Steny Hoyer

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, let me add that this exhibition is not an abandonment of our Nation's policies toward Castro or his regime, nor is it a weakening of our resolve against the tyranny of communism. The proceeds from this game, in fact, will go to build baseball stadiums, not politics. But it is an opportunity to showcase what is common to the people of the United States and Cuba, a passion for the game of baseball. I want to join the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings) in congratulating Peter Angelos, the owner of the Baltimore Orioles, who has done so much for baseball, so much for Baltimore and is now doing so much to reach out a hand to try to bring better relations but doing so in the context of not accommodating a regime with which we do not agree but telling a people that is sometimes under that regime that we want to be their friends, if not the friends of their government. Governments cannot come together unless the people they serve find a common ground. This exhibition will not dissolve the differences between our two governments but it will allow the people of both lands to share in their common passion. Once again this spring, children in this country will pick up their bats and gloves and hit the playing fields with the same passion that has motivated children and lovers of the game for years. So too will the youth of Cuba. Their determination and effort will be directed to the game. They will be absorbed in the pitching and power hitters of their opponents not their politics. The Baltimore Orioles exhibition in Havana will allow the people of both countries to share their passions for the game and perhaps highlight what the people of our nations have in common and not the differences that divide them. It comes as no surprise to me that Peter Angelos and the Baltimore Orioles have led the effort to see this game become a reality and on behalf of the State of Maryland I want to thank Peter Angelos for his vision for baseball. A vision broader than the game itself which removes the barriers for all who share a love for the great game of baseball.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, on Monday, this Nation and baseball lovers around the world mourned the passing of the Yankee Clipper. Joe DiMaggio's career was certainly brilliant and worthy of the praise and the eulogies we have heard these past few days. As a testament to his career, many people who never saw him swing a bat or steal a base felt a sense of loss, a loss felt not only for the man but for the institution that he so nobly represented, the game of baseball. Baseball, Mr. Speaker, transcends generations. The names of Ruth, Gehrig, Mantle and Aaron are as familiar to baseball fans of today as they were during their playing days. Baseball also transcends borders, Mr. Speaker. The passion we Americans have for the game of baseball is not confined to this nation. That same passion can be found in many parts of the globe, including the nation of Cuba. On March 28, the Baltimore Orioles will travel to Havana, Cuba, in pursuit of that passion. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Baltimore, MD (Mr. Cummings).

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, when they point out that if we do not put ground troops this effort at trying to stabilize a critically important situation will not succeed and the Europeans will not participate, we can all say they should but we saw in Bosnia that they would not. My colleagues, I ask that the amendment of the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Fowler) be rejected, which I know is well intended and she believes strongly that it is the right policy, but it is a policy that will inevitably lead to failure of the effort to bring peace to the Balkans. It is an amendment which I think detracts from the Gejdenson amendment which tries, as I said at the beginning, to limit and make proportional our participation. I would ask my colleagues to reject the Fowler amendment, to pass the Gejdenson amendment and then to pass this resolution so that America continues to lead and continues to be the moral leader as well as the military leader of this world.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I rise in support of this resolution; in support of basic human rights, in support of doing the right thing for our country and for the people of Kosovo. I welcome this debate, Mr. Chairman, yet I fear that in undertaking it, what we have done today could have a very serious negative impact on the current sensitive negotiations on a peace plan. That is why I voted against the rule. The resolution, however, I pray, will be passed; that America, at our shores, will stand united; that the message we send this day will be that America is united in its conviction and in its commitment to face tyranny where it finds it. In addition, Mr. Chairman, I am hopeful that we will ratify and support the representations of two American Presidents, President Bush and President Clinton. President Bush said, in his Christmas warning to Milosevic, and I quote, ``In the event of a conflict in Kosovo, caused by Serbian action, the U.S. will be prepared to employ military force against the Serbians in Kosovo and in Serbia proper.'' That was George Bush, then President of the United States, Christmas 1992. Mr. Chairman, shortly thereafter, the President of the United States, William Jefferson Clinton, recommitted to that proposition set forth by George Bush; that Milosevic, perceived by this Nation as a war criminal, perceived as savaging the people of Bosnia, if he tried to do the same in Kosovo, would be confronted by America and, yes, by its troops. Mr. Chairman, today we hear that Robert Dole, the candidate for President of the United States in 1996, testified before the Committee on International Relations that we should not have this resolution on the floor. But if we did have it on the floor, as we do, that it ought to be passed. That sentiment was shared by Jeane Kirkpatrick under President Reagan, our representative to the United Nations, by Richard Perle, an assistant in the Department of Defense, known as a hard-liner, I might say. A conservative. Vin Weber, a member of this Congress, a close friend of the former Speaker, signed a letter saying that this action that the President proposes should be supported. And, lastly, I cite Caspar Weinberger, Secretary of Defense under Ronald Reagan. Mr. Chairman, America's strength has, in instances overseas, been our unit, our unity of purpose, our unity of conviction. It is clear that the Europeans alone will not be able to summon up the political will and, indeed, the military strength to confront this Bully of Belgrade, as referred to by Senator Dole. I would hope, my colleagues, that we come together today, as has Bob Dole and Bill Clinton, Jeane Kirkpatrick and others, and Richard Holbrooke, our perhaps next secretary of the United Nations--come together and say that we will confront war crimes when our Presidents commit us to that end; that we will support this President and facilitate the attaining of an agreement. Because to facilitate that agreement may not only save lives, but it will save the dispossession of thousands of people. The dispossession from their homes, from their lands. Mr. Chairman, this is a great country, and I would remind my Republican colleagues that when George Bush made a determination to confront tyranny and send troops to Saudi Arabia, there was a request on our side for a vote. President Bush asked Tom Foley, the Speaker of the House of Representatives--and I sat in the room with him--let us not vote now; let us support this policy so we can put together this coalition and bring peace and stop this aggression. Speaker Foley agreed to do so with the President of the United States. And, indeed, when there was a vote, I tell my friends on the Republican side of the aisle, as to whether or not we were going to then deploy those troops in Saudi Arabia into Kuwait, that almost half of our caucus supported President Bush. I hope we find that bipartisanship today. I hope we follow Bob Dole. I hope we commit ourselves to bipartisanship in foreign policy in confronting tyranny. There are those who say that the United States has no strategic interest in Kosovo, that we have no interest in the ``internal affairs'' of another country, that war has become a ``fact of life'' in the former Yugoslavia. Mr. Chairman, I submit to you and my colleagues that helping to resolve the crisis in Kosovo, as we have in Bosnia--stopping war in the heart of Europe--is a preeminent strategic and moral interest of the United States. The crisis in Kosovo, like Bosnia, has the potential to ignite the entire Balkan region, undoing what we have achieved in Bosnia and drawing in already unstable Albania, Macedonia and potentially our NATO allies Greece and Turkey. To those who say that the international community has no interest in the ``internal affairs'' of another state, I say that both the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the Helsinki Final Act to which the United States is a signatory, hold otherwise. Fifty years ago, the Universal Declaration on Human Rights shattered the idea that national sovereignty should shield governments from scrutiny of their human rights records. This concept had long insulated countries from being held accountable for the gross mistreatment of their own citizens. In the aftermath of the Holocaust, the declaration captured the world's revulsion of that traditional view of international relations and made clear a new norm--how a state treats its own people is of direct and legitimate concern to all states and is not simply an internal affair of the state concerned. Thirty years later, the Helsinki Final Act reaffirmed this principle. Mr. Chairman, the events which have occurred in Kosovo since the beginning of last year are but an escalation of the repression and brutality the Albania Kosovars have suffered at the hands of the Belgrade authorities since 1989 when Slobodan Milosevic unilaterally revoked the substantial autonomy Kosovo enjoyed under the old Yugoslav Federation. Of course, since the beginning of 1998 more than 2,000 ethnic Albanians--including women and children--have been killed, many brutally massacred. Hundreds of villages have been destroyed, and more than 400,000 people have been displaced. Make no mistake about it, this is ethnic cleansing. To those who say that what is happening in Kosovo is the continuation of centuries old ethnic hatreds, and that ``War has become a fact of life in this part of the world,'' I ask, what do you propose? Accept the status quo? Let the opposing factions ``slug it out''--let the bloodbath continue? I say this is totally unacceptable. Such a course legitimizes the violence--the murder, the ethnic cleansing--and accepts the premise that this is the kind of world in which we will always live. Mr. Chairman, Kosovo is not Bosnia. The situation on the ground is certainly different in many ways, yet both share a common suffering-- the scourge of ethnic cleansing, and a common curse--Slobodan Milosevic. The killing and devastation in Kosovo, like the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, are a direct result of the efforts of Milosevic and his thugs to maintain and consolidate their power. Mr. Chairman, the United States, NATO and the international community have made a commitment to bring peace and long-term stability to the former Yugoslavia. This is a long and difficult struggle, and any peace agreement will not be effectively implemented without NATO muscle. The United States must lead and take a strong stand against the enemies of peace. Mr. Chairman, NATO no longer confronts a monolithic enemy. The threats with which it must now deal come from terrorism and regional conflicts--like Kosovo. If we and our NATO allies are not willing to confront the bullies in Kosovo and lay the groundwork for long-term peace in that region, we will encourage such bullies and ensure that they will act again sometime, somewhere, That is the lesson of history we must not forget. Vote for H. Con. Res. 42.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I have great respect and very close personal friendship with the previous speaker. I have great respect for his intellect and for his knowledge with respect to the defense posture of the United States. He is one of our leaders on the Committee on Armed Services, and he has a view which is based upon a very thoughtful analysis of the situation. Having said that, he and I disagree on this issue. Now the specific issue, as I understand it, that confronts us is the amendment of the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Fowler), who is also my friend and for whom I have a great deal of respect, and that specific amendment, as I understand it, limits the Gejdenson amendment which tries to define the limits of participation of the United States in an action by NATO in Kosovo to ensure that the killing and the displacement of persons will stop and that an environment will be created conducive to the possibility of peace for the people of Kosovo, the people of Serbia and indeed the people of the region. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Weldon), however, spoke to the overall issue, not to the amendment, the overall issue as to whether or not we ought to support the President. I am hopeful that this Congress does, in fact, support the President. The previous speaker, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Bartlett), spoke of the Constitution. That issue, I would suggest, is not relevant at this point in time, because in fact the Congress is considering whether or not to authorize the President to participate with troops, with American force, in the implementation of a peace agreement. Very frankly, Mr. Chairman, I doubt that there is a Member on this floor who does not know and does not have a conviction that if America does not participate, there will not be an agreement, period. If there is not an agreement, the butcher of Belgrade, call it a civil war if you want, will continue to commit atrocities. We call them war crimes, genocides, the elimination of a people because of their ethnic or national origin. It occurred in Bosnia and we stood for too long silent. My friend, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Weldon) had a chart. He talked about 40 years prior to the end of the Cold War that we had 8 deployments. Do my colleagues remember what two of those deployments were in those 40 years? Korea, Vietnam; between them, approximately 100,000 plus loss of life. In the deployments that have occurred since 1990, we have been very fortunate. No one would have predicted so few losses of lives in the Persian Gulf. I have stood on this floor with some of my colleagues, and in many of the deployments the predictions of disaster were frequent and impassioned. That was the case in Haiti. That was the case in Bosnia, and that has been the case in other instances of deployment. Yes, the United States has a unique role and the world, frankly, is better off because we on this floor and the President of the United States and the American people are prepared to accept a responsibility that we would prefer not to have, but it is ours because of our might; it is ours because of our position in the world as the leader; it is ours because we are a moral nation that acts upon its moral precepts. Are we always perfect? Of course not, but all of us on this floor and every American can be proud of the fact that it is America usually, not always but usually, that raises the issue of humanitarian concerns, not solely economic or strategic concerns.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, every one of us understands the weighty responsibility to enable this government to put in harm's way young Americans and, yes, even older Americans, in the defense of freedom. John Kennedy said that this country would pay any price, bear any burden, to defend freedom here and around the world. I heard Jack Kemp on a number of occasions quote that very phrase on the floor of this House. It is not an easy undertaking, but it is an undertaking that saves lives and stabilizes this world, economically and politically. The amendment of the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Fowler) is spoken to by Jeane Kirkpatrick, Bob Dole, Caspar Weinberger and others.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the ranking member, or as I call him, the chairman in exile, for yielding this time, with all due respect to the chairman. I am particularly pleased that he yielded to me in light of the fact that I am supportive of this bill. Indeed, I am a cosponsor of this bill. Just a few days ago we passed the Hoyer-Portman bill on Federal financial assistance improvements, which gave to communities greater flexibility to access Federal monies. I say to my friend, he and I are absolutely in lockstep on wanting to assure that disadvantaged children are helped by Federal programs. As the gentleman knows, my wife, Judy, was supervisor of early childhood education in Prince Georges County. It is a 70 percent African American school system, as the gentleman knows. While it is obviously not a poor school system, it has pockets of poverty within Prince Georges County. It is faced with the problems of ensuring that we give opportunity and uplift to children who have been disadvantaged, from a lot of different angles. It was Judy's lament that one of the problems was that she had a child named Sally or a child named Joe, and she could not marshal all of the resources that we at the Federal level want for educational programs, nutritional programs, health programs, whatever they might be, marshal those programs in a way that would maximize their impact on those children. Really, it is that education from my wife, who was involved in and was principal of a school that was 90 percent, as the gentleman knows, African American, 3-year-olds and 4-year-olds, to try to make sure that we do in fact maximize and provide for every resource possible to help those children, because that is in the best interests of every American. I rise in support of this bill after talking to the Governors, who are doing a lot of things, and my own Governor, Governor Glendening. Mr. Chairman, Governor Glendening has used this Ed-Flex to, in one instance, bring a classroom from 25 to 1 down to 12 to 1 in a school that had 43 percent poverty, as opposed to 50 percent poverty, and use those Chapter 1 funds very effectively, and it has resulted in the substantial upgrading of the performance of those children on our State performance tests. I will vote for the Miller amendment, I want to say to my friend, because I share the view that we ought to have accountability. If we are going to give flexibility, what the taxpayer does expect of all of us is to ensure accountability with that flexibility.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, for the last eight years, I have sponsored a resolution for the Greater Washington Soap Box Derby to hold its race along Constitution Avenue. Yesterday, I proudly introduced H. Con. Res. 47 to permit the 58th running of the Greater Washington Soap Box Derby, which is to take place on the Capitol Grounds on July 10, 1999. This resolution authorizes the Architect of the Capitol, the Capitol Police Board, and the Greater Washington Soap Box Derby Association to negotiate the necessary arrangements for carrying out running of the Greater Washington Soap Box Derby in complete compliance with rules and regulations governing the use of the Capitol Grounds. In the past, the full House has supported this resolution once reported favorably by the full Transportation Committee. I ask for my colleagues to join with me, and Representatives Albert Wynn, Connie Morella, and Jim Moran in supporting this resolution. From 1992 to 1998, the Greater Washington Soap Box derby welcomed over 40 contestants which made the Washington, DC race one of the largest in the country. Participants range from ages 9 to 16 and hail from communities in Maryland, the District of Columbia and Virginia. The winners of this local event will represent the Washington Metropolitan Area in the National Race, which will be held in Akron, OH on July 31, 1999. The Soap Box Derby provides our young people with an opportunity to gain valuable skills such as engineering and aerodynamics. Furthermore, the Derby promotes team work, a strong sense of accomplishment, sportsmanship, leadership, and responsibility. These are positive attributes that we should encourage children to carry into adulthood. The young people involved spend months preparing for this race, and the day that they complete it makes it all the more worthwhile.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my very good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for yielding me this time. I want to thank also the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Smith) for his graciously asking for additional time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 28 and urge my colleagues to do the same. We must make it clear to the government of China that it will not be business as usual with the United States if they continue to abuse their own citizens. Some of us frankly have been voting that way consistently on MFN. The government of China rhetorically recognizes the universal declaration of human rights and, indeed, its own constitution and laws provide for fundamental rights. That is, of course, on paper. Obviously, and tragically, these laws are honored more in the breach than in the practice. In fact, according to the recently released State Department Country Report on Human Rights Practices in China, the situation has substantially deteriorated since President Clinton's visit in July of last year. Beginning in the fall, dozens of political activists were arrested for attempts to register a political party and engage in other political activities which we believe to be fundamental to the rights of individuals. Over 30 members and supporters of the China Democracy Party were detained, and three of its leaders were sentenced to lengthy jail terms in closed trials that flagrantly violated due process. The State Department report also reveals that the government of China continues to commit widespread and well-documented human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and mistreatment of prisoners, forced concessions, and arbitrary arrests and detention. At a minimum, Mr. Speaker, our government should take the steps called for by H. Con. Res. 28 and formally rebuke the government of China before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. Mr. Speaker, the Statute of Liberty stands at the gateway of America and says, ``Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breath free, the wretched refuse of your teeming shores, send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed, to me.'' Millions have come seeking freedom, seeking justice, seeking fundamental human rights. Mr. Speaker, we know that America cannot take all of the homeless, all of those tossed by tempest within our borders. But what we can do, and what we must do, as the leader not just of the free world but as the leader of the world committed fundamentally to human rights, we need to speak up, speak out, and act upon our principles, and make it clear to the rest of the world that we will not do business as usual with those who undermine human rights in this world. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I urge strong support of this resolution.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize one of Washington, D.C.'s most dependable and objective sources of news, WTOP Radio, which celebrates its 30th Anniversary today. WTOP has always been a prime source of information on major news events. Their veteran news staff has covered historical events such as the Watergate scandal, the Vietnam War, the Persian Gulf War and the recent impeachment and Senate trial of President Clinton. Throughout all of these turbulent times, WTOP has presented comprehensive, up to the minute coverage of events. In an era when some news outlets have diminished the amount of coverage devoted to political activity, WTOP remains committed to their format of bringing the latest developments on Capitol Hill to their listening audience. This, however, would not be possible without Dave McConnell, WTOP's Congressional correspondent. Dave McConnell has been working with WTOP since 1965 and has been doing a daily broadcast called, ``Today on the Hill'' since 1981. With this show, Dave talks directly to members about issues and developments that are unfolding in Congress. I have had the privilege of working with Dave for almost twenty years. A native of Washington, D.C., he attended the University of Maryland and went on to cover Prince George's County and Maryland politics when I was the President of the State Senate. I have always found Dave to be a fair, dedicated and knowledgeable reporter. He does a great service to the people who depend on WTOP for their news. WTOP serves a real need of the community, not only providing important political news, but also traffic, weather and sports. I know that all my colleagues join me to commend WTOP on 30 years of dedicated service to the community and wish them even greater success in the next 30 years.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, and I have no intention of objecting, but I will ask the chairman if he has any comments he wants to make with reference to the legislation.

Mr. HOYER. Reclaiming my time, I echo the chairman's comments, Mr. Speaker. I believe that it is appropriate in this instance for us to authorize the use of the catafalque by the Supreme Court, as the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas) has said, to honor someone who has given such long and honored service to the country. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. HOYER. I yield to the gentleman from California.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of this House most disturbing developments in Russia. Anti-Semitism rears its ugly head in public statements blaming Russia's current problems on the ``Yids''--statements not being made by neo-Nazi organizations or fringe groups, but rather by members of the Russian parliament. In November and December of last year, two prominent Communist Party members of the Duma, Albert Makashob and Viktor Ilyukhin, blamed ``the Yids'' and president Yeltsin's ``Jewish Entourage'' for Russia's current problems. Duma Defense Committee Member Ilyukhin alleged that President Yeltsin had committed ``genocide against the Russian people'' with the help of Jewish advisors. Equally as disturbing is the fact that the chairman of the Communist Party did not rebuke his party members for their actions, rather, he made excuses for their remarks. Sadly, Mr. Makashov continues on his rabid crusade. I have received reports that on February 22, while addressing a meeting of Cossacks in the southern Rostov region of Russia, Duma Deputy Makashov declared that an organization which he heads, the Movement in Support of the Army, was really the ``Movement against the Yids,'' and called Jews ``impudent and repulsive people.'' In December of last year, Curt Weldon, myself and others met with our colleagues in the Duma and expressed our great dismay about the anti- Semitic statements. In fact, many members of the Duma, as well as President Yeltsin, have condemned Makashov and Ilyukhin. Unfortunately, many Members have simply made excuses. What kind of message does this send to the Russian people at such a critical time? Mr. Speaker, these comments by leaders of the Russian people are despicable and must be condemned. I have joined with Chairman Chris Smith and other members of the Helsinki Commission in introducing H. Con. Res. 37, which does exactly that, and I urge my colleagues to support it. Mr. Speaker, looking for scapegoats will not resolve Russia's current crisis. More importantly, the promotion of hatred, anti-Semitism and xenophobia will not further the development of a peaceful, just and prosperous society for the Russian people. Democracy is not built on racism.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. HOYER. Reserving the right to object, Mr. Speaker, I will not object, but I yield to the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas) for the purpose of explaining the resolution.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I rise to simply say that, in response to my friend from Ohio (Mr. Portman), the administration is on its toes, but I am sure it is glad to hear the views of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Traficant) as well. I rise and will support this sense of the Congress. Clearly, as the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) has indicated, there are other criteria and there are other reasons why we move into this area or that area for assistance. However, I think the gentleman from Ohio raises a very good point and certainly his explanation earlier raised an issue of obvious concern, not only to him but to the country, in terms of making sure that those communities which have both high poverty rates and high unemployment rates should be a focus of Federal assistance so that we can bring up those areas so that they become equally successful to some other areas of the country, and I would share his view. He said a billion and if, in fact, it was a community that can raise $2.5 billion, it would be certainly not a community that I represent but a community that has obviously a lot of ability to assist itself. I think in that context the gentleman's sense of Congress does, as the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) said, make sense and I would support it.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) and I have discussed this amendment, and I know we discussed it with the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) as well. I want my colleagues to know that I very much appreciate the gentleman's focus on this and his concern with this, and hopefully this matter can be resolved. Mr. Chairman, it would be my intention not to object to the adoption of this amendment at this time.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I, too, rise in support of the amendment and agree that if you are looking at the amendment and you listen to the application of the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner), as applied to the amendment and its integration into the bill, I think it is clear. I want to join the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) in making it clear that one of the problems that we are trying to deal with is that every agency historically has had its own form with its special requirements, and it has been very difficult to get them to come to agreement on having a common form for common purposes. The staff correctly, and OMB, was concerned that we would have, as pointed out by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman), an interpretation of the language in the bill that said there had to be a common form for every application, whether or not there were similar purposes in that application. That was not the intent of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman), nor mine. However, it is, and I want to reiterate what the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) said, and I know what the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) and the committee agrees, it is our intent to have agencies come with a common form, come to agreement so that States and local governments can be facilitated in accomplishing the objectives that these programs are established for. The irony has been that, on the one hand, we establish a program to help kids or families or farmers or whoever, and we then set up procedures which impede that objective. So I, too, will support the amendment. I think the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) is absolutely correct. This is an amendment which will clarify it, but what it clarifies is that we are talking about similar purposes having a common form, and that will be required, not optional, and it will not be an agency option in the sense that they can decide, yes, we will do this. It is something they need to come to agreement on with other like agencies and like programs in establishing a common form. I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) for his leadership and for yielding.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the distinguished gentleman from Texas for yielding me this time. At the outset, I want to say how positive an experience it has been working with the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) on this legislation. He and I both believe very strongly that we need to move quickly in this direction, albeit we have 18 months set forth in this legislation, hope that we can move more quickly, but however quickly we move, we think this is a critically important objective. And I want to thank the gentleman from Ohio for his very, very outstanding work on this. I certainly want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Horn) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Turner) for facilitating this bill coming to the floor so early. Mr. Speaker, over the years Congress has created, as we have heard, hundreds of programs, 600 plus of categorical programs to help communities and families deal with the many issues confronting them. Each of the programs was created with its own rules and regulations. In some areas, local needs do not fit the problems specifically covered by categorical programs. In other areas, services overlap and duplicate each other. Right now, case workers spend far too much time dealing with red tape and paperwork. The Federal Government has created hundreds of different taps through which assistance flows; and communities, programs and families must run from tap to tap, in many instances with a bucket, to help the people that we want to help as well. My late wife, Judy, worked for the Prince George's County School System. She was the supervisor of early childhood education. She used to tell me about children in her program with certain problems. It was her belief that the staff should not have to run around figuring out which programs a child qualifies for and how to make the child's needs fit the money. The program should provide money which is flexible enough to allow program staff to concentrate on what they know best, taking care of children. As an appropriator, Mr. Chairman, I am particularly concerned that our tax dollars be spent efficiently and effectively. In 1994, I asked the Department of Education to convene a working group on coordinated services. That was 5 years ago. This working group, which met through 1995, included Federal employees and people from State and local governments and organizations across the country. In response to the recommendation of that working group, I began working on legislation, this being a result, along with work that the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) has done and now is styled as H.R. 409. The bill requires the Office of Management and Budget to work with other Federal agencies to establish a uniform application for financial assistance for multiple programs across multiple Federal agencies. Critically important not to have to deal with all kinds of different forms when, basically, the information we are seeking is the same. Secondly, simplify reporting requirements and administrative procedures. Again facilitate, not impede, dollars getting to the people that we at the Federal level, our State colleagues and local colleagues all want to assist. Thirdly, develop electronic methods for applying for and reporting of Federal financial assistance funds. Agencies, Mr. Chairman, are also required to establish a process for consulting with State, local and tribal governments and nonprofit organizations over their implementation of the bill's requirements. Quoting, the Federal Financial Assistance Management Improvement Act directs the director of OMB to establish interagency coordination of the collection of information and sharing of data. I think that is a critically important requirement. I thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman) for his help in enunciating this in statute. It is important. For example, OMB must develop a single information release form to facilitate the sharing of information across multiple Federal programs. In my opinion, the Federal Government has the responsibility of fixing the problems it has created. I have talked to many leaders of our government, Secretary Shalala at the Department of Health and Human Services, Secretary Riley at the Department of Education, former Secretary of Labor Reisch and others. There are so many agencies that have programs, for instance, that help children, but there are a multiplicity of programs. And for the person who is working with a child in Head Start who may have nutritional problems, health problems, educational problems, social service problems, it is a daunting task at best to try to figure out how you access. If we are successful in this effort, as I think we will be, in getting the government to have a uniform form for like services, then we will facilitate the objectives that we want to accomplish, which are now somewhat impeded by the bureaucratic maze through which applicants must go. In my opinion, the Federal Government's responsibility will be facilitated by this act. I believe that H.R. 409 will add a much-needed focus on the coordination of program requirements both within and across Federal departments. Finally, I want to thank some individuals who were instrumental in this legislation. We ought to certainly mention Senator John Glenn. Senator Glenn has retired now, but Senator Glenn was a major proponent of legislation similar to this and, in fact, had drafted it, had hearings on it, considered it in committee. He was a champion of this issue on the Senate side. Again, I want to mention the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman), who is the primary sponsor of this legislation along with myself. He has been tireless and effective in his advocacy of simplifying the road on which local governments and State governments and private agencies must travel to access funds so that they can carry out the objectives that we have set forth. I want to also mention Seth Webb, who works for the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Portman). He has been so critical, an extraordinarily effective staffer in getting us to this position. I also want to mention Ms. Catriona MacDonald and Ms. Lisa Levine, two of my staffers, former staffers now, who did such an outstanding job in working on this legislation and getting us to this point. Mr. Chairman, I am hopeful that this legislation will pass unanimously. I know there were a couple of amendments. The gentleman from Ohio and I have discussed those. Hopefully, we can dispose of those quickly and adopt this and send it to the Senate.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the Naval Surface Warfare Center, Indian Head Division, for their large contribution to the Combined Federal Campaign. In particular, I want to thank Captain John Walsh, Commander Michael Donch and Chris Adams for their leadership, enthusiasm, dedication and ingenuity. the Naval Surface Warfare Center, Indian Head Division, raised over $116,000, a 31- percent increase over last year. They were also able to motivate 1,120 people to participate in the campaign. Your contribution to enriching the Navy's culture of giving by planning and implementing a highly successful plan of action is most appreciated. Individuals will have better health, quality of life, education or a safety net because you took the time to care. Thousands will benefit due to your hard work. Your efforts are a positive reflection on yourself, the Navy and the Department of Defense. You demonstrate the military not only serves and protects but also is a positive force in the community, the Nation and the world. Congratulations on your fine success.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring to the attention of the House the following article about the Government Printing Office from the December 1998 issue of In-Plant Graphics which describes the GPO as ``Better Than Ever.'' As a case in point, the article describes GPO's first-rate production and dissemination of the six-volume, 8,327-page Starr Report from last September, a mammoth production job for which the distinguished chairman of the House Judiciary Committee (Mr. Hyde) has thoughtfully commended the agency. The article correctly notes that GPO receives little national attention. The fact is, we in Congress could not perform our legislative duties without the timely, professional, non-partisan support of the GPO. Nor could millions of our constituents enjoy an easy, no-cost path to over 140,000 government publications without GPO Access [http://www.access.gpo.gov], an electronic gateway to more than 70 federal databases. Mr. Speaker, as we conduct the people's business, let's remember that we could not do so without the support of many others, including the dedicated professionals of the Government Printing Office. The article follows: Better Than Ever (By Bob Neubauer)

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, this long weekend millions of children will have a day off from school--and many of their parents will have a day off from work. How many children, and how many of their parents will pause over this long weekend to reflect on the two great Presidents whose birthdays we will celebrate? George Washington translated a fragile, untested document--our Constitution--into a working system of government in which no branch appropriated unto itself powers beyond what the framers of our Constitution envisaged. Where George Washington could easily have chosen to be a monarch or a despot unaccountable to no one but himself, he, instead, devoted his twin terms as President to putting into practice the ideals of the American Revolution. President Washington never lost sight of a basic tenant of the Revolution that Government's power ultimately resides in the people, and that public officials are the servants of the public. Assuming office at a time of great peril and uncertainty, President Washington returned to Mount Vernon eight years later having proven through his example of restraint and leadership that the great American experiment had succeeded. But unfortunately, seven decades later, our country was wracked by division, anger and, eventually, a bitter civil war. The American experiment was suddenly imperiled. At times of great crisis, the American people have had the genius of entrusting the Nation's fate to great leaders. Abraham Lincoln, by navigating our country through the crucible of civil war, preserved the nation and extended Washington's vision of the American experiment. By bringing those previously enslaved under the protection of the Constitution and Bill of Rights, Lincoln promoted the concept that for democratic government to truly succeed, all Americans must be able to participate. Just last week we underscored the significance of full citizen participation by commemorating the 35th anniversary of the ratification of the 24th Amendment to the Constitution, which finally put an end to the poll tax. President Lincoln himself so eloquently described the American experiment as a ``government of the people, by the people, for the people''. On this holiday weekend, I urge all Americans to reflect on the wisdom, courage and leadership of Presidents Washington and Lincoln.

Mr. HOYER

Mr. HOYER. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, these can be businesses which do in fact have very significant risk factors attendant to their production or attendant to storage on-site of Hazmat material. I am still concerned, even in light of the gentleman's amendment, which I think is a step in the right direction, that perhaps we have not gone far enough if they believe that they can nevertheless say that, well, we did not think it was a risk, and therefore we did not meet the letter of the request, either of the local, State, or Federal legislation.