviously, if there is money that we have already appropriated that is not needed and not disbursed, I think the gentleman is right that we can reallocate that and repurpose that money. So, that can be part of it. But we sort of need to get to some parameters that the other side, meaning the Senate, can put forward. Secondly, let me say, I did, in fact, say when we were out for some period of time that I would give 72 hours' notice. I can't promise that today. The reason I can't promise it today is because we are going to have literally millions of people who are without help after the 31st of this month. As you know, the unemployment insurance goes out. In the HEROES bill, of course, we extended that unemployment insurance until January 31 of next year, as you know. What I can say and what I have told my Members is that if in fact we can't get an agreement, and it doesn't appear that we can come to the floor Monday or Tuesday, I think that is the 3rd or the 4th of August-- I think the 1st and 2nd of August are Saturday and Sunday. So, the 3rd and 4th or 5th, if we can't get an agreement before then, there is no point in having Members sitting in their offices, twiddling their thumbs. I agree with that. I will have discussions with you and with Leader McCarthy. We will certainly not want to keep your Members here just waiting while negotiations are going on. I certainly will assure every Member that they will have 24 hours' notice. But the need for action is so great and the consequences of inaction so harmful, that I think we need to act as soon as we possibly can. And that 48 hours difference may make a difference to a lot of people. So, I will give an assurance that there will be 24 hours' notice, but I cannot give a 72-hour notice assurance.

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his question and his comments. Let me say this. I think we have a different perspective on where we are in this country. In point of fact, I think there is reason for great, great, grave concern about what we see as an explosion, not just of testing. If it were just testing--but it is of hospitalizations and of deaths. We have seen a geometric increase in the number of sick people, not just because they were tested, but because of a very heightened number of sick people. There are some areas of the country which, frankly, leadership was very vigorous in imposing what some felt were draconian requirements, but which did, in fact, apparently make a significant difference in the transmittal of the disease one to another. So we see the situation as more dire. We certainly agree with you that we are hopeful to accelerate--we have made big investments in not only a vaccine but therapeutics. There are some therapeutics that seem to be working in some respects. The sooner we can get there, the more confidence there will be in the American people that they can reengage, that we can restart and not only see one another, but do business with one another, and commerce can be pursued vigorously. We are not heartened by the figures. I know our President talks about things getting better, but we don't see it that way. We don't think the figures confirm that, which is sad for our country. Therefore, we need to continue to take the precautions we need. But having said that, let me speak to the proxy voting. I know your side has been very concerned about the proxy voting. A, I don't think the proxy voting has made any difference in the outcomes of the decisions we have made in this House. B, a relatively small number--I know the last time we met, there were some 30. I am not sure this time, I think it is less this time. Let me say, I agree with the gentleman. I have talked to some Members. It is not for when you have another thing to do. It is not for doing something you would rather do. I can name a number of Members--I won't--on your side and my side who have significant health problems and challenges, either themselves or in their families, and, therefore, they are concerned about not so much getting together on this floor, but we don't live on this floor. We have places that we live and eat, and we go to the cleaners. So, it is not just on this floor where we have wipes and sanitizer and a way to keep us healthy, and we do wear masks, most people wear masks. Unfortunately, all of us don't wear masks, and I think that is not good judgment. But the proxy voting has really not made any difference in whether this House has been able to act. How long will it go on? Right now, we are seeing an explosion of cases, an explosion of infections. Certainly, during that explosion, it is no time to say to people--and, again, I almost want to mention names because you will know the folks. They are not feigning it. Most of them are somewhere around my age who are very concerned about their health, the health of their families, and the health of those to whom they will go home from here if they come here. I think the gentleman is absolutely right. Speaker Pelosi, myself, Leader McCarthy, Leader McConnell, and I think Senator Schumer, have all said, as you have just said, it is better for us to be here together, to interchange with one another, discuss with one another, to make suggestions to one another, to have that personal engagement that I think makes for a healthier legislative environment. But until we can do that with safety and ensure Members that if they come here that they will not be a danger for themselves or for others-- and the doctors advise us that the pandemic is still a danger to us-- then we will continue to follow this rule. But I want to assure you that I make it very clear to Members: The rule contemplates a danger to health to individuals or others, and that is why the proxy is available to them.

Mr. HOYER. Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, what I said to him was I agree with him on that point. But if Mr. Scalise wants to make it again, he can make it. But I made it to my Members. I agree. It is for illness. It is for the threat of illness. It is not for convenience.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. I congratulate her for her work over the years. She and I spent over 2 decades serving together on that committee, the Appropriations Committee, and the same amount of time serving on the Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies Subcommittee of that Appropriations Committee; and I enjoyed her insight and her wisdom and her hard work, and I thank her for what she has done for the committee and what she has done for the country. I also want to thank the Staff Director of the committee, Shalanda Young, who clearly is one of the most outstanding members of the Congressional staff on either side of the Capitol. She has been tireless in working with Mrs. Lowey to bring bills to the floor and, particularly with respect to our response to COVID-19, has performed extraordinary services. Frankly, but for the Appropriations Committee and its staff on both sides of the aisle, we would not have been able to do that; so I thank all those involved. Mr. Speaker, I am somewhat infamous, I suppose, on my side of the aisle with some other committee chairs and staff, for wanting to make sure that we do our work on appropriation bills. Frankly, there are so many important bills that this House and Senate pass and the President signs. Unfortunately, that hasn't been the case lately, but usually is the case. But these bills must pass. If the American people are going to continue to enjoy the services of their government, in so many critical ways to their lives, then the Appropriations Committee must do its job. We have been blessed that we have as chair and ranking member two Members who care about that process in Mrs. Lowey and Ms. Granger. I also had the opportunity of serving some period of time with Ms. Granger on the Appropriations Committee. She is a woman and Representative that I have great respect for and appreciate her attitude and collegial effort to work together. I regret that these will not be bipartisan bills. Frankly, I think it is not so much because of the appropriations bill as it is because of the context in which we find ourselves in Washington, and in our country today. The House is getting its work done for the people, and passing these appropriations bills well in advance of the end of the fiscal year, as we did last year. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, the Senate is on track to fail to mark up a single bill in committee, which may be the first time ever that that has been the case. Sadly, it is consistent with their not passing any other bills either, so 275 of our bills sit untended in the United States Senate. Why? Because, as former appropriator and former Senate Budget Committee Chair Senator Judd Gregg said: ``I don't see any reason why they should go to markup if the goal of that markup is to simply create political fodder for the election, rather than move the bills forward.'' That bleak assessment speaks directly to the harmful effects of Senate Republicans' policy choices, because in this body, and in the Democratic Caucus, we believe appropriations bills are a statement of our values and an opportunity to communicate them to the American people. We have a saying, all of us, put your money where your mouth is. And if you don't do that, then your mouth is articulating things that you may not really believe in, but you think it is useful for people to hear. This package contains important and positive investments in our people, our economy, and in our national security that reflect House Democrats' commitment to governing for the people and, very frankly, I think, for the most part, Republican values, which is why I am so disappointed that this will not be a bipartisan effort. It reflects our priorities for moving America forward and helping our people get ahead. This bill will help ensure that children and families receive the assistance they need through SNAP and WIC to protect against hunger, an extraordinary challenge in today's COVID-19-afflicted America. It strengthens our conservation efforts and ensures a cleaner environment. And we passed an extraordinary historical bill yesterday in a bipartisan fashion to accomplish that objective as well. In particular, I am pleased it includes funding for the Chesapeake Bay program, so vital to my State and to our region. We are taking steps as well to protect the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, and this package will require that the National Park Service will move any commemorative displays honoring the Confederacy, so that no American will be either humiliated or denigrated as they visit our national parks. The bill also ensures we provide resources to support our veterans, so critical, and across the board, felt to be a moral responsibility. We are standing with our servicemembers by prohibiting, frankly, the President from stealing funds from our military in order to build this wall that he said the Mexicans were going to pay for. Nobody believed it then; nobody believes it now. And he is taking money from our troops, from our military security, to build that wall. I am proud that this bill continues America's strong and robust support for our ally Israel. In all, this is a funding package of which our country and this House can be proud. It reflects our values and our principles, and it is focused on governing responsibly and spending taxpayer resources wisely. Sadly, it will, in all likelihood, join the more than 275 other bipartisan House bills languishing in the Republican-controlled Senate. We have a lot of new judges; we just don't have legislation for the people. I urge the Senate to do its part to avoid even the risk of another shutdown. Just a few 18 months ago, 19 months ago, we came into this Congress with much of the Government of the United States shut down because the previous Congress had not funded the government. I urge the Senate to do its part. Let's get the job done together for the people. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chair, I thank the ranking member, I thank the staff on both sides of the aisle, and I thank Shalanda Young.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, this is an issue of who we are as a people. Many women have spoken on this floor, but this is an issue for fathers. This is an issue for sons. This is an issue for brothers. I have three daughters, two granddaughters, and three great granddaughters. They must not be confronted with this kind of attack, and that is what it was. Some have tried to demonize the gentlewoman from New York who does, in fact, bring the intellect, the passion, and the focus on issues surprisingly that the gentleman mentioned yesterday in his non-apology. All the men on this side of the aisle are supportive of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and all of her sisters and all of her mothers as well.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the words of the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho). They were appropriate because the language we use matters. The way we treat one another matters. Mr. Yoho needed no apology for his passion about poverty and for the downtrodden, but he ought to remember and acknowledge that the person to whom he spoke so inappropriately was one of the strongest fighters in this Congress for those with the least, those who are downtrodden, those who are forgotten. Mr. Speaker, the apology was appropriate. I hope that Mr. Yoho feels that apology sincerely, and I hope all of us will take a lesson to think before we speak so harshly to one another. This country is a divided country. There are some of us who believe that our Chief Executive uses harsh language and inappropriate language directed at some of our citizens. We ought not to replicate that conduct. The apology was appropriate. I know that our colleague, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, appreciates that apology, but let us treat one another with the respect and dignity each of us deserves not only as a Member of this body, but as a human being.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Madam Speaker, it has been nearly 4 weeks since the House passed the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act. Leader McConnell and the Republican-led Senate, however, refuse to call it up for consideration or a vote. Meanwhile, the problem of racial injustice is not going away on its own. For millions of Americans, this issue is deeply personal, having experienced racial bias in our justice system firsthand. Most police officers, Madam Speaker, are trying hard to do their job professionally and serve their communities well, and there are so many exemplary officers committed to addressing head-on the inherent bias and the problems in the culture of policing that lead some to commit acts of misconduct. Still, millions of people live in fear simply because of the color of their skin and because of the history of police misconduct against African Americans in our country. Madam Speaker, we must never accept this norm. Indeed, in his last public appearance, John Lewis visited Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington and then encouraged Americans to stand up for social justice. He said this: ``We must continue to be bold, brave, courageous, push and pull till we redeem the soul of America and move closer to a community at peace with itself.'' His wise words continue to inspire Americans to be courageous in standing up, speaking out, and working to lift our country up to the highest of our ideals. In order to make sure that all voices are being heard in Congress and in this national discourse, I launched a website to make it easier for Americans to share their own stories, learn about the legislation we passed, and share their thoughts on our bill. It is a platform for people to contribute to this work of redeeming the soul of America, as John Lewis urged us to do. That site is JusticeinPolicing.us. Already, Madam Speaker, thousands of Americans from nearly every State have visited the site, and many have shared their own wrenching stories about why we need to pass this bill. One woman in my district wrote about how, as the mother of 2 young Black men, she worries every day about them encountering the police. That should not be the case in America. That isn't good for families. It isn't good for the police. It isn't good for our communities. And as I said, it is not good for our country. Another wrote about how her elderly parents were pulled over in Oklahoma because the officer couldn't believe that her African-American father was married to her White mother. Both were in their eighties. That was just 3 years ago. One person from Iowa posted about being a lifelong Republican who is tired of her party's failure to tackle police misconduct and systemic racism in our country. That person is right. And it is not Republicans alone whom I am sure she is concerned with. The Senate could act today on the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act. The Senate ought to act today. But it is sitting on Leader McConnell's desk or someplace else gathering dust while our site continues to gather stories of real lives impacted by these injustices. Madam Speaker, I hope Americans will continue to speak out and give compelling and concrete examples of why action is necessary. And I might say, we need to speak out on the extraordinarily good actions that are taken by our law enforcement officers as well. We need to be balanced. But we do not need to be balanced to the extent of ignoring the carnage that has occurred because of the color of skin. These stories need to be told. In his very powerful New York Times column last month on the five crises facing America at this moment in our history, the extraordinarily insightful David Brooks wrote: ``All Americans, but especially White Americans, are undergoing a rapid education on the burdens African Americans carry every day. This education,'' he said, ``is continuing, but already, public opinion is shifting with astonishing speed.'' It is right that it does so. The more we hear of the stories of personal experiences with systemic bias, the better equipped we will be as a Nation to confront this challenge together. As more people visit JusticeinPolicing.us to speak up and support this bill, I will be sharing their names and stories with this House and its Members, making sure that Members hear from their constituents on this issue. We are the people's House. We are the people's voice. We are the protectors of democracy, yes, of our Constitution and our laws, but the soul and character of our country are in our hands as well. As long as people of color continue to face dangerous and deadly systemic bias in our country, we will not stop pushing for the reforms that are so sorely needed.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I came in at the end of my friend from Louisiana's discussion. I have great respect for Mr. Graves and I have great respect for his concern, but, very frankly, the things he talks about have been pending in the United States Senate for 60 days untended. The leader of the Senate said the States can go bankrupt. The sense of priority apparently does not exist there, and that is regrettable. This legislation that I rise in support of is an important piece of legislation. If, however, it displaced any of those priorities of which the gentleman spoke, I would perhaps share his opinion. We are waiting for some of those priorities to be attended to by the Senate, even if they defeat them. We have talked about healthcare. We have talked about equal rights. We have talked about campaign finance reform. We have talked about energy. We have talked about so many subjects that are pending silently untended in the United States Senate. So the wringing of hands about this legislation pressing out other priorities I think is not accurate. It is accurate that this is an important piece of legislation that will do much good. And I thank Chairman Grijalva on the Committee on Natural Resources for steering the legislation before us through his committee and working with the Senate to get it passed through that body. Mr. Speaker, I also thank the ranking member for his concern about the maintenance and upkeep of our parks. He and I have spoken about that. I would especially like to thank Representatives Cummings, Sherrill-- who just spoke before me--Congressman Cox, Congresswoman Torres Small, Congresswoman Horn, and Congressman Golden for leading this legislation in the House, along with my good friend Mike Simpson from the State of Idaho. It should be noted that the bill before us today bears the name of our dear and departed friend John Lewis, who understood that conserving America's great outdoors and public spaces went part and parcel with protecting the legacy of civil rights. Mr. Speaker, he was, as you know, instrumental in protecting the childhood home, neighborhoods, and church associated with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., in Atlanta--one of America's great leaders--as part of our National Park System, using the Land and Water Conservation Fund as a critical tool in that process. The Ebenezer Baptist Church and its visitor center are among the many sites in need of repair today. It was, of course, in Ebenezer in Atlanta, in 1957, that a young John Lewis joined Dr. King and other civil rights pioneers to create the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. What an eerie and poignant coincidence the bill before us is numbered 1957. Mr. Speaker, I would like to think that John is still here with us, guiding us forward in spirit to continue on the good work he started in Congress some 30 years ago. Last year, when we enacted a permanent reauthorization of the Land and Water Conservation Fund--a great accomplishment of this Congress and, yes, this President--we made it clear that doing so was only the first of a two-step process. The second step was making sure that the Land and Water Conservation Fund is permanently paid for. That is what this bill does today, with nearly $1 billion annually in mandatory spending to sustain the fund and support critical Federal, State, and local conservation projects across this Nation. Mr. Speaker, not only that, but the bill creates a new fund that will help address the maintenance backlog in protecting some of our most iconic national parks. The impact of these investments will be felt not only in tourism and improved public access to our public lands, but also in a cleaner and healthier environment over the long term. In my home State of Maryland, we have used the fund to protect some of our most historic sites, protecting nature so that every American might have the same opportunity to enjoy the sanctity of nature or contact with our history. I was personally proud to have worked to protect the watershed and the viewshed of George Washington's Mount Vernon site permanently through the creation of Piscataway Park on our side, Maryland's side, of the river. We also used the fund to protect the Patuxent Research Refuge established to support wildlife research, Douglas Point in Nanjemoy, and countless sites throughout the Chesapeake Bay region. In all, Maryland has received, over the years, over $230 million from the Land and Water Conservation Fund to preserve our State's most treasured landscape and historic places. Mr. Speaker, this bill before us passed the Senate on a strong bipartisan vote 73-25--in other words, three-quarters of the United States Senate--and I believe we will demonstrate, hopefully, similar overwhelming support in the House later today. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to join in making this critical investment in America's public lands that will conserve them for the enjoyment of generations to come. I ask them to join me, as well, in helping to secure the legacy of our friend John Lewis.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from North Carolina, the former Justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court, for yielding. I am glad that I was on the floor to hear the remarks of the ranking member, Mr. Davis. I am going to bring up a quote. I won't get it soon enough to read right now, but I will read it. David Brooks wrote a column in the New York Times and he said we were facing five crises in America. One, of course, the pandemic. He said the second crisis was the crisis of confronting racism and the history of racism and slavery and segregation in our country. The observation he made was that Americans, post-George Floyd, have been riveted on the recognition of our past and the recognition of our present, and how we need to improve the treatment and the reality of equality in America. I think Brooks' observation will be proved today on the floor, Mr. Speaker, as we come together not in partisan disagreement but in unity of purpose, recognizing that our conscience and the conscience of America has also been pricked by the loss of John Lewis, who all his life fought for equality. Mr. Speaker, the Capitol Building is a sacred space for our American democracy. It is where we write our laws, inaugurate our Presidents, and say a somber farewell to great Americans who earned our respect, like Dwight Eisenhower, other Presidents, and Rosa Parks. Mr. Speaker, we cannot erase the difficult history and painful truth that this temple to liberty was built using the labor of enslaved people. But we can, Mr. Speaker, do everything in our power to ensure that how we use the Capitol today reflects our commitment to equality and justice for all. For too long, we have greeted visitors from here and abroad with the statues of those who denigrated these values by championing sedition, slavery, segregation, and inequality. As a Marylander, I have always been uncomfortable that the Old Supreme Court Chamber prominently displays a bust of former Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney, who was from my district, as a matter of fact, the county across the river from my house, Calvert County. Taney, of course, was the son of slaveholders and the author of the 1857 Dred Scott ruling that upheld slavery and said that African Americans could not be citizens. This was a man, Mr. Speaker, who, in his zeal to protect the interests of slaveholders and uphold a system of white supremacy, wrote an opinion that twisted the very meaning of America's founding. After quoting the Declaration of Independence, ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,'' Taney wrote this: ``The general words above quoted would seem to embrace the whole human family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this day,'' meaning 1857, ``would be so understood.'' He went on to say: ``But it is too clear for dispute that the enslaved African race were not intended to be included and formed no part of the people who framed and adopted this declaration.'' Of course, neither did women. In short, Mr. Speaker, Taney argued that, in his day, in 1857, people of African descent had come to be seen as human beings, but because our Founders in 1776 did not view them as such, Black people could never truly be citizens of the United States. What he was saying, Mr. Speaker, was that Black lives did not matter. And so, Mr. Speaker, when we hear that phrase today, that Black lives matter, it is fundamental to what America is and has become. Sadly, Roger Brooke Taney--respected in his time, the attorney general of my State, the Attorney General of the United States, the Acting Secretary of the Treasury--could not extricate himself from the false premises of the past. Abraham Lincoln was, as Mr. Davis pointed out, outraged at the decision he wrote, arguably, as my friend the Justice said earlier today, the worst case in the history of the Supreme Court of the United States. In short, Taney argued that people of African descent had come to be seen as human beings, but because our Founders did not view them as such, Black people could never truly be citizens of our country. Think of that, the blindness and schizophrenia of 1787 repeated 80 years later in 1857. One of the great facets of America is that we can grow. We change, and we can accommodate to better knowledge, better insight, and better inclinations. The past, Taney argued, bound those in the present to follow the errors of their forebears in perpetuity. Let us reject that premise out of hand lest the more perfect Union will never be attainable. What he could not or would not accept is that the passage of time allows us the space to grow as individuals, as States, and as a country so that we may see our faults and correct them, not repeat them. In Maryland, we have grappled with that difficult history of our State with regard to slavery and the Civil War. While our State did not secede from the Union, many Marylanders sympathized with slavery in the South and fought for the Confederacy. Mr. Speaker, I represent what was the largest slaveholding area of the State of Maryland. We grew tobacco and some cotton, but mainly tobacco. Early Maryland was built on the profits of slavery, and it sent individuals like Taney to serve in America's earliest institutions. Indeed, in his infamous decision, he drew on his home State's ban of interracial marriage as justification for his views. One of the ironies, Mr. Speaker, is that I was elected to the Maryland State Senate in 1966, and one of my first votes in January 1967 as a Maryland State senator at the age of 27 was to vote to repeal the miscegenation statutes in my State. Of course, the Supreme Court had ruled on that before, but we still had not repealed it 110 years after Dred Scott. Maryland today, like other States where slavery and segregation had a long history, is not the same place that it was when Taney wrote his opinion, nor are these States today the same places they were when many of the statues and busts of Confederates and segregationists were sent here to our Capitol during a period of intense and racially charged sectionalism. In recent years, Maryland made the courageous and correct choice to remove a statue of Taney from the grounds of the statehouse in Annapolis. I strongly supported that decision, as did our Republican Governor, Mr. Hogan, and our Democratic legislature. Removing a statue--as my dear friend of over one-half century, Mr. Clyburn, observed on this floor--does not erase history. That act by itself will not make right what was so terribly wrong in the past. But the statues we choose to set in places of honor are a reflection of the present, not the past. They show our fellow American and foreign visitors what our values are today. Our decision to remove statues of seditionists, white supremacists, Confederates, and segregationists and replace them with defenders of justice and equality shows that, as a country, we are capable of critical introspection and growth. That is our strength. That is the glory of America: working toward a more perfect Union. That is why I introduced this bill along with Representative Lee, Whip Clyburn, Chairwoman Bass, and Chairman Thompson, who sits in the chair today. That itself is a historic demonstration of the change that we have wrought. Not only could a Black man from Mississippi be a Member of the Congress, but he can preside over the Congress. He matters, and his life matters. Taney was wrong because, in the 21st century, we must not be Roger Brooke Taney's America anymore, nor can we be Jim Crow's. Our bill removes the bust of Chief Justice Taney from the Old Supreme Court Chamber and replaces it with a bust of Thurgood Marshall, a son of Baltimore. The irony is the Taney statue was on the east front of the Capitol, Mr. Speaker. If you turned around and went through the Capitol 5 years ago, 10 years ago, 15 years, if you went through about 500 feet and walked out on the west front, you walked into Thurgood Marshall Memorial, as you would today. He was our first African- American Justice. How appropriate it is that we honor him in place of Roger Brooke Taney. Thurgood Marshall is the face of our Maryland in 2020, not Roger Taney. Second, our bill no longer allows States to display statues in the Capitol of individuals who voluntarily served the Confederacy against our Union during the Civil War. Let me just say as an aside that none of us are perfect. Our Founders weren't perfect, but what our Founders did was create a union. The statues we are removing tried to destroy a union. Third, there are three specific statues in the collection of individuals who did not serve in the Confederacy but whose careers were built on the perpetuation of White supremacy and segregation. Our bill would require those statues to be removed and replaced as well, as my friend, Jim Clyburn, said, not destroyed. We urge nobody to tear down statues--to remove them, yes; to destroy them, no. They do not reflect the diversity and inclusivity of our Nation today, nor do they comport with our values as a nation that has reached a greater understanding of the principles enshrined in the Declaration of Independence, that all are created equal, and humankind, Taney admitted in 1857, would have been the understanding of that phrase. There are still, sadly, a lot of people in our country in 2020 who do not understand that our diversity is our strength or recognize clearly that Black lives matter. Taney forcefully argued they did not. He was willfully wrong. They do, and they must. I believe that most Americans are deeply distressed by racial injustice and want to see the progress of the civil rights movement continue. They want our Nation and our democracy to grow, mature, and become more perfect. Part of that process is making it clear through our symbols and public displays of honor what our country stands for and, as importantly, what it must never stand for again. So, Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join us not as an expression of partisan opinion but an expression of America's values to our citizens and to the world that we do not glorify racism, bigotry, and exclusion in the temple to liberty and in the land of the free. I hope our colleagues will join in making possible and making sure that all Americans, no matter their race, can come to this Capitol and know that they have an equal share in a government that is truly of the people, by the people, and for the people.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his remarks. Some in my generation remember the song ``Abraham, Martin and John.'' Then, of course, there was Bobby. All four were taken from us far too early in their lives. God blessed each of us, this institution, and this country by giving to John Lewis health for eight decades. He used that health and strength, mind and body, to serve his God, his faith, his country, and his people. I can say that John Lewis was my friend, but then again, we could all say that John Lewis was our friend and be right in that claim because John Lewis was a person who loved his fellow human beings. So many of you have heard me refer to John Lewis as the most Christlike person I have ever met. He was human, and he represented the best of humanity and all the positive attributes that humanity can summon. That is why you hear from both sides of the aisle, from all ideologies, from people of different colors, different races, different genders, different nationalities, and perhaps even different languages--certainly, different languages--for he was not just an American--though proud he was of that appellation--he was a citizen of humanity. Jim Clyburn said a little earlier today that we hear about Gandhi, and we talk about Christian values, but no one we know has lived and breathed who was those attributes, not that he believed in them or talked about them, but he embodied the best attributes that are in us all. We have a short time because time is limited, and so many want to speak because they were touched by John Lewis, because they were inspired by John Lewis, and because they were motivated and uplifted by John Lewis. Mr. Speaker, how lucky we are to be able to say that John Lewis was our friend. I knew John Lewis. John Lewis made a personal difference in my life and the lives of millions of other people who may not even know the name of John Lewis. Mr. Speaker, if I had another hour or another day or another week, I would not run out of good things to say about John Lewis. But his life and his contributions need no elevation from me or any others, for his life is a book of goodness, of courage, of commitment, of vision, and of great accomplishment. We sing the song ``God Bless America,'' and God blessed America and the world with John Robert Lewis. Thank you, Lord.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I have walked with John Lewis at least 15 times across the Edmund Pettus Bridge, where, with courage and commitment, he made a seminal difference in the life of our country. Many of us walked with him. As we followed in John Lewis' footsteps, I suspect my colleagues saw, as I did, that the man we knew to be a veteran legislator and a person of wisdom and experience still carried in his heart the same energy, optimism, and determined spirit that he bore in his youth. John never stopped being the young man who dreamed of change and knew it could be achieved. In that springtime Alabama Sun, he beamed with a passion for justice and shone that light back on all of us who marched with him. Even at 80, John Robert Lewis had the heart and fiery soul of a young protestor for a righteous cause, an organizer for the community and the country he served. Every day of his life, John marched for justice, civil rights, peace, and equality. On every step of his journey, he brought all of us and this country he loved with him. On Friday, John's march on Earth came to an end, and he was revered as a good and faithful servant. Now, Mr. Speaker, he rests in the bosom of God. He made sure that we know the way forward: Toward racial justice; Toward communities safer from gun violence; Toward a cleaner and healthier planet; Toward an America where everyone can access quality, affordable healthcare and where no child goes to bed hungry; Toward a world where peace and plenty replace conflict and scarcity; And toward an America whose people heed Dr. King's call to sit together at the table of brotherhood and sisterhood. Mr. Speaker, we have a long way to go on that march. But if we continue to walk in John Lewis' footsteps, we will make it. He would say we must make it. Our struggle to realize the beloved community was his vision and our mission. Surely, he will be with us as we continue that mission of the movement. Where he was the veteran at our side, now John will be the wind at our backs and, as the song says, beneath our wings. With his guidance and inspiration, we can, as he did, walk with the wind as we march on towards justice, equality, and peace until victory is won. He was our inspiration; he was our guide; he was our friend; he was our colleague. As I said on Saturday morning, there is a hole in the heart of America.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman, Mr. Smith, for yielding. I thank Mr. Thornberry, the ranking member, for his efforts and partnership in bringing this bill to the floor in a bipartisan fashion. I join the previous speaker in the premise that she posited with respect to forward-leaning, ready and able to engage and to participate as leaders of the free world in securing the benefits of freedom and liberty to our globe. I want to thank Chairman Smith and the Armed Services Committee for ensuring a fair and bipartisan process as the House worked to craft a defense authorization bill that strengthens our national security and reflects our Nation's highest principles. I want to thank, as I said, Mac Thornberry and Chairman Smith, who have worked together throughout this process. I know that Democrats and Republicans on the committee and, indeed, in this House share a strong determination to do right by our troops and those they serve. Let me also thank Chairman McGovern and the Rules Committee for working to ensure that this bill comes to the floor under a process that allows for Members to offer amendments they feel will make our national defense stronger, while making certain that our defense policies reflect the best of America and helps address our long-term challenges. We consider this bill in a challenging environment. COVID-19 has attacked our people, our economy, and our country in a way unknown to any Member who serves in this body today. None of us are old enough to remember, of course, the Spanish flu, but we know that it did not have the same consequences in America that COVID-19 has had. It is a reminder that we are afflicted, not only by those who would cause us harm through armed might, but also through illness, climate change, and other natural disasters. I regret that we were unable to include every item the Democrats supported as part of the compromise that will enable us to get this bill passed. But, of course, that is what a compromise is. It is unfortunate that we could not take up an amendment rejecting the Trump administration ban on transgender Americans serving in our military. As John McCain once said so correctly: I don't care whether they are straight; I just care that they can shoot straight. We look at conduct and character, not differences that are not relevant to our ability to respond and to serve. Ending that ban will continue to be a priority for House Democrats. While not all amendments that were proposed will end up becoming part of the final bill we vote on, in their offering, Mr. Speaker, they played an important role in shaping the House's legislation and will surely continue to add to important policy discussions that we need to have in our country. One observation I would make, Mr. Speaker, is that one of the aspects of COVID-19's assault on our country has been to have a somewhat attenuated debate and discussion. I have discussed with Mr. Smith and Mr. Thornberry on numerous occasions the need to have a very deep dive into the fiscal viability of our defense budget, as well as our domestic budget, so that we can ensure, in the future, that operations, training, and acquisitions do not suffer because of the lack of resources. I am hopeful that the final bill we vote on tomorrow and send to the Senate will reflect a positive vision for our Nation's national defense and that it can pass with bipartisan support. I urge my Members to support it. Our national security challenges are many, and they are serious. That is why the Democratic-led House will continue to do its job responsibly and to work bipartisanly to ensure that our Nation is kept safe and that those who serve on the front lines in its defense have all the resources they need to carry out their missions safely and effectively. Again, Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Smith and the ranking member and all those who worked hard, including the committee staff who worked long hours under very stressful and unprecedented circumstances. I urge, in closing, Mr. Speaker, all Members to support this legislation.