Mazie Hirono

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I rise in support of H.R. 8219, the Lahaina National Heritage Study Act. This bill requires the Secretary of the Interior to study the potential for Lahaina to be designated as a national heritage area. The August 2023 wildfires brought to the forefront how special Lahaina is to Maui, to Hawaii, to our country, and, indeed, the world. So many people responded with their support of the recovery of the people who were impacted by this horrific wildfire. A national heritage area designation could bring important Federal resources to help to promote and manage the historic, national, and cultural resources that are unique to Lahaina. And I want to thank Senator Fischer for her partnership, and I thank my colleagues for joining me in passing this bill, along with her bill today, so that the President can sign them into law and the National Park Service can begin working with the partners--all of our partners-- in this effort. And just to listen to my colleague from Nebraska talk about all of the people that she worked with to get her bill onto this agenda tonight really shows the importance of this bill to her constituents. And, of course, to the people of Lahaina, to provide this designation is a start in reinforcing how important Lahaina is historically. It was the capital of the Kingdom of Hawaii in the past. So I recognize that a number of my colleagues also have public lands bills that they hoped would be included in an ``end of the year'' package. It now appears that such a package is not going to happen. And while that is unfortunate, we should not let that doom these two bills, both of which passed the House with broad bipartisan support and have no substantive opposition in the Senate. Rather than seeing all similarly situated bills fail, we have passed these two bills tonight. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, today, I rise in support of H.R. 8219, the Lahaina National Heritage Study Act. I also want to lend my support to the bill that is proposed by my esteemed colleague from Nebraska. H.R. 8219 requires the Secretary of the Interior to study the potential of Lahaina to be designated as a National Heritage Area. The August 2023 wildfires brought to the forefront how special Lahaina is to Maui, to Hawaii, to our country, and, indeed, the world. The National Heritage Area designation could bring important Federal resources to help protect and manage the historic natural and cultural resources that are unique to Lahaina. I thank Senator Fischer for her partnership in supporting this measure, and I ask my colleagues to join me in passing this bill today so that the President can sign it into law, and the National Park Service can begin working with local partners on this effort. I just want to mention that it is very clear that both Senator Fischer and I have worked very closely with our communities in garnering support for these two bills, and no one is raising any substantive objections to these measures. So as we rush to finish the work of the Senate, I think it would be a very positive decision on our part to support these bills that nobody substantively objects to. So I hope that we can UC these bills. I yield to the Senator from Nebraska.

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I would just like to note that I certainly recognize that the esteemed chair of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources is working very hard to put together a bill that contains dozens of these kinds of bills that have been worked through the committee as well as by the proponents. However, the reality of time is that there are serious concerns as to whether or not we are going to be able to get the kind of agreement that the chairman seeks. Therefore, here we are with the actual two bills. And, believe me, if all of the other people who have similar kinds of legislation come to this floor and ask for unanimous consent, I will be happy to give it. That is all we are asking at this point--that these two bills are ripe today. Whether or not the chair is able to succeed in putting together this massive legislation that he referred to, I think, is very problematic, and I think we should, at least, take positive action on the bills that the Senator from Nebraska and I have worked very hard on. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I was absent for one rollcall vote on November 19, 2024. On November 19, had I been present, I would have voted yea on the Motion to Instruct the Sergeant at Arms to Request the Presence of Absentee Senators (rollcall vote No. 283).

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I want to thank Senator Murray for her leadership on reproductive freedom issues and my colleagues talking today about the IVF bill we just voted on. Once again, today, our Republican colleagues have shown us where their priorities truly lie. Despite insisting time and again how much they support the right to in vitro fertilization, or IVF, they just voted again, nearly unanimously, to block a bill providing that very right. For decades, IVF and other assisted reproductive technologies, or ART, have helped people who otherwise couldn't start families of their own. While some on the right like to depict IVF as some sort of new or untested technology, that is not so. The first baby delivered via IVF was more than 45 years ago. And since then, IVF have helped bring more than 10 million babies into this world. In fact, as a State representative in Hawaii in the eighties, I led the passage of a bill making Hawaii one of the first States in the Nation to require health insurers to cover IVF treatment. Earlier this year, I met Dr. Lori Kamemoto, an OB-GYN in Hawaii who, decades ago, helped deliver the first baby born in Hawaii via IVF. But now, thanks to the chaos created by Dobbs, a whole range of reproductive rights, including the right to IVF, are on the chopping block. Look at Alabama where the State Supreme Court invoked a ``fetal personhood'' law to call into question the legality of IVF, effectively halting IVF treatment in that State. Despite the fact that more than 85 percent of Americans support IVF, Republicans here in the Senate have now, on several occasions, blocked our attempts to pass a bill to protect IVF treatments. Apparently, Republicans' obsessions with power and control over women's bodies and our lives knows no bounds. Republicans insist that they support IVF but refuse to protect access to IVF. They insist access to contraception is safe and they support it, but when given the chance, refuse to codify that support into law. Frankly, can anyone take Republicans at their word when they say they won't enact a nationwide abortion ban if given the opportunity? We can't. They have shown us who they are and just how wildly out of step they are with the American people. As Republicans continue on their anti-freedom, anti-women crusade, Democrats will continue fighting to protect the right to IVF as we work to ensure people can make decisions about their bodies, their lives, and their futures free from government intrusion. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I want to start by thanking my colleague from Maryland, Senator Cardin, for pointing out the need for mental health services in our country and the disparities that exist in our country in providing such services. I thank Senator Cardin.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the following Senators be recognized to speak prior to the scheduled rollcall vote: Hirono for up to 10 minutes, Stabenow for up to 5 minutes, Klobuchar for up to 10 minutes, Murray for up to 5 minutes, and Schumer for up to 5 minutes. Further, I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum call with respect to the cloture vote on the motion to proceed to Calendar No. 420, S. 4554, be waived; finally, that the cloture motion with respect to the Kiko nomination be withdrawn and, at a time to be determined by the majority leader in consultation with the Republican leader, the Senate vote on confirmation of the Kiko nomination.

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, after Dobbs came down, we worried about what a post-Dobbs America would look like. Would other reproductive freedoms be attacked and stripped away, piece by piece, across the country? Now, 2 years later, we know the answer is yes. In Dobbs, the Supreme Court ``return[ed] the issue of abortion'' to the States and eliminated a constitutional right women in our country had relied on for nearly 50 years. We often refer to the States as laboratories of democracy. Sadly, these laboratories are now experimenting on women with dystopian results. This hellish experimentation has resulted in devastating consequences for women and families across the country who are now subject to State-imposed abortion bans. As a result of over 20 States enacting abortion bans--some without exception for rape or incest--women all over our country are being forced to travel far distances for abortion care or, worse, to continue pregnancies regardless of the risks. Their stories are horrifying-- stories like that of Kate Cox, a mother of two in Texas whose pregnancy was threatening her life and her ability to have more children in the future. Despite her deteriorating physical condition, Texas officials ruled that she wasn't sick enough to get an abortion, forcing her to travel out of State to receive the lifesaving care she needed. While Kate has the ability to travel, so many other women in her condition do not and are forced to suffer the unimaginable consequences of Republican's obsession with power and control. What is more, healthcare workers in States with abortion bans are living under a constant threat of criminal prosecution. When patients in States with abortion bans present with signs of a miscarriage, doctors are unable to provide emergency treatment--going against their legal and professional duty of care and years of expert training. As a result, many of these providers are fleeing their practices, contributing to reproductive healthcare deserts all across the country. The cruelty of Dobbs has also resulted in an increase in infant mortality in States with abortion bans, as women are forced to carry fetuses with fatal birth defects to term. Let's be clear. Abortion bans aren't about protecting anyone. They are about the right's obsession with power and control, plain and simple. But while Republicans continue their march toward a nationwide abortion ban, they refuse to be honest with the American people. Time after time, Republicans have come to this floor insisting that they support women's health, only to turn around and vote against bill after bill that would do just that. Despite their rhetoric, they voted en masse against the right to contraception, the right to IVF, and have consistently blocked any effort in this Chamber to protect women's fundamental rights. But still my Republican colleagues insist they stand with women. Today, they have the opportunity to put their money where their mouths are. The Reproductive Freedom for Women Act is straightforward. It simply expresses support for protecting access to reproductive health care. The bill is one-page long and does not codify Roe or enact any policy changes. This should be a no-brainer for anyone who actually supports women and our right to control our own bodies. But if past is prologue, it is safe to say Republicans will vote against this bill today, only to insist tomorrow that they are the party of freedom. Give me a break. Democrats, meanwhile, are determined to restore, protect, and strengthen reproductive rights, and we will not stop fighting until we succeed in this. That is why today I am proud to stand with my fellow Democrats in voting for the Reproductive Freedom for Women Act to support reproductive rights and health care for all. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today deeply concerned that the far-right majority on the Supreme Court is preparing to sow further chaos in our country. Any day now, the Court is expected to rule on two cases pertaining to the Chevron doctrine, a 40-year-old doctrine with roots that go back to our country's founding that is critical to a functioning Federal Government. The Chevron doctrine is pretty simple. It recognizes that Congress delegates authority to technical experts at Federal Agencies so that those Agencies can effectively and efficiently implement Federal laws in their areas of expertise in line with congressional intent. As a result, for nearly four decades, courts generally have deferred to reasonable interpretations by administrative Agencies where the law is unclear or ambiguous. In fact, before 1984, lower court judges were criticized for overriding agency experts and imposing their own policy views. That is why the Court handed down the Chevron decision in the first place. The Chevron doctrine was originally favored by conservative judges, including the conservative majority on the Supreme Court during the Reagan administration who viewed it as a check against judicial activism. In recent years, however, many on the right have turned against the Chevron doctrine, viewing it as an impediment to their efforts to consolidate power and enable far-right judges to legislate from the bench. Now the same far-right ideologues who fought to end Roe are all in for ending Chevron as well. Justice Gorsuch, one of the most outspoken critics of Chevron, has gone so far as to call for the Court to give the doctrine ``a tombstone no one can miss.'' The so-called Alliance Defending Freedom--the same group leading the charge to eliminate access to mifepristone, as approved by the FDA--has called for the Chevron doctrine to go, asserting without evidence that it allows Agency experts to ``impos[e] personal political agendas that Congress has not authorized.'' To be clear, this case is not about the so-called major question doctrine but about the sorts of day-to-day decisions that Federal Agency experts make when implementing law. Overturning Chevron would undermine these sorts of everyday decisions and, in doing so, jeopardize the regulatory system on which much of our country and our economy rests. It would empower the hundreds of individual Federal judges to overrule carefully considered rulemaking decisions by Agency experts, turning a consistent regulatory framework into a chaotic mess of conflicting opinions. At its core, this case is about who should be making policy decisions on issues that affect our lives--subject matter experts or Federal judges. Who gets to determine the safety of the air we breathe-- environmental scientists at the EPA or Federal judges? Who decides whether or not a new drug is actually effective--doctors at the FDA or Federal judges? Who determines whether nursing homes are meeting safety standards--eldercare experts at HHS or Federal judges? With no disrespect to our Federal judges, they lack the expertise to make these kinds of decisions. While Congress enacts legislation at a high level, it recognizes that the institutional capacity and expertise to implement legislation exists within executive Agencies. That is why our Federal Agencies exist--to implement informed, evidence-based regulations that provide a level of regulatory certainty and stability. Eliminating Chevron now, after more than four decades, would sow chaos and confusion on Agency actions moving forward as well as the nearly 18,000 Federal cases that have been decided based on the Chevron doctrine. Even if the Court stops short of fully eliminating Chevron, significantly narrowing it will have much the same effect. Overturning Chevron is yet one more component of the far-right's broader agenda to capture the courts, advance their conservative ideological agenda, and hollow out our regulatory system. The Court will hand down a decision in this highly important case in a matter of days, and we will see whether this case becomes yet another cautionary tale for a Court that has been busy overturning decades of precedent, sowing chaos left, right, and center. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, as we approach the 2-year anniversary of the disastrous Dobbs decision, I am struck by the chaos it has sown across our country. Last week, on this floor, I was joined by a number of my Democratic colleagues in speaking out against the Republicans' attacks on contraception. Despite the relentless attacks from my colleagues across the aisle that they actually support the right to contraception, when it came down to it, nearly every single Republican voted against a bill protecting the right to contraception. Today, I rise in defense of another tool that has helped millions of people across our country start or grow their families. This tool is called in vitro fertilization. For decades, IVF and other assisted reproductive technologies--or ART--have helped people who otherwise couldn't start families of their own. While some on the right like to paint IVF as some sort of new or untested technology, that is not so. The first baby delivered via IVF was more than 45 years ago, and since then, IVF has helped bring more than 10 million babies--10 million babies--into this world. In fact, as a State representative in the Hawaii Legislature in the 1980s, I led the passage of a bill making Hawaii one of the first States in the Nation to require health insurers to cover IVF treatment. That was in 1987, years before the iPhone, before email, before some of my colleagues in Congress were even born. And earlier this year, I met Dr. Lori Kamemoto, an OBGYN who helped deliver the first baby born in Hawaii via IVF. And yet, thanks to the chaos created by Dobbs, a whole range of reproductive rights are on the chopping block. Look at Alabama, where the State supreme court invoked a fetal personhood law to call into question the legality of IVF, effectively halting IVF treatments in the State. In this Chamber, earlier this year, Republicans blocked our attempts in passing a bill protecting IVF. The impacts of these concerted attacks are being felt far beyond the red States. In Hawaii, a doctor who practices in the OB-GYN field on Oahu reported that he ``[O]bserved an increasing level of anxiety among both [his] fertility patients and staff.'' So Hawaii being one of the first States to protect IVF and promote IVF, this doctor is saying that even his patients are seeing the impact of all of these attacks on our reproductive rights. IVF is a complicated process as it is, even under the best of circumstances. The last thing people trying to conceive need to worry about is being criminalized by some of the States I mentioned-- Alabama--because of the whims of far-right jurists and politicians. That is why this bill is so important. It would establish a nationwide right for patients to access IVF and other ART services and a right for doctors to provide IVF treatment. And, crucially, it would require and expand health insurance coverage of IVF because we know access without affordability is not true access. But my Republican colleagues appear blinded by their obsession with power and control over women's bodies that they are unable to support even this commonsense bill--again, indicating how out of touch Republicans are about the needs of particularly women in our country. It is disappointing, but not surprising. They continue to show us just how out of step they are with the American people. So today, the Democrats will vote to protect the right to IVF as we continue working to ensure people can make decisions about their bodies, their lives, and their futures--free from government interference. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I rise today in proud support of the Right to Contraception Act, straightforward legislation that would protect individuals' right to access contraception and providers' right to provide it. Our bill wouldn't force anyone to take or provide contraception if they don't want to, but it would help ensure that those who do can without the government getting in their way. As Republicans continue their assault on our fundamental reproductive rights, this bill is critical to safeguard the right of all Americans to access contraception. I look forward to saying more about this important legislation later on, but first I am glad to be joined by many of my Democratic colleagues who will come to the floor to speak on this bill. They know how vital it is that we protect the right to contraception, starting with my colleague from Massachusetts, my partner on this bill, Senator Markey.

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I want to thank all my colleagues who came to the floor of the Senate yesterday and today with the fierce urgency of now to urge passage of the Right to Contraception Act. This month marks almost 2 years since the Supreme Court's disastrous Dobbs decision, resulting in women in half the country having fewer rights than women in the other half of the country. What kind of a country is that? I thought this was a country founded on equal protection and equal rights--not according to this Supreme Court. Dobbs wreaked chaos in its own right, overturning Roe v. Wade and eliminating a constitutional right that I had for almost 50 years. But it also foretold more chaos to come. In his concurrence in the Dobbs case, Justice Thomas specifically called for ``reconsidering'' Griswold v. Connecticut, the 1965 case protecting the right to contraception. When a Supreme Court Justice says he wants to ``reconsider'' a case, that is a signal that he wants to overturn it. It is bad enough that they overturned Roe v. Wade's 50 years of a constitutional protection. Now they want to overturn Griswold. That is a 59-year precedent protecting our right to contraception. We have what I have described as an out-of-control Supreme Court majority that has no problem overturning decades here, there, and just about everywhere based on their ideological agenda. Justice Alito, meanwhile, respects his wife's right to make her own decisions, but he has no problem telling millions of women--the rest of us--what to do with our bodies. I mean, just think about it. Do you see the irony of it? Do you see the hypocrisy of it? And just this year, both of those Justices--I am talking about Justices Alito and Thomas--suggested that the Comstock Act, a Civil War-era law--Civil War, I mean how far back are they going to go--could be used to restrict access to reproductive care nationwide. This crusade against reproductive rights by these Justices and the rest of their cohorts, I have to say, really comports with the Republicans' obsession with power and control over women's bodies. As they work toward a national abortion ban, Republicans and their allies on the Supreme Court have given us every reason to believe contraception is also on their hit list. Republican States across the country have already blocked or rolled back access to contraception. You have heard from my colleagues. Virginia's Governor vetoed a right-to-contraception bill just last month. Earlier this year, Arizona Republicans blocked a similar bill in their State. Oklahoma's Legislature advanced a bill that could ban access to IUDs and emergency contraception. The list goes on. They are very specific about the kinds of contraceptives that we should have access to. So this whole desire that I really can't figure out on the part of the MAGA Republicans and their supporters on the Supreme Court really comes down to power and control over women's bodies. That is what it is. Madam President, contraception is healthcare--essential healthcare-- that millions of people across the country rely on, not only to decide if and when to become pregnant but also to treat medical conditions, regulate hormone levels, and more. And that is why the vast majority of Americans support the right to contraception. The current assault on women's rights is horrifying, but it is not new. Our country has a long and dark history of exerting control over women. For much of our country's history, women were denied a fundamental right to vote. They didn't have a right to own property. They couldn't open bank accounts. The list goes on. Some women of color faced forced sterilization and coercive contraception testing. That is the dark history in our country of controlling women and our bodies. These attacks on women and our freedoms were wrong then, and you would think, by now, we would have learned a thing or two to protect all of our rights--but not this MAGA-majority Supreme Court. The attacks we are facing today are a reality. The right to control one's own body, free from government interference, is as fundamental as it gets. That is why it is critical that the Senate pass the Right to Contraception Act. Our bill is simple. It would protect an individual's right to access contraception and a provider's right to provide it. It wouldn't force anyone to take or provide contraception if they don't want to, but it would ensure that those who do can, without the government getting in their way. It would ensure people can access the healthcare they need, from IUDs and birth control pills to emergency contraception, like Plan B, and more, especially for women of color, women with disabilities, LGBTQ people, and those from rural communities who have difficulty accessing this kind of care. They already face increased barriers to accessing contraception. This bill shouldn't be controversial, but Republicans have become so obsessed with controlling women's bodies that they refuse to protect even the most basic freedoms. To my Republican colleagues, I ask: What is with this obsession with power and control over women's bodies? Democrats know that women, not politicians, should be the ones making decisions about our bodies and our healthcare, and we are doing everything we can to protect and strengthen the reproductive rights of all Americans, including the right to contraception. We are going to vote on this bill today, and I urge all of my colleagues, with the fierce urgency of now, to stop taking away ever more rights of women in this country--women and others in this country--and vote for this bill. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I was absent for one rollcall vote April 11, 2024. On April 11, had I been present, I would have voted yea on the motion to proceed to Executive Session for the consideration of Executive Calendar No. 478 Ramona Villagomez Manglona, of the Northern Mariana Islands to be Judge for the District Court for the Northern Mariana Islands for a term of ten years, rollcalll vote No. 123.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, next month, the U.S. Mint will launch a quarter featuring the late-Congresswoman Patsy Takemoto Mink as part of its American Women Quarters Program, which celebrates women who have made significant contributions to our country. Congresswoman Mink, who represented Hawaii from 1965 to 1977 and 1990 to 2002, was a tireless advocate for gender and racial equality, and I am proud to have sent the letter recommending her inclusion in this program. Mrs. Mink's quarter will soon be in circulation alongside Edith Kanakaole's, another noteworthy woman from Hawaii who was honored by the American Women Quarters Program last year. Mrs. Mink can be defined by her incredible resiliency and drive in the face of injustice. Born on December 6, 1927, in Paia, Maui, she attended Maui High School and received a bachelor's degree from the University of Hawaii at Manoa. After being denied admission to medical school because of her gender, Mrs. Mink chose to pursue a law degree and devoted her life to fighting for civil rights. Over the following decades, her life was marked by an impressive series of firsts: She was the first Japanese American woman to practice law in Hawaii; the first woman elected to Hawaii's territorial legislature; and the first woman of color and first Asian American woman to serve in Congress. At each stage in her career, Mrs. Mink fought against prejudice and advocated for greater opportunities for women. While in Congress, she coauthored the Title IX amendment of the Higher Education Act of 1972 (Title IX). This landmark law, comprised of only 37 words, ensured that no person would be denied access to any federally funded education program on the basis of sex. Title IX, coupled with Mrs. Mink's Women's Educational Equity Act of 1974, gave women and girls unprecedented access to educational and athletic opportunities.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, today marks 6 months since fire tore through Lahaina and Upcountry Maui. We continue to see the heart and resilience of our communities as we recover and remember the lives lost. As recovery efforts continue, I am grateful to the thousands of people who have come together from literally all over the world to support our neighbors on Maui. Maui's recovery will take time, resources, and continuity of effort. I will keep working with my partners to ensure Maui has the resources it needs to recover and rebuild. Supplemental Funding Mr. President, the national security supplemental package we are debating demonstrates our strong support for our allies at a time of rising global instability, recognizing that an investment in our partners is also an investment in our own national security. While the funding for Ukraine, Israel, and the Indo-Pacific currently included in this bill is critical, missing from this bill is the text of the recently renegotiated Compacts of Free Association, agreements with the Pacific Island nations, Palau, Micronesia, and the Marshall Islands. In exchange for economic assistance, the Compacts of Free Association provide our country with exclusive military access to these countries and their territorial waters. With their strategic location in the South Pacific, these countries provide a strategic buffer between the United States and China. At a time of rising tensions in the Pacific, these compacts are a critical component of our ability to operate in the Pacific, especially as we work to counter China's growing influence in this region. Our military leaders have unanimously pointed out the importance of these compacts. Most recently, Admiral Paparo, nominated to lead U.S. military operations in the Indo-Pacific, reiterated the importance of the compacts in his confirmation hearing recently. These compacts date back more than 40 years, but our relationship with these island nations dates back to World War II. First agreed to in the early 1980s, the compacts have to be renegotiated and approved by Congress every 20 years. Over the past 4 years, U.S. negotiators have worked with their counterparts in the COFA nations to agree to new compacts that will govern our relationship with these countries for the next 20 years. Imagine, if we get this done with this bill, we will have accomplished what we need to do in our relationship in support for our compact nation allies for the next 20 years. These compacts have broad bipartisan support, including from both the chairs and ranking members of the Foreign Relations, Armed Services, and Energy and Natural Resources Committees. These are the committees of jurisdiction over these compacts. They understand how critical these agreements are to our posture and readiness in the Pacific. And the harmful message--frankly, the harmful message it would send if we do not get these compacts agreed to. Believe me, China is watching to see what we do in our support for our island friends. And, in fact, just this week, the Presidents of all three compact nations, Palau, Micronesia, and the Marshall Islands sent a letter to Congress in which they wrote: Although we understand the delay in the legislation's approval, it has generated uncertainty among our peoples. As much they identify with and appreciate the United States . . . this has resulted in undesirable opportunities for economic exploitation by competitive political actors active in the [region]. Of course, they are talking about China. As I mentioned, China is watching and would love nothing more than for the United States to fail to pass these compacts. Failure for the United States would present China with a golden opportunity to bring the COFA nations close to their sphere of influence, significantly undermining our credibility and ability to operate in this region. Beyond the serious national security implications of the compacts, nearly 100,000 citizens of the COFA nations live, work, and pay taxes in our country. Moreover, COFA citizens enlist in our military at higher rates than U.S. citizens. With this bill, we stand with our allies, yes, but the compact nations are our allies in the Pacific. We are not just talking about our allies in Europe. These compact nations are our allies in the Pacific just as important, just as important to our national security. We are introducing an amendment with strong bipartisan support to add to this bill the text of the compacts. And I thank Senator Risch, the lead sponsor of this amendment, for his leadership and partnership in this effort. As we work to support our allies around the globe, I urge my colleagues to stand with our COFA partners and support our amendment. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, as 2023 comes to a close, I rise to mark a year of historic progress for working people in our country. Since President Biden took office, we have created more than 14 million jobs, including 1.5 million jobs created in manufacturing, construction, and engineering. Meanwhile, unemployment has been under 4 percent for 22 months in a row--the longest stretch in over 50 years. And, across the country, we are seeing the labor movement reclaim its strength. After decades of declining union membership, working people are coming together to demand their fair share of the economic success our country is experiencing--success they make possible. None of this is happening by accident. These victories are thanks, in large part, to the commitment of the Biden-Harris administration and, to give credit where credit is due, to the work of Acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su. Since assuming the top role at the Labor Department earlier this year, Acting Secretary Su has played a critical role in supporting workers and finding consensus to move our economy forward. In June, just months after taking over the Department, she helped avert a potentially disastrous strike at ports all along the west coast. Had major ports come to a screeching halt, our country would have experienced massive supply chain disruptions, costing our economy billions of dollars. Such a shutdown would have been particularly chaotic for Hawaii, where the vast majority of our goods is shipped to the State. Gene Seroka, the director of the Port of Los Angeles, the busiest container port in the country, said Julie was ``a constant and reassuring voice of reason that has helped to keep both sides at the bargaining table and focused on resolution.'' In October, Acting Secretary Su helped settle a labor dispute between Kaiser Permanente and nearly 75,000 of its union employees who staged the largest healthcare strike in our Nation's history. After weeks of bargaining, Kaiser and its employees had failed to reach an agreement, endangering the care they provided to millions of Americans across our country. At the invitation of both parties, Acting Secretary Su flew to California to sit at the bargaining table and encourage both sides to continue talking in good faith. To help bridge the gap between labor and management and keep the lines of communication open, Acting Secretary Su was regularly moving from room to room, serving as a critical liaison in the negotiations. With her help, Kaiser workers reached a historic deal that included a record 21-percent wage increase over 4 years. Both sides agreed she was critical to reaching a deal, with the union calling her support ``instrumental'' and Kaiser's senior vice president of labor relations saying that Julie was ``able to get us to articulate where we have commonalities, not about a particular package, but about our interests in the employees, and in healthcare.'' That is what Julie does. She helps people find common ground, setting workers, businesses, and our economy up for success. But, even after that historic success, many continue to doubt Acting Secretary Su's acumen, with one labor economist going so far as to question her skills as a mediator. Let's face it: It is not unusual for so-called experts to question the leadership qualities of women, with little evidence to substantiate their criticisms. In spite of her detractors, just weeks later, Julie Su helped mediate a truly historic deal between the United Auto Workers and the Big Three auto companies, resolving the most significant auto strike in modern American history. Like Kaiser workers, with Acting Secretary Su's support, autoworkers secured a transformational contract--a contract that will see UAW salaries rise more in the next 4 years than they have in the previous 20. Shawn Fain, the newly elected UAW president, showed his mettle in these negotiations as the country watched. Significantly, he, too, praised Julie Su's leadership, citing her work to build trust between labor and management and encouraging them to focus on their shared goals. In addition to these and many other settled labor disputes, Acting Secretary Su is leading major initiatives to make life better for working people in our country and grow the middle class--from expanding overtime protections to strengthening apprenticeships and work training programs and much more. Julie Su's work speaks for itself. She listens; she finds consensus; and she helps those around her stay the course for as long as it takes. What more could we ask of a Secretary of Labor? Still, there are those who question Julie's ability to do the job, either ignoring or willfully dismissing her track record of successes. To be blunt: Sexism, racism, and double standards applied to women of color are all too common in spite of their denials all around. Julie Su has been doing the job of the Secretary of Labor for months, and she has been doing it well. But still, some of our colleagues cling to baseless criticisms, insisting she is unfit to serve. It is unfair to Acting Secretary Su and to the millions of workers whose lives she has helped to improve. Like the committed public servant she is, Julie perseveres, focusing on the important work of her Department. Along with millions of working people all across our country, I am grateful for all she and the Biden-Harris administration have done for workers, businesses, and our economy. This administration and Acting Secretary Su understand that workers are the force that keeps our country moving forward. With their continued leadership, I look forward to more wins for workers and our economy in the years ahead. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, we now have one week left until the Senate is scheduled to recess for the end of the year. While this year is quickly coming to an end, our work in this body is far from over, especially as it relates to our national security. Yesterday, the Armed Services Committee, on which I sit, released a text of fiscal year 2024 National Defense Authorization Act conference report. This year's NDAA contains critical investments in our servicemembers, our military infrastructure, and our national security at large. Importantly, this year's NDAA contains a 5.2-percent pay raise for our troops--the most significant raise in more than 20 years--and prevents large cuts to servicemembers' overseas cost-of-living adjustment accounts. The bill also includes several provisions I fought to secure to improve servicemembers' quality of life, including a pilot program to give military secretaries greater authority to replace substandard barracks. As we work to defend our allies and prevent conflict in the Pacific, this year's NDAA contains a number of provisions to strengthen our posture throughout the Indo-Pacific, including establishing a strategy for missile defense of Hawaii and the Indo-Pacific region, providing greater flexibility to bolster military infrastructure in the region and authorizing funding for multilateral training campaigns with our allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific. As home to Indo-Pacific Command and the tip of the spear of any conflict in the Pacific, Hawaii plays an especially important role in our common defense, a role that is even more meaningful today on the 82nd anniversary of the attack on Pearl Harbor. But as is the case across our country, much of the Defense Department's post-World War II infrastructure in Hawaii is in desperate need of repair or replacement. That is why I secured language in the bill directing INDOPACOM to provide a report to Congress on the state of all DOD infrastructure in Hawaii so that we can get serious about modernization. At a time of global instability, it is essential that we pass this conference report as we have every year for the last 62 years to protect our Nation and reaffirm our global leadership. The United States plays a key role and a vital role in supporting our allies across the globe. That is why the Senate is also working on a supplemental funding package to provide much needed assistance to our international partners, including two nations defending their rights to exist. For nearly 2 years, Ukrainians have bravely fought off Putin's unjust and brutal invasion with the support of the United States, support President Zelenskyy himself has said is essential to his country's success. But now, at a critical moment in this war, Republicans are holding up essential aid for Ukraine in exchange for unrelated permanent immigration policy changes. The Biden administration and the Ukrainians have been clear: Time is of the essence. And without United States' aid, Putin will likely be able to gain ground. Meanwhile, Israel is working to defend itself and its fundamental right to exist in the wake of Hamas's brutal October 7 terror attack. In the days following the attack, there seemed to be bipartisan consensus about the need to get additional aid to Israel as quickly as possible. But just days later, House Republicans opted to tie this much needed assistance to an unrelated partisan domestic policy demand-- gutting IRS tax enforcement. Republicans claim this proposal would offset the cost of aid to Israel, when, in fact, it would cost our government money in terms of lost tax revenues. The House Republican bill also neglected to include any of the White House's request for funding to address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. In addition to funding for Ukraine and Israel, the Senate package also includes language to renew the Compacts of Free Association, or COFA. These compacts--with Palau, the Marshall Islands, and Micronesia--provide the United States exclusive military jurisdiction in these strategic Pacific nations, critical to our national security, in exchange for defense and other benefits for COFA citizens. It is hard to overstate the importance of these compacts to our operations in the Pacific and to our national security. For the first time in nearly 30 years, these agreements also reinstate access to Federal benefits for COFA citizens, thousands of whom legally live, work, and pay taxes in the United States. The American people are counting on us. And, perhaps, more importantly, they are looking to us, watching, to see whether we can set aside partisan politics and do our jobs. If we fail to pass this supplemental national security funding package, it will send a message to our allies and adversaries alike that when it matters most, the United States cannot be counted on and this Congress cannot do its job. This is not a game. There is no backstop here. If we fail to do our jobs, people will die, our allies will suffer losses, our national security will be degraded, and our leadership role as a great nation that defends democratic values will be significantly undermined. I thank Leader Schumer, Chairman Reed, and those of our Republican colleagues who are working diligently in good faith to find a path forward on all of these priorities because failure is not an option here. With stakes this high, we have to get this done. I implore my colleagues to come to the table so we can do so. The world is watching. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I rise today alarmed at Republicans' demands for drastic anti-immigrant policy changes in exchange for continued support for Ukraine. For nearly 2 years, our allies in Ukraine have fought off Putin's unjust invasion with the support of the United States--support President Zelenskyy himself has said is essential to his country's success. But now, as Ukrainians fight to defend their country and democracy itself, Republicans are holding additional aid hostage in exchange for unrelated immigration policy changes. In exchange for one-time funding for Ukraine, Republicans are demanding permanent policy changes that would further weaken our broken immigration system. The proposal put forward by several of my Republican colleagues earlier this month would further complicate our asylum system and sow further chaos--chaos--at the southern border. This plan would require asylum seekers to apply for asylum in every country through which they transit--a clear violation of international law that would effectively deny asylum to almost anyone outside of Mexico or Canada who cannot fly directly to the United States. Similarly, raising the standard for initial asylum screenings, known as credible fear interviews, would require asylum seekers to present even more detailed asylum claims within just days of a traumatic journey to the United States, typically while being detained in DHS custody and without the assistance of counsel. By making it even harder for the most vulnerable to seek asylum, these changes would result in political dissenters and persecuted minorities being sent back to danger and, in some instances, to their deaths. The Republicans' plan would also make the situation at the southern border more chaotic by eliminating the President's parole authority, which the Biden administration has used to create safe, orderly pathways for nationals from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela to enter the United States. Eliminating this parole authority would force vulnerable people from these countries to make a dangerous journey to our border to seek protection rather than applying for protection in advance. As the only immigrant currently serving in the Senate, I know that the challenges confronting immigrants are not hypothetical. This isn't about statistics; it is about people--people desperate for opportunity and the hope of building a better life in our country. A plan that villainizes and degrades those seeking to enter our country is bad enough; but this plan does little to address the actual issues facing immigrants, failing to acknowledge the plight of DACA recipients, temporary protected status holders, and undocumented individuals living in the shadows while contributing to our communities and our economy. Just this month, the Judiciary Committee, on which I sit, held a hearing on how to improve immigration courts. Immigration experts shared meaningful, thoughtful ways to improve this key component of our immigration system. Disappointingly but not surprisingly, sad to say, none of the solutions discussed at that hearing are included in the Republicans' proposal. Beyond the problematic content of their proposal is the precedent that Republicans are attempting to set by tying one-time funding for Ukraine to permanent anti-immigrant policy changes. Pitting vulnerable groups against each other--Ukrainians fighting an unjust invasion and asylum seekers fleeing persecution--is a recipe for bad policymaking. Exchanging permanent policy changes for temporary funding all but guarantees additional Republican demands on immigration next year. There was a serious effort to enact bipartisan, comprehensive immigration reform in the Senate in 2013. I was here then. I had just gotten elected to the Senate. The year 2013 was the last time this body attempted to address this issue of a broken immigration system in a comprehensive way. To this day, I consider that bill that we worked on in a bipartisan way in 2013 as one of the most important issues and bills I have ever worked on in the Senate. Comprehensive immigration reform was needed then, and it is desperately needed even more now. I stand ready to work in good faith with anyone looking to meaningfully improve our Nation's badly outdated and broken immigration system. However, that is not what the current Republican proposal does. The American people are tired of rhetoric. They are looking to us to act. I believe this body has the ability to come together and enact comprehensive immigration reform, and I hope we--Democrats and Republicans--both acknowledge that the immigration system is broken-- can find the will to do so. We did in 2013, and we can do it again.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today because I, like the majority of Americans, am increasingly concerned about the legitimacy crisis at the U.S. Supreme Court. The Court consists of nine members who have lifetime appointments and can make decisions regarding the quality of the air we breathe; the exercise of free speech on the internet; the autonomy and control of our bodies; protection of our homes, cars, and cell phones from government intrusion. These are just a few ways the Supreme Court's decisions impact the lives of every single American every single day. These individuals with immense power, shouldn't they be held to the highest level of ethical accountability--not because we disagree with some of the Court's decisions but because its legitimacy depends on Americans having faith that those decisions are arrived at fairly and objectively, not influenced by money or special interests. Yet, instead of having the strongest ethical rules--or any binding ethical rules, for that matter--the Supreme Court purports to follow a ``collection of principles'' that are both nonbinding and weaker than the rules for government workers, for Members of Congress, and for many private sector employees. As we have seen, the Supreme Court's honor system for financial disclosures and recusals is woefully inadequate. This is not a partisan issue. Justices appointed by both Democrat and Republican Presidents have had ethical lapses. The public is paying attention, and now it appears there are sitting Justices approved by both Democratic and Republican Presidents who are publicly supporting an official code of conduct for the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court could have adopted such a code decades ago and could do so today if it wanted to; however, if the Supreme Court will not adopt a code of conduct for itself, then Congress has the constitutional power and responsibility to impose a code of conduct on it. This brings me to the topic of subpoenas. For months, my colleagues and I on the Judiciary Committee have worked in good faith to gather information about gifts of luxury travel and other gifts made to certain Justices to understand whether ethical violations occurred and how and when. We sought information from the millionaires and billionaires who made those gifts about the kinds of access they may have gained as a result. Despite lengthy negotiations, we have hit an impasse in our efforts with two of these individuals and their related corporations. Their refusal to provide the committee with relevant information leaves us no choice but to authorize subpoenas. We need information from these individuals to understand the extent to which Supreme Court Justices have failed to disclose gifts from parties with interests before the Court. Congress has a responsibility to craft and strengthen effective, comprehensive Supreme Court ethics legislation going forward. Some of my Republican colleagues say that issuing subpoenas to people who paid for luxury travel and gifts for Supreme Court Justices somehow undermines democracy. Those claims are preposterous. What undermines our democracy is Justices accepting gifts and appearing to use their office for personal gain. If the Court had done the right thing decades ago and adopted a comprehensive code of conduct, we likely would not be issuing subpoenas. We have a responsibility to ensure that the highest Court in the land adheres to at least--at least--the same ethical standards that apply to the other two branches of government and to pass appropriate legislation if it has failed to do so. Therefore, the committee should continue to exercise its constitutional oversight authority and authorize subpoenas. I yield to Senator Welch.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, thank you for your patience. I want to begin today by reiterating my sadness about the passing of our friend Senator Dianne Feinstein. Senator Feinstein's death strikes at the heart of so many of us committed to public service, as she was. A courageous trailblazer, she stood up to powerful interest groups on behalf of her constituents and the rest of us. She was a fierce legislator, fighting to ban assault weapons, defend survivors of domestic violence, protect our Nation, and much more. But she was also a thoughtful friend. Just last week, she wrote me a letter expressing her happiness that the banyan tree in Lahaina, badly burned by the wildfires, is starting to show signs of renewed life. She wrote: I hope that the beloved tree continues to recover and serve as a source of hope and a symbol of resilience for the entire community. I, too, share her hope. Maui Wildfires Mr. President, it has now been 6 weeks since the fires tore through the town of Lahaina on Maui as well as several upcountry Maui communities. As the whole world has seen now, those fires were devastating, claiming nearly 100 lives and destroying close to 3,000 structures, most of them residences. Our hearts break for all those impacted by this tragedy. Within hours of those fires, though, the Federal Government was on the ground, providing assistance and relief. In the weeks since, well over 1,000 Federal personnel have traveled to Maui to aid in the recovery efforts, and more than $125 million in individual relief has been distributed. Additionally, President Biden requested $4 billion in disaster relief funding following the fires on top of the $12 billion he had previously requested. As I said at the time, disaster relief has always had broad bipartisan support, and there is no reason the Maui disaster should be treated any differently. In fact, Speaker McCarthy agreed. When he visited Lahaina less than 4 weeks ago, he said: We want to get the resources to individuals that could rebuild their life. We've got to focus on the children for the schools, get them back into the education so they don't miss out. I couldn't agree more. This funding is essential to our ongoing recovery efforts, but now Speaker McCarthy, in refusing to stand up to the most radical faction in his caucus--I call them the chaos caucus--is endangering these resources for Maui and other communities impacted by disasters across the country. We just heard from our majority leader what is happening in New York City even as we speak. So, again, as we speak, the Senate is working to advance a bipartisan continuing resolution to keep government open, which includes $6 billion in disaster relief. While clearly not everything we need, it is a critical downpayment that will allow the Federal Government to continue its important work on Maui and in other communities impacted by disasters across the country. It will allow FEMA, the SBA, and the other critical Federal Agencies to continue their disaster relief work as we work to pass a longer term funding agreement. But if radical House Republicans shut down the government, that funding will be held up indefinitely. My colleague, Representative Jill Tokuda of Hawaii, summed it up well just yesterday in her testimony before the House Energy and Commerce Committee. She said that the people of Maui ``have gone through enough, the wheels of government must keep turning to provide support and resources, so they focus on recovery and rebuilding.'' By forcing a government shutdown, Speaker McCarthy will be abandoning the people of Maui--the very same people he vowed to help just weeks ago when he visited Maui. We are less than 48 hours from Republicans shutting down our government, and they have yet to even put forward a funding bill that they can pass. It is unconscionable. While these remarks are focused on the impact of a shutdown on disaster aid, make no mistake--a Republican government shutdown will have negative consequences for millions of Americans not just in disaster relief but on every aspect of their lives all across our country. This is not a game. We all want to know what it is going to take for House Republicans to grow up and realize that the chaos they are sowing is going to have real impacts on real people's lives all across the country. Meanwhile, the Hawaii delegation, as well as the bipartisan Senate, will continue doing everything we can to keep government open by passing the continuing resolution that we have on deck in the Senate and secure the funding for our communities--funding that is so urgently needed. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, over the next days and weeks and months, we are going to hear a lot about our dear friend Dianne Feinstein, and I am so glad that some of her friends from California and the Speaker-- former Speaker--Nancy Pelosi and her family are here to just be with us in these first moments of our learning of her passing. And we all have stories to tell about Dianne, but when I joined, for example, the Intel Committee, and she was chairing it, she said: Mazie, this is not a committee that you can just parachute in and not spend the time really learning about our intelligence community and all that--and I really took that to heart. I spent many, many hours on that committee, even though we could never talk about it. And then at one of the earlier hearings of the Judiciary Committee--and I really marveled at this. It was a hearing that had to do with guns, and I always associate, of course, Dianne with her courageous fight to ban assault weapons. And one of the newer members of the Judiciary Committee, as I was, chose that hearing to lecture Dianne Feinstein about her efficacy on guns, and I thought this was so untoward against someone who had spent so much of her time fighting for gun safety. But she just said: I have not spent all these years on this committee to be lectured by you, which I thought was really quite tactful. But later she said to me--she took me aside, and she said: Do you think I was too mean? Do you think I should apologize? And all I could think of was, Are you kidding? That was Dianne Feinstein. She was old school. She was very kind. And I am wearing a scarf that she gave to me. And you have heard some of my other colleagues talk about, if we admired something of hers, she would give it to us. Well, this scarf she was wearing at that moment, and I said: Oh, that is such a lovely scarf, and she just took it off and gave it to me. I wear this scarf often. In fact, we had to be careful about admiring anything Dianne had because she would likely take it off and give it to us. But this is one of the things that I will always remember about Dianne Feinstein, her courage, her integrity, her commitment to public service, literally, until the very, very end. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, tomorrow marks 1 month since the devastating fires that destroyed the historic town of Lahaina on Maui and damaged several of Maui's upcountry communities. These devastating fires and the events that followed have been harrowing for all those who call Maui home and the many more who have visited these communities over the years. Initial estimates suggest the fires destroyed nearly 3,000 structures in Lahaina, almost 90 percent of which were residential. It also leveled roughly 700 businesses in and around Lahaina's historic Front Street. Tragically, the fires have claimed 115 lives to date, with some 385 people still unaccounted for. These numbers are devastating and reflect the pain and anguish Hawaii is feeling. But this disaster did not simply impact a collection of numbers or statistics; it impacted a community of people, tight-knit and proud--business owners who served as stewards of family-owned shops and restaurants passed down through generations; immigrants who came to Maui in search of a better life for themselves and their families; firefighters who raced into horrific, toxic conditions to try to save a town they loved even as many of their own homes burned to the ground mere miles away; and so many more who called Lahaina home. As the onetime capital of the Kingdom of Hawaii, Lahaina holds great agriculture and historic significance for the Native Hawaiian community. For some families, their roots in Lahaina date back more than a century, with homes passed down from generation to generation. Others came from elsewhere, captivated by Lahaina's beauty and charm. And before the fires, Lahaina was a bustling seaside town that welcomed thousands of visitors every month. But in mere moments, all of that was destroyed as 80-mile-per-hour winds, fueled by a hurricane 500 miles away, propelled the fire through the town with unimaginable speed and fury. The devastation is difficult to put into words, as is the trauma this community is experiencing. Front Street, once vibrant with the sounds of music and revelers in the air, is now eerily quiet. The only sound to be heard is often the clanging of twisted metal in the wind. At the hotels where survivors are staying, parents are afraid to send their children to school, not wanting them out of their sight. I met a woman who escaped the fire with just a backpack of belongings--a backpack she now takes everywhere with her, refusing to take it off her back. I met hotel workers and others, especially a mental health worker who said that weeks after the fires, some residents and workers were so traumatized, they didn't even want to come out of their rooms. At the same time, at a time of grief and loss, residents have been subjected to disinformation on social media, likely coordinated by foreign government entities, to discourage residents from reaching out to FEMA for disaster assistance and disinformation that sows distrust in the Federal Government. It is an all-hands-on-deck effort to combat this kind of disinformation and make sure survivors can access Federal support. As we work to ensure the survivors of this disaster have the support they need, we are also working to understand the full cost of the devastation. According to initial estimates, the damage to property alone from these fires is upwards of $5 billion. Estimates for rebuilding Lahaina are more than double that. Rebuilding will take time, resources, and a continuity of effort. That is why I am so grateful for the strong response of the full family of Federal Agencies, more than 25 of which are on the ground in Maui with over 1,000 personnel. From FEMA and SBA to HHS, HUD, DOD, and so many others, the Federal family responded with speed to meet the immediate needs of those impacted. Within days of the fires starting, FEMA, working with the Governor, mayor, and local entities, was able to get thousands of survivors into hotel rooms, Airbnbs, and other short-term shelters. To date, more than $50 million in Federal assistance to individuals has already been approved. But we know this is just the beginning. Federal personnel have also been critical to the search and rescue efforts, coming from around the country to help search through the rubble and identify the remains of those lost. When President Biden visited last month, he made a commitment that the Federal Government will be there for as long as it takes to help Lahaina recover and rebuild as the community--as the community-- envisions. The $4 billion in additional FEMA funding the President requested late last week is an important downpayment on that promise. This funding will help ensure FEMA has the resources it needs to continue its critical disaster relief work not just on Maui but in other communities impacted by disasters all across our country. I hope it will pass with strong bipartisan support, as has long been the case for disaster relief funding. But we know, as I said before, this is just the beginning. In the decade since Hurricane Sandy wreaked havoc on New York and New Jersey, FEMA has spent more than $18 billion assisting impacted communities. FEMA's long-term cost for its response to Hurricane Katrina in 2005 exceeded $60 billion. Like those communities, Lahaina's rebuilding will take time and, as I said before, a continuity of effort. These fires took so much from so many, but the spirit of aloha--of love, kindness, and care for one another--continues. It is that aloha that brought our community together after this crisis, and I have faith that it will continue to see us through. I will be here, along with my colleagues from Hawaii--my other Senator, Brian Schatz, is here as part of our delegation--to fight for everything Hawaii and Maui needs to recover and rebuild, guided by the voices and values of those who call Lahaina home. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise to express my support and appreciation for Acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su and all she is doing to uplift workers and businesses across our country. Acting Secretary Su has been leading the Department of Labor for nearly 5 months. She previously served as Deputy Secretary of Labor. In both positions, she has shown her ability to bring people together-- labor and management--to resolve disputes. She did so to avert a freight railroad strike, and recently, as Acting Secretary, she helped avert a catastrophic strike at ports all across the west coast. Had major ports across our country come to a screeching halt, our country would have been subjected to massive supply chain disruptions, costing our economy billions of dollars. As Gene Seroka, director of the Port of Los Angeles, put it, Julie was ``a constant and reassuring voice of reason that helped to keep both sides at the bargaining table and focused on resolution.'' As she often does, Julie got the job done without fanfare or attention. She didn't ask for credit or recognition; she simply did the job. And that is what she has done throughout her career, whether while fighting for undocumented garment workers in California or helping the Biden-Harris administration create more than 13 million jobs. Julie Su isn't a politician. She has dedicated her life to fighting for working people and leveling the playing field between labor and Big Business. She knows that the work of the Department of Labor isn't about her; it is about the millions of working people who keep our economy and our country moving forward. Now, Mr. President, when I first immigrated to this country, we just had one suitcase, and our first home was a boarding house where we shared a single bed sleeping sideways. My mother's perseverance eventually enabled her to get a job at the Honolulu Advertiser, our local newspaper. And while the job was nonunion when she was first hired, my mother and her coworkers ultimately came together to form a union. It was then that Mom's pay increased, providing the stability that allowed our family to buy our very first home, and, literally, we entered the middle class. Unions are critical at a time when economic disparity continues to grow. We are seeing a resurgence of labor organizing across our country. From Honolulu to Hollywood and far beyond, actors, writers, teamsters, and so many others are organizing to demand fair pay, decent treatment, and basic dignity. At a time like this, we need a Labor Secretary who can bring labor and management together. Julie Su is that person. Julie has broad support from businesses and labor alike, garnering the endorsement of groups including the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, Small Business Majority, the AFL-CIO, and dozens of labor unions across the country. Given her experience, her qualifications, and those endorsements, it is hard to understand my colleagues' objections to her nomination, especially by those who voted to confirm her as Deputy Secretary of Labor in 2021. Over the last few months, Julie has endured lies about her record, condescending questions about her qualifications, and an unprecedented campaign by special interests--some big businesses--to deny her nomination. They are going so far as to put up anti-Julie Su billboards in a number of States, all to persuade certain Senators to not vote for her confirmation. In spite of this coordinated smear campaign, as far as I am concerned, Julie has a strong commitment to public service and to doing the job President Biden asked her to do. She will persevere. Like millions of working people all across our country, I am grateful for Julie's perseverance and her leadership. I hope my colleagues will, at some point soon, acknowledge her record of accomplishments, her ability to do the job, and support her nomination. Julie not only deserves our support; she has earned it. In the meantime, I know that she will continue to do her job, and our country will be better for it. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, earlier this year, the U.S. Mint launched the Edith Kanaka`ole quarter, the seventh coin in the American Women Quarters Program, which is intended to celebrate pioneering women who were accomplished leaders in different fields and who came from various backgrounds. She joins other notable women such as Maya Angelou, Anna May Wong, and, starting next year, Patsy Takemoto Mink. Shortly after the bill creating the program was signed into law, I was proud to recommend to the Mint that Mrs. Kanaka`ole be selected for the program. Now, people in the State of Hawaii and throughout our Nation can find her likeness on circulating U.S. quarters. Mrs. Kanaka`ole's story is truly remarkable. Her impact is widespread. Born on October 30, 1913, Edith Kanaka`ole, or ``Aunty Edith'' as she was commonly known, was an indigenous Hawaiian composer, chanter, kumu hula--traditional dance teacher--and a custodian of Native culture, traditions, and the natural land. She has been recognized within her local community, throughout the State of Hawaii, and now nationwide as being a preeminent practitioner of modern Hawaiian culture, language, and practices. One of Aunty Edith's many accomplishments was her direct influence in Hawaii's education system. Aunty Edith was instrumental in the creation of Hawaiian language curriculum for public school students at the Keaukaha School in Hilo, as well as in the development of courses and seminars at the college and university levels on subjects including ethnobotany, Polynesian history, genealogy, and Hawaiian chant and mythology. Aunty Edith was also a renowned kumu hula. She believed that oli-- Hawaiian literary chants--formed the basis of Hawaiian values and history. She started composing oli and choreographing hula, and, in the 1950s, she toured the contiguous United States, western Canada, and much of Asia with a hula group named after her daughter Nalani. She went on to found her own halau--hula school--Halau O Kekuhi, which is still in operation today. In 1979, Aunty Edith received the Distinction of Cultural Leadership Award, the State of Hawaii's highest honor. It is given to individuals who have made significant outstanding lifetime contributions to Hawaii in areas of culture, arts, and humanities. Aunty Edith passed away on October 3, 1979, but her legacy lives on through her family, community, and the Edith Kanaka`ole Foundation, a Hawaiian culture-based, nonprofit organization dedicated to maintaining and perpetuating cultural education and traditional practices. A line from one of her most famous oli, ``E ho mai ka ike,'' is inscribed on the reverse side of the Edith Kanaka`ole quarter and translated as ``granting the wisdom.'' I cannot think of a better phrase to encapsulate Aunty Edith's legacy. Mahalo, Aunty Edith, for all your contributions to our State and this Nation.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, this week marks the 1-year anniversary of the Supreme Court's Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade. This disastrous decision has sown chaos and confusion across the country and led to dozens of States restricting or banning abortion care. Republicans are obsessed with banning abortion nationwide, and they are using every vehicle possible to advance their radical anti-abortion agenda. Tomorrow, my colleagues and I on the Armed Services Committee will begin our markup of the fiscal year 2024 National Defense Authorization Act. The NDAA is an annual bill that sets our Nation's defense policy. Despite our differences, Congress has come together to pass an NDAA on a bipartisan basis every year for the last 62 years. While Republicans and Democrats may disagree about military policy, we have always kept the readiness of our forces above politics. From combating threats abroad to rebuilding DOD infrastructure at home, we have no shortage of important issues to work through in this year's bill, but right now my Republican colleagues are threatening to derail the bill by injecting anti-abortion provisions into a bill that has nothing to do with abortion. After the Supreme Court's disastrous Dobbs decision, the Department of Defense clarified their travel policy to enable servicemembers stationed in States with abortion restrictions to travel in order to receive reproductive care. This updated travel policy in no way, shape, or form authorizes the DOD to pay for abortion care. There is no language in these provisions that pays for abortion. They simply allow servicemembers to access care they would otherwise be able to access but for being stationed in States that do not allow such care. My Republican colleagues are hell-bent on outlawing abortion nationwide and exerting control over servicemembers' freedom by preventing their travel to receive healthcare. Amending the NDAA is just one way to impose their will on the Department of Defense. In another example, one of my Republican colleagues on the committee currently has a hold on more than 250 general and flag officer promotions within the Department of Defense because he objects to the DOD's travel policy and wants to make a point about his displeasure. The Secretary of Defense as well as Secretaries of the Army, Navy, and Air Force have all testified that these holds impact our national security. Radical Republicans are pandering to their MAGA base, and the American people will pay the price. While the Republicans continue their anti-abortion crusade, we should be working to craft an NDAA that addresses the real challenges our servicemembers face and gives them the resources they need to continue protecting our Nation, including access to healthcare. That is what I will be focused on when we begin our markup tomorrow, and I urge my Republican colleagues to join us in this important task in the NDAA markup that will begin tomorrow. Our servicemembers and the American people are counting on us to get this job done. I yield the floor.