Mazie Hirono

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President.

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today in strong support of Dilawar Syed's nomination to serve as Deputy Administrator of the Small Business Administration. I have a letter of support from the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus that I would ask unanimous consent to have printed into the Record.

Ms. HIRONO. In the midst of the pandemic, what is normally a very bipartisan small business committee, Republicans are blocking Mr. Syed's nomination. This is particularly egregious behavior by Republicans on the committee because Mr. Syed is exceptionally qualified to hold this position and is widely supported by business groups and communities across the country. In fact, let me read a paragraph from the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus letter that I just mentioned. I am reading from the letter: Mr. Syed's nomination has the support of more than 150 civic, government, higher education and business leaders and organizations, including endorsements from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, U.S. Black Chambers, National Asian/Pacific Islander American Chamber of Commerce & Entrepreneurship, Small Business Roundtable, Anti-Defamation League, American Jewish Congress, and many others. Upon confirmation, Mr. Syed would become the highest ranking Muslim American in the Biden administration to date, as well as one of the highest ranking AAPIs. Republicans have continued to block this nomination for months. Earlier this summer, they disputed the results of a meeting the committee had to advance the nomination. Since then, they have refused to show up for three other meetings, including one we held last week, denying the necessary quorum for a vote to be taken. The reasons for blocking Mr. Syed's nomination have changed over time. First, they were concerned about SBA loans his company received during the pandemic, even though these loans were lawful and fully repaid before he was nominated. Then they insinuated he was somehow anti-Jewish and anti-Israel--note the groups that I read that have supported him--despite his widespread support in these communities. And now, they are concerned about lawful SBA loans to Planned Parenthood Health Centers, something that Mr. Syed certainly had no control over. Throughout the last several months, Mr. Syed has repeatedly made himself available to address any concerns my colleagues might have about his background or qualifications, things that clearly matter in his ability to do the job. It boggles the mind that Republicans are blocking someone who is the very picture of the American dream: an entrepreneur, a job creator who was born in Pakistan and educated in America, who understands firsthand the challenges businesses have faced during this pandemic. Mr. Syed would be an asset to SBA and the businesses they serve, our own constituents. Every day that Republicans continue their obstruction, they are doing a disservice to these businesses who can least afford this uncertainty and turmoil in this moment. Mr. Syed deserves fair consideration. Republican efforts to block not just this nomination but so many others for the simple reason that they want to slow the process so that this administration can have people in place who can actually do the job to help the American people--enough is enough. I just say to the Republicans: You know, put your votes where your mouths are. You say you support small businesses; you say you support this, that, and the other thing; and yet you will not let this administration get on with their job to do what is necessary to help small businesses, to help our communities, in the midst of an ongoing pandemic. It boggles the mind. I say: Act like the Senators you are, who were sent here to do your job, and let's get on with this nomination. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Coffee Plant Health Initiative Amendments Act, a bill that allows the Secretary of Agriculture to provide research and extension grants for the purposes of protecting coffee plants from outside threats such as invasive pests and weeds. Coffee serves as a cornerstone of Hawaii's agricultural industry, both in terms of culture and economics. Coffee has been grown in Hawaii for almost 200 years and is revered all over the world for exceptional quality and taste. Coffee is grown on every main island in Hawaii, with half of the acreage on Hawaii Island and the other half spread across Kauai, Oahu, Maui, Molokai, and Lanai. Hawaii remains the largest grower of coffee in the United States, with over 27 million pounds produced and yielding just over $54 million during the 2019-2020 season. Like all natural ecosystems in Hawaii, coffee production has experienced numerous threats from pests and weeds. These include the black twig borer, root-knot nematode, green scale, crab spider, coffee berry borer, and coffee leaf rust, to name a few. In response to the 2010 arrival of the coffee berry borer in Hawaii, I successfully included the coffee plant health initiative provision in the 2014 farm bill. This provision allowed the Secretary of Agriculture to provide research and extension grants to help the coffee community combat the coffee berry borer. The resulting Federal assistance provided has been instrumental in providing coffee producers the tools they need to protect their coffee crops from the coffee berry borer. Within the past year another coffee pest has emerged in Hawaii, a fungus known as Coffee Leaf Rust. Like the coffee berry borer, Federal funds are needed to research and develop pest management strategies to equip coffee producers with the knowledge and tools necessary to safeguard their coffee yields. This bill builds upon the 2014 farm bill coffee plant health initiative provision by expanding the scope of research and extension grants to all invasive pests and noxious weeds threatening the coffee industry, not just the coffee berry borer. While our researchers and coffee growers are currently battling coffee leaf rust, future pest and weeds not currently in Hawaii, like the Coffee Leaf Miner and Coffee Wilt Disease, are likely to emerge. This expansion of the coffee plant health initiative will provide much needed Federal resources to help our coffee community quickly respond to the myriad pests waiting in the wings. This bill is supported by the University of Hawaii at Manoa College of Tropical Agriculture and Human Resources, the Hawaii Coffee Association, the Kau Coffee Growers Cooperative, Kauai Coffee Company, LLC, Puerto Rico Coffee Roasters, LLC, and the Puerto Rico Farm Bureau.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Coffee Plant Health Initiative Amendments Act, a bill that allows the Secretary of Agriculture to provide research and extension grants for the purposes of protecting coffee plants from outside threats such as invasive pests and weeds. Coffee serves as a cornerstone of Hawaii's agricultural industry, both in terms of culture and economics. Coffee has been grown in Hawaii for almost 200 years and is revered all over the world for exceptional quality and taste. Coffee is grown on every main island in Hawaii, with half of the acreage on Hawaii Island and the other half spread across Kauai, Oahu, Maui, Molokai, and Lanai. Hawaii remains the largest grower of coffee in the United States, with over 27 million pounds produced and yielding just over $54 million during the 2019-2020 season. Like all natural ecosystems in Hawaii, coffee production has experienced numerous threats from pests and weeds. These include the black twig borer, root-knot nematode, green scale, crab spider, coffee berry borer, and coffee leaf rust, to name a few. In response to the 2010 arrival of the coffee berry borer in Hawaii, I successfully included the coffee plant health initiative provision in the 2014 farm bill. This provision allowed the Secretary of Agriculture to provide research and extension grants to help the coffee community combat the coffee berry borer. The resulting Federal assistance provided has been instrumental in providing coffee producers the tools they need to protect their coffee crops from the coffee berry borer. Within the past year another coffee pest has emerged in Hawaii, a fungus known as Coffee Leaf Rust. Like the coffee berry borer, Federal funds are needed to research and develop pest management strategies to equip coffee producers with the knowledge and tools necessary to safeguard their coffee yields. This bill builds upon the 2014 farm bill coffee plant health initiative provision by expanding the scope of research and extension grants to all invasive pests and noxious weeds threatening the coffee industry, not just the coffee berry borer. While our researchers and coffee growers are currently battling coffee leaf rust, future pest and weeds not currently in Hawaii, like the Coffee Leaf Miner and Coffee Wilt Disease, are likely to emerge. This expansion of the coffee plant health initiative will provide much needed Federal resources to help our coffee community quickly respond to the myriad pests waiting in the wings. This bill is supported by the University of Hawaii at Manoa College of Tropical Agriculture and Human Resources, the Hawaii Coffee Association, the Kau Coffee Growers Cooperative, Kauai Coffee Company, LLC, Puerto Rico Coffee Roasters, LLC, and the Puerto Rico Farm Bureau.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the ``Korean War Divided Families Reunification Act'' with my colleague Senator Sullivan. This bipartisan piece of legislation would open opportunities for Korean Americans to be included in reunions with their relatives who remain in North Korea. Many first generation Korean Americans, now in their 80's and 90's, are waiting to be reunited with their parents, spouses, children, siblings, and cousins. They should not have to wait any longer. One of the tragic legacies of the Korean War is the permanent separation of Korean families. Sixty-eight years ago, the United States, People's Republic of China, North Korea, and South Korea agreed to an armistice which drew a new border between North Korea from South Korea. Since then, there has been little contact between South Koreans and their family members who remained in North Korea, and almost no contact between Korean Americans and their loved ones in North Korea. North and South Korea first agreed to hold reunions of divided families in 1985. There have been 21 face-to face reunions and multiple video-link reunions, which have given approximately 24,500 Koreans the opportunity to briefly reunite with loved ones. There is no official channel, however, for Korean Americans to participate in these reunions. Many Korean Americans long for an opportunity to meet their North Korean relatives. My constituent, Carol Li from Honolulu, wants to reconnect with her family's past and learn more about where her grandparents were from. Carol's maternal grandparents fled from North Korea to the South during the Korean War, leaving behind their siblings. Unfortunately, her grandparents passed away before they were able to reconnect with their siblings who remained in North Korea. While she was teaching English in South Korea, she grew more curious about her North Korean relatives and the war that divided them. With passage of this legislation, Carol hopes she can participate in future reunions to meet her North Korean relatives. She deserves the opportunity to do so. The legislation I am introducing would open official channels between Korean Americans and their families in North Korea by directing the U.S. Secretary of State to consult with his counterpart in South Korea to identify opportunities for Korean Americans to participate in future family reunions. It also directs the State Department's Special Envoy on North Korean Human Rights Issues to consult the Korean American community on efforts to reunite families, including opportunities for video reunions. Time is of the essence for those who have been seeking the opportunity to reconnect with their loved ones for nearly seven decades. Thanks to the leadership of Rep. Grace Meng of New York, the House of Representatives passed this legislation on July 19, 2021 by a vote of 415 to 0. It is time for the Senate to act. I call on my Senate colleagues to swiftly pass this bill. Thank you.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the ``Korean War Divided Families Reunification Act'' with my colleague Senator Sullivan. This bipartisan piece of legislation would open opportunities for Korean Americans to be included in reunions with their relatives who remain in North Korea. Many first generation Korean Americans, now in their 80's and 90's, are waiting to be reunited with their parents, spouses, children, siblings, and cousins. They should not have to wait any longer. One of the tragic legacies of the Korean War is the permanent separation of Korean families. Sixty-eight years ago, the United States, People's Republic of China, North Korea, and South Korea agreed to an armistice which drew a new border between North Korea from South Korea. Since then, there has been little contact between South Koreans and their family members who remained in North Korea, and almost no contact between Korean Americans and their loved ones in North Korea. North and South Korea first agreed to hold reunions of divided families in 1985. There have been 21 face-to face reunions and multiple video-link reunions, which have given approximately 24,500 Koreans the opportunity to briefly reunite with loved ones. There is no official channel, however, for Korean Americans to participate in these reunions. Many Korean Americans long for an opportunity to meet their North Korean relatives. My constituent, Carol Li from Honolulu, wants to reconnect with her family's past and learn more about where her grandparents were from. Carol's maternal grandparents fled from North Korea to the South during the Korean War, leaving behind their siblings. Unfortunately, her grandparents passed away before they were able to reconnect with their siblings who remained in North Korea. While she was teaching English in South Korea, she grew more curious about her North Korean relatives and the war that divided them. With passage of this legislation, Carol hopes she can participate in future reunions to meet her North Korean relatives. She deserves the opportunity to do so. The legislation I am introducing would open official channels between Korean Americans and their families in North Korea by directing the U.S. Secretary of State to consult with his counterpart in South Korea to identify opportunities for Korean Americans to participate in future family reunions. It also directs the State Department's Special Envoy on North Korean Human Rights Issues to consult the Korean American community on efforts to reunite families, including opportunities for video reunions. Time is of the essence for those who have been seeking the opportunity to reconnect with their loved ones for nearly seven decades. Thanks to the leadership of Rep. Grace Meng of New York, the House of Representatives passed this legislation on July 19, 2021 by a vote of 415 to 0. It is time for the Senate to act. I call on my Senate colleagues to swiftly pass this bill. Thank you.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Judiciary Accountability Act of 2021. I thank Representatives Johnson, Speier, Nadler, Torres, and Mace, along with my cosponsors, Senators Whitehouse, Murray, and Durbin, for working with me to finally ensure that employees of the Federal judiciary have strong statutory rights and protections against discrimination, sexual harassment, retaliation, and other forms of workplace misconduct. More than 30,000 people work in the Federal judiciary. As with any organization of this size, the judiciary is not immune from workplace misconduct. Over the years, however, a variety of factors have worked together to prevent instances of workplace misconduct within the judiciary from coming to light. There is a unique power imbalance between the Federal judges who sit atop this vast organization and the clerks, staffers, and other employees who rely on connections and recommendations to advance their careers. The cloak of confidentiality ensures what happens in chambers stays in chambers. And, perhaps most important, there is a lack of legal recourse available to judicial employees who are denied even the most fundamental workplace protections. Indeed, the Federal judiciary is one of the few employers--private or public--whose employees are not protected by state or federal civil rights laws. Despite all these reasons to keep quiet, a number of victims have bravely come forward to report serious harassment by Federal judges over the past several years. In December 2017, six former law clerks and staffers accused Ninth Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski of subjecting them to a range of inappropriate sexual conduct and comments. In September 2019, the Tenth Circuit Judicial Council issued an order finding that District Court Judge Carlos Murguia had harassed multiple employees over a period of years, including by subjecting them to sexually suggestive comments; inappropriate text messages; and excessive, non-work-related contact. In February 2020, a former law clerk to the late-Ninth Circuit Judge Stephen Reinhardt accused the judge of a months-long harassment campaign. In the face of this egregious misconduct and Congressional pressure, the federal judiciary has taken only small, limited steps to protect its employees. It is not enough. The Judiciary Accountability Act fills the void left by the judiciary's inaction and extends to judicial branch employees the same anti-discrimination rights and remedies other government sector employees and private sector workers have had for decades. It also goes further. Among other things, it would create an Office of Judicial Integrity to administer a nationwide, confidential reporting system; establish a Special Counsel for Equal Employment Opportunity empowered to investigate all workplace misconduct complaints; form an Office of Employee Advocacy to assist in judicial branch employees in matters relating to workplace discrimination and harassment; protect whistleblowers by prohibiting retaliation; and establish a comprehensive workplace misconduct prevention program. These reforms are not only necessary, they are long overdue. I therefore encourage my colleagues to support the Judiciary Accountability Act.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Judiciary Accountability Act of 2021. I thank Representatives Johnson, Speier, Nadler, Torres, and Mace, along with my cosponsors, Senators Whitehouse, Murray, and Durbin, for working with me to finally ensure that employees of the Federal judiciary have strong statutory rights and protections against discrimination, sexual harassment, retaliation, and other forms of workplace misconduct. More than 30,000 people work in the Federal judiciary. As with any organization of this size, the judiciary is not immune from workplace misconduct. Over the years, however, a variety of factors have worked together to prevent instances of workplace misconduct within the judiciary from coming to light. There is a unique power imbalance between the Federal judges who sit atop this vast organization and the clerks, staffers, and other employees who rely on connections and recommendations to advance their careers. The cloak of confidentiality ensures what happens in chambers stays in chambers. And, perhaps most important, there is a lack of legal recourse available to judicial employees who are denied even the most fundamental workplace protections. Indeed, the Federal judiciary is one of the few employers--private or public--whose employees are not protected by state or federal civil rights laws. Despite all these reasons to keep quiet, a number of victims have bravely come forward to report serious harassment by Federal judges over the past several years. In December 2017, six former law clerks and staffers accused Ninth Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski of subjecting them to a range of inappropriate sexual conduct and comments. In September 2019, the Tenth Circuit Judicial Council issued an order finding that District Court Judge Carlos Murguia had harassed multiple employees over a period of years, including by subjecting them to sexually suggestive comments; inappropriate text messages; and excessive, non-work-related contact. In February 2020, a former law clerk to the late-Ninth Circuit Judge Stephen Reinhardt accused the judge of a months-long harassment campaign. In the face of this egregious misconduct and Congressional pressure, the federal judiciary has taken only small, limited steps to protect its employees. It is not enough. The Judiciary Accountability Act fills the void left by the judiciary's inaction and extends to judicial branch employees the same anti-discrimination rights and remedies other government sector employees and private sector workers have had for decades. It also goes further. Among other things, it would create an Office of Judicial Integrity to administer a nationwide, confidential reporting system; establish a Special Counsel for Equal Employment Opportunity empowered to investigate all workplace misconduct complaints; form an Office of Employee Advocacy to assist in judicial branch employees in matters relating to workplace discrimination and harassment; protect whistleblowers by prohibiting retaliation; and establish a comprehensive workplace misconduct prevention program. These reforms are not only necessary, they are long overdue. I therefore encourage my colleagues to support the Judiciary Accountability Act.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I rise in strong support of the nomination of Julie Su to be Deputy Secretary of the Department of Labor. The U.S. Department of Labor is an important Federal Agency, but amidst a global pandemic that has left millions of Americans out of work, the Department's mission takes on outsized importance. The Department needs leadership with deep experience, knowledge, and a demonstrated ability to successfully lead an organization. Just as importantly, the Department needs leadership with an understanding of the unique challenges of this moment. As we are seeing with President Biden, leadership does make a difference. At this critical time in our Nation's economic recovery, we must ensure the President has the team he needs to move our country forward. Julie Su is a key member of that team. She is a highly qualified and proven leader. As California's secretary of labor and workforce development, Secretary Su oversees and protects the workforce for the State of California, the fifth largest economy in the world. When you add her work as an attorney and a nonprofit executive, she brings a wide mix of experience to the table. Coupled with a collaborative work style that gives everyone a seat at the table, Secretary Su has not only delivered on her agency's mission but has also improved and transformed her agency. Her success and effectiveness is best summed up in the words of her own staff at the agency she has led for more than 7 years: During Ms. Su's seven years as California Labor Commissioner, she remade the agency in ways that many would have thought impossible. She increased efficiency throughout the division and broke down departmental silos that had stifled effective collaboration and caused redundancy. Moreover, under her leadership, the Labor Commissioner's office reworked its investigative bureau into a cutting edge labor enforcement team that dug deep into complex cases that the Labor Commissioner's office had been previously unequipped to handle. Complex, high quality investigations that had previously been rare--if not unthinkable--became standard operating procedure. Secretary Su is an excellent manager. Not only does she deliver results, she invests in her own staff by providing them with the resources and environment they need to get the job done. She builds diverse teams and then empowers them to do their best work--all while knowing who they are. I mean this literally. Again, in the words of her staff: She was legendary for having learned the names of every one of the more than 600 staff within the Labor Commissioner's office, from secretarial support staff to investigators, deputies, and legal staff. Julie Su will also bring diverse life experiences to the Department. She is the daughter of Chinese immigrants. Her immigrant background shaped Secretary Su personally and professionally. Her own lived experience offered her insight into how segments of our economy leave people behind or even exclude them from experiencing the benefits of economic growth and opportunities. Her professional career reflects this life lesson as she has established a long and distinguished record of fighting for worker rights and civil rights. From defending the rights of Thai garment workers to protecting low-wage workers against abuses, Secretary Su has worked tirelessly to help people and communities that might not otherwise have access to justice. This sense of fairness and the desire to fight injustice will be critical for the Department of Labor, particularly as the Department works to address the pandemic's disproportionate impact on women and minorities. Given her proven track record and commitment to worker and fair labor rights, I have every confidence that Secretary Su will protect all sectors of our workforce and will work to lift everyone from this pandemic. Moreover, her experience in managing labor policy at the executive level for the State of California over the last decade will enable Secretary Su to hit the ground running immediately after she is confirmed. In particular, through the COVID-19 pandemic, Secretary Su has dealt with the overwhelming demand for assistance from workers who are suffering or who are unemployed. She has helped her State combat the organized crime attacks and employment fraud that have affected all 50 States, including, of course, California, with its large economy. She has worked to address systemic shortcomings that bad actors have exploited during this pandemic. Secretary Su led an effort to stop fraudulent actors from taking advantage of the unemployment system, dating back to the beginning of the pandemic, and the State of California has already begun prosecuting these offenders. The U.S. Department of Labor ultimately advised all States to take the same steps Secretary Su took in order to cut down on fraudulent claims. Despite the many challenges brought on by the pandemic, Secretary Su has never lost sight of her ultimate goal: to provide millions of workers access to unemployment benefits and other assistance. In these economic times, Secretary Su's leadership skills and proven track record of experience and effectiveness are just what we need. Her nomination also proves something I believe deeply: When you look for the most qualified person, you get diversity, and when you prioritize diversity, you get the most qualified people--people who reflect all of America and who are able to serve all of America. Secretary Su's nomination is supported by many who see their stories reflected in hers, including labor leaders from the AFL-CIO and SEIU, business leaders from the Small Business Majority, and civil rights leaders from the National Women's Law Center and the National Employment Law Project. Secretary Su will be an outstanding Deputy Secretary of Labor. I am proud to support her nomination, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. I yield the floor

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today, in recognition of Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. Every year throughout the month of May, the people of the United States come together to celebrate the contributions of generations of Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders, AA NH/PI, who have enriched our society and whose legacies are deeply intertwined in our Nation's history. The AA NH/PI communities are among the fastest growing and most diverse demographic groups in our country. Today, approximately 23 million people of AA NH/PI descent live in the United States, representing more than 45 ethnicities and speaking more than 100 languages. As AA NH/PI communities increase their social and political presence in our country, we must work to raise the visibility of issues important to AA NH/PIs. One way to do this is to uplift the diverse voices of our communities through representation. This year, there are a record 21 AA NH/PI Members serving in Congress, and we celebrate the historic election of Kamala Harris to be the first woman and the first Asian American to hold the Office of the Vice President. However, even with today's progress, our AA NH/PI communities continue to face issues of disparity and prejudice. This year, we once again commemorate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month amid a global pandemic. While the pandemic has claimed the lives of more than half a million Americans, COVID-19 has had an outsized impact on communities of color, including Pacific Islanders, who are three times more likely to contract COVID-19 and are nearly twice as likely to die from the disease. The pandemic has also exposed and exacerbated social and economic disparities in our country. Throughout the pandemic, Pacific Islanders and other vulnerable groups have been disproportionately impacted by unemployment, food and income insecurity, and unstable or inadequate housing, among other hardships. This pandemic has highlighted the work we must do to ensure that all Americans, especially individuals from marginalized communities, have access to quality healthcare, fair pay, workplace protections, and other civil and human rights. Violence and discrimination against Asian Americans have also surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. Between March 2020 and March 2021, Stop AAPI Hate received over 6,600 reports of discrimination and hate incidents across all 50 States and the District of Columbia. These unprovoked, random attacks can happen anywhere--on public transportation, on sidewalks, in businesses, and even in the workplace. The dramatic rise in hate crimes targeting Asian Americans might be a recent development, but we all know that racism has never been far beneath the surface in our country. Part of honoring the rich history of the AA NH/Pl community includes reflecting on some of the darker moments in our Nation's past. AA NH/PIs have always been targeted as the ``other'' in our country and have been treated as the perpetual ``foreigner.'' Since the first Asian immigrants came to our country nearly two centuries ago, our communities have experienced race-based prejudice and have been subject to discriminatory policies that impinged on individuals' civil rights, improperly rescinded wartime promises, and excluded immigrants from Asian countries out of intolerance and fear. Recognizing the recent increase of hate crimes, Representative Grace Meng and I introduced legislation to focus attention on hate crimes committed during the pandemic. Last week, President Biden signed this bill, the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, into law. This action sent a clear message of solidarity to our AA NH/PI communities at a crucial moment. This bipartisan legislation will help Federal, State, and local governments confront hate in our country and help victims of hate crimes to come forward. Today, AA NH/PIs are uniting to confront this epidemic of racism, discrimination, and hate. We are marching, speaking out, and demanding action in cities and states across the Nation to ensure that our country does not repeat the mistakes of the past. Representation and visibility are some of the ways we are making our voices heard. However, we must also sustain efforts to teach empathy and educate others about our history. We can help to create a more just and equitable society by raising awareness of past injustices and current issues of importance to our communities. As we celebrate the contributions of AA NH/PIs, there is also clear evidence demonstrating how much work remains to be done. I look forward to working with my colleagues beyond the month of May, Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, to continue the work that must be done to advance civil rights and equal treatment for all.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I rise today in support of the nomination of Kristen Clarke to be Assistant Attorney General for the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division. In the 4\1/2\ months since she was nominated, my Republican colleagues and their rightwing allies have engaged in a coordinated smear campaign to distort Kristen Clarke's record. It is past time to set things straight. Kristen Clarke is a supremely capable and qualified nominee to lead the Civil Rights Division. I would argue that she is among the most well-credentialed and qualified nominees ever to serve in this role. During her career, she has served as a trial attorney in the Division's voting section; a prosecutor in the Division's criminal section; an assistant counsel at the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund and later as the codirector of its Political Participation Group; as the civil rights chief of the New York State Attorney General's Civil Rights Bureau; and as president and executive director of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, one of the Nation's preeminent civil rights organizations. Kristen Clarke's credentials for this job are unimpeachable. Unable to undermine her nomination on the merits, Senate Republicans have engaged in a vicious smear campaign against Kristen Clarke because they are afraid she will actually do her job. They are afraid she will enforce our civil rights statutes, challenge discriminatory voting laws, combat systemic racism in policing, and protect the LGBTQ community. This work is urgently needed after the Civil Rights Division endured 4 years of intentional neglect and outright hostility during the Trump administration. During its 4 years in office, the Trump administration brought only a single case--one--under the Voting Rights Act, even as States like Georgia, Ohio, and Wisconsin worked to suppress the vote by targeting people of color. The previous administration also effectively ended the use of consent decrees to bring police departments into compliance with the Constitution. It abandoned this critical tool at the worst possible moment, as the Nation watched Black Americans like George Floyd and Breonna Taylor killed by officers sworn to protect and serve. President Biden nominated Kristen Clarke to lead the Civil Rights Division because she is precisely the leader we need at this critical moment. But for 4\1/2\ months, my Republican colleagues have tried to tear down this highly qualified woman of color with unfounded smears and outright lies. They feign outrage over a satirical letter Ms. Clarke wrote as an undergrad at Harvard in 1994, over 25 years ago. I don't recall any comparable Republican outrage when Michael Truncale, then a practicing attorney for decades, disparaged President Obama as an ``un-American imposter [who] bows to Arab Sheikhs and other world leaders.'' Instead, they confirmed him to a lifetime appointment as a judge in the Eastern District of Texas. Senate Republicans have also tried to paint Ms. Clarke as some sort of anti-Semite--again, reaching back 25 years to criticize a speaker Ms. Clarke invited to campus as an undergrad. They conveniently ignore that Ms. Clarke has addressed their concerns head-on and demonstrated a long track record of defending religious rights throughout her career. Her work in this area has earned her the support of the National Council of Jewish Women and the Anti-Defamation League, among other organizations. And if we needed any more evidence to rebut this outrageous claim, we should all look to the words of Attorney General Merrick Garland, who forcefully said: ``I'm a pretty good judge of what an anti-Semite is, and I do not believe she is an anti-Semite.'' Republicans are also trying to derail Kristen Clarke's nomination by pushing the lie that she supports defunding the police. It doesn't matter how many times they repeat the lie, it will never be true. Ms. Clarke has clearly expressed her support for shifting resources to social workers and mental health professionals so that police officers are no longer called upon to address every problem in society. This is not defunding the police, no matter what twisted definition is used. As the Senate Judiciary Committee prepared to vote on Ms. Clarke's nomination, several Republicans took this baseless criticism to a pathetic, ridiculous new low. The junior Senator from Texas claimed that voting for Ms. Clarke--and, previously, voting to confirm Vanita Gupta as Associate Attorney General--put ``every single Democratic Member of the United States Senate. . . . on record supporting abolishing''--abolishing--``the police.'' ``Abolishing the police''-- that is what he said--not defunding, not reforming, abolishing. What a crock. Unfortunately, we have come to expect these laughable exaggerations from our colleague from Texas. He would rather smear a nominee with baseless charges than engage with the facts, because neither Kristen Clarke nor Vanita Gupta has ever supported abolishing the police. Neither of them has said anything remotely close to this. If they had, I am sure it would come as news to the Fraternal Order of Police, the Major County Sheriffs of America, and the International Association of Chiefs of Police, all of whom endorsed Vanita Gupta's nomination. You might also want to ask the Major Cities Chiefs Association and the National Organization of Black Law Enforcement Executives why they endorsed Kristen Clarke if she is looking to put their members out of work. The fact is, she is not. This smear is only one example of the baseless, personal attacks Kristen Clarke has endured by those seeking to derail her nomination. This week, the Senate can and should repudiate the vicious rightwing smear campaign against Ms. Clarke and confirm her as the next leader of the Civil Rights Division. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I have a request for one committee to meet during today's session of the Senate. It has the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committee is authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: Committee on Foreign Relations The Committee on Foreign Relations is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Monday, May 24, 2021, at 6 p.m., to conduct a closed hearing.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Filipino Veterans Family Reunification Act of 2021. This important legislation would expedite the visa process for adult children of Filipino World War II veterans, so they can reunite with their relatives in the United States. Today, fewer than 6,000 Filipino World War II veterans remain. Many of these veterans are now in their late 80s and 90s, and have been separated from their loved ones for far too long. During World War II, more than 250,000 Filipino soldiers fought under the American flag to protect and defend the United States in the Pacific theater. These Filipino soldiers fought shoulder to shoulder with U.S. servicemembers, and approximately 60,000 died in battle. The U.S. government promised these veterans compensation and benefits in exchange for their loyal service to our country. However, after the war, Congress passed the Rescission Act of 1946, denying Filipino veterans many of the benefits conferred to other World War II veterans. Filipino World War II veterans were not awarded U.S. citizenship until 1990, more than 40 years after they risked their lives for our Nation. Although the Immigration Act of 1990 granted U.S. citizenship to approximately 26,000 Filipino nationals who served during World War II, the law did not confer citizenship or residency to their children. Therefore, the children of the Filipino veterans are required to apply for family-based green cards which are subject to an annual limitation as well as a country cap. Under the cap, only seven percent of recipients are permitted to come from a single country. These limitations have created a large backlog of people trying to reunite with family from the Philippines and as a result, some Filipino applicants must wait nearly two decades before their petitions can be considered. In an attempt to partially resolve this issue, in 2016 under the Obama Administration, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) established the Filipino World War II Veterans Parole (FWVP) program to reunite veterans and their surviving spouses with their adult children and siblings. Under FWVP, USCIS can grant parole on a discretionary, case-by-case basis, to a veteran's family member so that they may come to the United States as they wait for their immigrant visa to become available. This policy recognizes the extraordinary contributions and sacrifices of Filipino veterans while also allowing these elderly veterans to be cared for by family. Despite the value of this program, the Trump Administration announced its intention to terminate FWVP and in December 2020, published final steps to end this program in the Federal Register. I joined Rep. Ed Case in sending a bicameral and bipartisan letter with colleagues to President Biden in February, urging the new administration to rescind the termination efforts and renew FWVP. The threat to end FWVP persists to this day. The legislation that I am introducing, the Filipino Veterans Family Reunification Act of 2021, would resolve this issue permanently and fulfill our nation's promise to honor the Filipino World War II veterans' service to our country. This bill would help to reunite these families by exempting the sons and daughters of Filipino World War II veterans from immigration limitations in the Immigration and Nationality Act. This change in law would benefit only a few thousand surviving Filipino World War II veterans who desperately want to be reunited with their children in their last years. I call on my Senate colleagues to quickly pass this bill.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for 2 minutes.

Ms. HIRONO. Madam President, I would like to thank Senator Tillis for working with me on this amendment, amendment No. 1517, to the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act, which comes from our work on the IDEA Act, a bill that passed the Judiciary Committee last month with bipartisan support. Promoting innovation is key to ensuring the United States remains competitive in an increasingly competitive global economy. Unfortunately, the limited data that is available suggests large segments of American society are not engaging with a key component of the innovation economy, the U.S. patent system. Women make up only 13 percent of inventors. Black and Hispanic college graduates patent at approximately half the rate of their White counterparts. Closing these patent gaps would turbocharge the U.S. economy. One study found that including more women and Black Americans in the early stages of innovation could grow our economy by 3.3 percent. Hold that thought. Another found that eliminating the patent gap for women with science and engineering degrees alone would grow the economy by another 2.7 percent. We are talking about hundreds of billions of dollars of growth to our economy. But if we have any hope of closing these patent gaps, we must first get a firm grasp on who is and who is not using the patent system. Unfortunately, the PTO--Patent and Trademark Office--does not collect demographic data on applicants. As a result, researchers are forced to guess an applicant's gender based on his or her name, determine an applicant's race by cross-referencing census data, or explore other options that are time-consuming, unreliable, or both. Our amendment solves this problem. It would enable the PTO to collect demographic data from patent applicants on a volunteer basis. I want to repeat that. This is on a volunteer basis. Nobody is forcing anyone to provide this kind of information. This data could then be analyzed by the PTO and outside researchers to identify where patent gaps exist and how to address them. Let me be clear. Simply providing researchers more data would not solve the patent gaps facing women, racial minorities, and so many others, but it is a critical first step. We need to have data with which to make decisions. I encourage my colleagues to support this amendment. Thank you. I yield the floor.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise today to reintroduce the `I Am Vanessa Guillen Act' that addresses longstanding systemic problems in the way that the military responds to sexual harassment and sexual assault. I thank Representative Speier and Representative Mullin for reintroducing this important legislation in the U.S. House of Representatives. Army Specialist Vanessa Guillen disappeared from her Fort Hood, Texas, Army base in April 2020. Tragically, last June, Fort Hood officials confirmed that remains found near the Leon River in Bell County, Texas, were Vanessa's. Vanessa had told other soldiers at Fort Hood that she was being sexually harassed and confided to her family that the perpetrator was a fellow Army Soldier. A separate fellow Soldier was suspected of beating Vanessa to death with a hammer, and then, with his girlfriend, dismembering, burning, and burying Vanessa's body about 30 miles from Fort Hood. This other Soldier--the suspect in question--fatally shot himself when confronted by authorities for questioning off post. His girlfriend has been charged in federal court with conspiracy to tamper with evidence. The Army finally acknowledged that Vanessa did report being sexually harassed by a superior in her chain of command in the months leading up to her murder. Vanessa's family has called for changes to how the military handles reports of sexual harassment and assault and has asked for a law to allow a third-party investigative team to look into reports of sexual harassment within the military. They are right to demand better from the military--as should we all. Despite on-going efforts to root out the toxic culture of sexual harassment and sexual assault in the military, it is still very much alive. And that's not just my opinion--the Army itself has confirmed that sad fact in recent months following their release in December 2020 of the Fort Hood Independent Review Committee Report, which shockingly included as one of its findings that the Command Climate at Fort Hood has been permissive of sexual harassment and sexual assault. How long will victims of sexual harassment and assault continue to be afraid to report their abusers? It seems that the military justice system is rather the military system without justice where survivors of these crimes cannot have confidence to know that their reports will be confidential, taken seriously, and adjudicated properly. We need to address this injustice now. An effective and strong military unit is one that relies on the trust between all members of that unit. Sexual harassment and sexual assault have no place in our military--they break that critical trust. It is a betrayal of every Soldier, Sailor, Airman and Marine if leaders do not do everything possible to eradicate the toxic culture which allows sexual harassment and sexual assault to fester and erode good order and discipline within the ranks. To ensure our military readiness, we need to do everything possible to help ensure victims and survivors of these heinous crimes are supported, treated with respect, and not traumatized again, and that their perpetrators are held accountable in a military justice system they can trust. These are fathers and mothers, daughters and sons, sisters and brothers, who have volunteered to give the ultimate sacrifice when called upon. They should not have to fear their fellow servicemembers at home nor feel that when they raise concerns, they are not taken seriously. Therefore, I am reintroducing the ``I Am Vanessa Guillen Act''. The provisions in this legislation will move prosecution decisions on sexual assault and sexual harassment cases outside of the chain of command to an Office of the Chief Prosecutor within each military service; create a standalone military offense for sexual harassment; establish trained sexual harassment investigators who are outside of the chain of command of the complainant and the accused to investigate all claims of sexual harassment; implement the recommendations of the Fort Hood Independent Review Committee Report to strengthen the independence and effectiveness of the Army's Sexual Harassment/Assault Response and Prevention (SHARP) Program; require both DoD and the Comptroller General to conduct separate evaluations of the military services' sexual assault prevention and response programs; and establish a process by which servicemembers can make claims for negligence against DoD in the case of sexual assault or sexual harassment. I was quite pleased to hear that DoD's Sexual Assault Independent Review Commission recently released initial recommendations to the Secretary that tracked closely with several of the provisions in this legislation: moving prosecution decisions on sexual assault and sexual harassment cases outside of the chain of command to an Office of the Chief Prosecutor within each military service and requiring all sexual harassment allegations to be investigated outside the immediate chain of command. These changes will encourage survivors to come forward to report sexual assault and sexual harassment, more effectively bring justice for survivors, and strengthen the ability of the military services to protect its most important resource--the people who wear the uniform of the United States. We need to pass the `I am Vanessa Guillen Act' to fix a broken military justice system.

Ms. HIRONO

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, as the author of this bill, I totally disagree with characterizing it as having had a bitter partisan beginning, but my colleague is exercising his free speech right, so there you go. After 2 weeks of hard work and bipartisan collaboration, the U.S. Senate is poised to take real action to confront the wave of anti-Asian hate sweeping our country. Although we still have some damaging amendments to defeat, I am confident that, in a few hours, the Senate will pass the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, as amended, with the substitute Hirono-Collins amendment. By doing so, we will send a powerful message of solidarity to the AAPI community that the Senate will not be a bystander as anti-Asian violence surges in our country. Over the past years, hate crimes targeting the AAPI have risen 150 percent, as noted. More than 3,800 incidents have been reported across all 50 States and the District of Columbia. These statistics paint a disturbing picture of what is happening in our country, but they only quantify part of the problem. Why? Because hate crimes and other incidents are notoriously underrepresented. These attacks have not ceased in the 2 weeks since the Senate began debating this bill. Last Sunday, an 80-year-old woman and her 79-year- old husband, both of Korean descent, were taking an evening walk in a local park near their home in Southern California. Suddenly, without warning, an assailant approached the couple and punched them in their faces. That same assailant is also suspected of threatening Sakura Kokumai, a Japanese-American Olympic karate athlete, who, incidentally, was born in Hawaii. These unprovoked, random attacks and incidents are happening in supermarkets, on our streets, in takeout restaurants--basically, wherever we are. These disturbing and horrifying attacks are in many ways a predictable and foreseeable consequence of the use of racist and inflammatory language like ``Chinese virus'' or ``Kung flu'' to describe the pandemic. I have been heartened by the steps President Biden has taken to denounce this language and confront this epidemic of hate. Under his leadership, the executive branch is doing its part, and in a few short hours, Congress will do ours by passing the COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act. This is not a controversial bill. It focuses Federal leadership to investigate and report hate crimes and other incidents, and it provides resources for our communities to come together to take a stand against intolerance and hate. Over the past 2 weeks, I have worked with Senators in both parties to make changes that broaden support for this bill while retaining its original purpose. In particular, I want to acknowledge and thank Senator Collins for her good-faith efforts to amend this bill and build support for it in the Republican caucus. I also want to thank Senator Duckworth for her leadership on this issue; Senators Blumenthal and Moran, whose NO HATE Act is now included in our legislation; and Senators Warnock and Grassley, who contributed important findings to this bill. This moment would not have been possible without the determined efforts of Leader Schumer and Chairman Durbin and the excellent work of my friend and colleague in the House, Congresswoman Grace Meng. I am grateful that the Senate will soon be taking action to confront anti-Asian hate in our country, but ours is not the only community suffering right now. Earlier this week, a jury in Minneapolis delivered justice and accountability for the murder of George Floyd, but make no mistake: One conviction cannot and will not erase the enduring legacy of systemic racism and disparate policing in our country. It is my sincere hope that we can channel and sustain the bipartisan work done on this important piece of legislation into debating and passing the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, and I understand that bipartisan talks are underway. We are in this together. We are in this together. Senator Collins, I really appreciate your work on this bill. We would not be here without your support. I yield the floor. Vote on Amendment No. 1456

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise in strong opposition to this amendment. Discrimination against Asian-American students or any students on the basis of race is already prohibited by Federal law. This amendment is a transparent and cynical attack on longstanding admission policies that serve to increase diversity and provide opportunity to students of color in our institutions of higher learning. This amendment also threatens colleges and universities with the loss of all Federal funding for pursuing or using policies that our courts have upheld repeatedly. I urge everyone to reject this amendment. I yield back.

Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I yield back the remainder of my time.