Bill Huizenga

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Chairman, this misguided provision in Dodd-Frank requires the Securities and Exchange Commission to mandate that public companies disclose whether so-called ``conflict minerals'' they use in their products benefit armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its nine adjoining countries. Despite its best intentions, section 1502 has been ineffective and, in some cases, has been shown to have increased violence is central Africa. That is why this suspension that I am proposing passed the House last year as an amendment to the FSGG appropriations bill, and a full repeal of section 1502 passed the House this Congress as part of the Financial CHOICE Act. Conflict minerals refer to tin, tungsten, tantalum, and gold, which have been used in a variety of products, from cell phones, cosmetics, jewelry, footwear, apparel, and even auto suppliers located in west Michigan. Mr. Chairman, the breadth of voices opposing section 1502 is remarkable, and I would like to start with those that matter most. For too long, the people of central Africa have been overlooked in this debate, even though they are the ones who suffer from Dodd-Frank's unintended consequences. I include in the Record an open letter from 70 Congolese leaders and other regional experts. An Open Letter Dear governments, companies, non-governmental organisations, and other stakeholders implicated in efforts of various kinds related to the issue of `conflict minerals', In early 2014, two international industry giants--Intel and Apple--issued refined corporate social responsibility policies for minerals sourced in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The announcements followed an unprecedented wave of guidelines, law-making, and initiatives over the past few years to `clean up' the eastern DRC's mining sector, and were met with widespread praise. Perhaps the most widely publicised of these efforts is US legislation known as Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act, which asks all companies registered on the US stock market to reveal their supply chains to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) when sourcing minerals from the eastern DRC or neighbouring countries. Canada is in the advanced stages of developing similar legislation, and many other countries are looking closely at the issue. The European Union has introduced a voluntary conflict minerals regulation scheme for all member states, and the United Nations (UN) and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have developed guidelines on sourcing natural resources in high-risk areas such as the eastern DRC. These efforts primarily target artisanal (or `informal') mining in the eastern DRC, due to widespread international recognition that so-called conflict minerals (most notably tin, tantalum, tungsten, and gold) produced by artisanal mining in this part of the world have helped conflict actors generate revenue to finance their operations in the DRC over the past two decades. The Situation Despite successes of activists in shaping policy, the conflict minerals campaign fundamentally misunderstands the relationship between minerals and conflict in the eastern DRC. First, while the minerals help perpetuate the conflict, they are not its cause. National and regional political struggles over power and influence as well as issues such as access to land and questions of citizenship and identity are just some of the more structural drivers of conflict. The ability to exploit and profit from minerals is often a means to finance military operations to address these issues, rather than an end in itself. Internal UN assessments, for instance, show that only 8% of the DRC's conflicts are linked to minerals, and specific motivations vary greatly across the vast array of different armed groups. Second, armed groups are not dependent on mineral revenue for their existence. The eastern DRC is a fully militarised economy, in which minerals are just one resource among many that armed groups--and the national army FARDC--can levy financing from. The M23, until recently the most powerful non-state armed group in DRC, never sought physical control over mining activity. Moreover, few local stakeholders have been included in on- going international policy-making, and as a result realities on the ground have not always been taken into account. Setting up the required systems and procedures to regularly access and audit thousands of artisanal mining sites in isolated and hard-to-reach locations spread across an area almost twice the size of France would be a challenge for any government. In the eastern DRC, where road infrastructure is poor to non-existent and state capacity desperately low, the enormity of the task is hard to overstate. But in demanding that companies prove the origin of minerals sourced in the eastern DRC or neighbouring countries before systems able to provide such proof have been put in place, conflict minerals activists and resultant legislation--in particular Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act--inadvertently incentivize buyers on the international market to pull out of the region altogether and source their minerals elsewhere. The Result As a result, the conflict minerals movement has yet to lead to meaningful improvement on the ground, and has had a number of unintended and damaging consequences. Nearly four years after the passing of the Dodd-Frank Act, only a small fraction of the hundreds of mining sites in the eastern DRC have been reached by traceability or certification efforts. The rest remain beyond the pale, forced into either illegality or collapse as certain international buyers have responded to the legislation by going `Congo-free'. This in turn has driven many miners into the margins of legality (for instance, feeding into smuggling rackets), where armed actors return through the loopholes of transnational regulation. Others have simply lost their jobs, and in areas where mining has ceased, local economies have suffered. To put this in context, an estimated eight to ten million people across the country are dependent on artisanal mining for their livelihood. Some former miners have returned to subsistence agriculture, but persisting insecurity levels leave them in abject poverty facing dire living conditions, in fear of missing harvests due to displacement. Others have been prompted to join militias as a means to quick cash in the absence of other opportunities; a particularly perverse impact, when one considers the intentions of the movement. Alongside the impact on mining communities and local economies, several armed groups have responded by turning to different businesses such as trading in charcoal, marijuana, palm oil, soap, or consumer goods. Those remaining in the mining sector have largely traded mineral exploitation on site for mineral taxation a few steps down the supply chain, operating numerous roadblocks that can bring in millions of dollars a year. Others are reported to have sent in family members or civilian allies to run business for them on site, while they remain safely at a distance. For the few mining sites fortunate enough to be reached by Joint Assessment Teams responsible for determining their `conflict-free' status, these teams have been unable to provide the regular, three-month validation visits envisaged in legislation. There is an additional delay of several months following these visits before the Congolese Ministry of Mines reviews and approves the assessment at the national level. Given the speed at which situations can change in volatile environments, infrequent assessments and lengthy delays raise concerns over the accuracy of certification and the credibility of the system. More worrying still, multinational corporations such as Apple and Intel are auditing smelters to determine the conflict-free status of the minerals they source, and not the mines themselves. As smelters are located outside of the DRC and audits are not always conducted by third parties, these processes raise further concerns over whether conflict-free certifications reflect production realities. By far the most advanced site in terms of producing `conflict-free' minerals for sale to the international market is Kalimbi, a tin mining area home to externally-financed initiatives running an industry-led bagging-and-tagging scheme called iTSCi. Yet even here, despite the establishment of a `closed pipeline' from mine to exportation, the mine still suffers from the sporadic influence of armed actors, and miners are made to bear the additional costs of `conflict-free' schemes. This raises further concerns over the credibility of the system in place, and its suitability for the scale-up and expansion to other, more remote mine sites currently underway. Coupled with slow progress in implementation, the trend towards the monopolisation of `conflict-free' supply chain initiatives, in particular traceability by iTSCi, is economically damaging to local populations since it currently excludes and isolates the overwhelming majority of mining communities from legal access to international markets. The Alternative There is broad consensus for the need to clean up the eastern Congo's minerals sector, yet much disagreement about the international community's current model for achieving this goal. As such, efforts to improve transparency in the eastern DRC's mineral supply chains should continue. Yet a more nuanced and holistic approach that takes into account the realities of the eastern DRC's mining sector and the complexity of the conflict is needed. To this end, we make the following five recommendations: Improve consultation with government and communities: Congolese government and civil society were poorly consulted on Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act prior to its passing, and as a result many were unaware of its implications. The few who were consulted were unanimously pro-Dodd-Frank, creating additional conflicts on local levels where endorsement and dissent compete. More Congolese voices must be listened to, and the local context and power structures taken into account. This would ensure greater understanding of the local context and better harmonisation with existing national and regional initiatives, such as the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region's (ICGLR) Regional Initiative against the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources. Work towards meaningful reform: The audit process should be designed to improve policies and practices rather than to just provide window-dressing. The dominant belief that static oversight and validation processes ensure `conflict-free' mineral trade is misplaced given the volatile security situation in most of the eastern DRC. Both mines and smelters should be regularly inspected and the time period between inspection and certification minimized. Where this is not feasible, additional waivers or similar measures should not be ruled out. Create incentives towards better practice: Legal frameworks must be supported by real projects on the ground that can meet their requirements. If this is not possible--which is clearly still the case today, nearly four years after the passing of Dodd-Frank--then transition periods must be extended and the lowering of excessively high standards for `conflict-free' minerals should be considered. Similarly, former conflict actors should be incentivised where appropriate to join new `conflict-free' schemes. This may help avoid the eventual subversion or infiltration of the `clean' system put in place, as has been seen to date. Promote fair competition: Regulation must be based on competition that allows not only international businesses but also Congolese producers to influence (i.e. increase) local price schemes. This in turn would encourage a regime that ensures minimum wages which mining cooperatives can guarantee to their members based on their increased leverage on the price fluctuation. Widen the lens: Root causes of conflict such as land, identity, and political contest in the context of a militarized economy, rather than a single focus on minerals, must be considered by advocates seeking to reduce conflict violence. Furthermore, efforts to eradicate conflict minerals should not overlook the fact that artisanal mining is a key livelihood in the eastern DRC that holds as much potential to help steer the region away from conflict as it does to contribute towards it. More supportive measures are needed-- such as those found in the earlier 2009 draft of the US Conflict Minerals Act--that can help capture the economic potential of artisanal mining. Finally, other critical challenges such as access to credit, technical knowledge, hazardous working conditions, and environmental degradation should not be ignored by multinational corporations if they seek to improve business practices and increase transparency in their supply chains. So far, progress has been made in producing more ethical products for consumers, but stakeholders have not yet proceeded to improve the lives of Congolese people, nor address the negative impact current `conflict-free' initiatives are having. If the conflict minerals agenda is to lead to positive change on the ground, legislation passed by national governments and steps such as those outlined by Apple or Intel need to be grounded in a more holistic approach that is better tailored to local realities. Failure to do so will continue to seriously limit the ability of conflict minerals initiatives to improve the daily lives of the eastern Congolese and their neighbours. Worse, these initiatives will risk contributing to, rather than alleviating, the very conflicts they set out to address. List of Signatories 1. Aloys Tegera (Director, POLE Institute Goma) 2. Ann Laudati (Lecturer at the School for Geographical Sciences, University of Bristol) 3. Ashley Leinweber (Assistant Professor of Political Science, Missouri State University) 4. Ben Radley (Researcher, International Institute of Social Studies & `Obama's Law' Producer) 5. Bonnie Campbell (Professor of Political Science, Universite du Quebec a Montreal) 6. Christiane Kayser (Independent Analyst & Civil Peace Service-Bread for the World mobile team) 7. Christoph Vogel (Researcher, University of Zurich & Independent analyst/writer) 8. Cyprien Birhingingwa (Executive Secretary, COSOC-GL & Coordinator of CENADEP Kivu) 9. Daniel Rothenberg (Professor of Practice, School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University) 10. David Rieff (Independent Author and Commentator). 11. Deo Buuma (Executive Secretary, Action pour la Paix et la Concorde--APC, Bukavu) 12. Didier de Failly s.j. (Directeur, Mason de Mines du Kivu, Bukavu) 13. Dominic Johnson (Africa Editor and Deputy Foreign Editor, die tageszeitung) 14. Dorothea Hilhorst (Professor of Humanitarian Aid and Reconstruction, Wageningen University) 15. Emmanuel Shamavu (Director, APRODEPED, Bukavu) 16. Eric Kajemba (Coordinator, Observatoire Gouvernance et Paix, Bukavu) 17. Esther Marijnen (Researcher, Institute for European Studies/Vrije Universiteit Brussel) 18. Evariste Mfaume (Executive Director, ``Solidarite des Volontaires pour l'Humanite'') 19. Gabriel Kamundala (Researcher, CEGEMI & Universite Catholique de Bukavu) 20. Ganza Buroko (Cultural Operator & Coordinator of Yole!Africa, Goma). 21. Godefroid Ka Mana (Professor, ULPGL Goma & UEA Bukavu & Universite Kasavubu Boma) 22. Godefroid Muzalia (Professor, Institut Superieur Pedagogique de Bukavu) 23. Henning Tamm (Postdoctoral Prize Research Fellow, Nuffield College, University of Oxford) 24. Herbert Weiss (Emeritus Professor of Political Science, City University of New York) 25. James Smith (Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of California/Davis) 26. Jean Ziegler (Former UN Special Rapporteur for the Right to Food and Professor at University of Geneva) 27. Jeroen Cuvelier (Postdoctoral Researcher, Wageningen University and Ghent University) 28. John Kanyoni (Independent Consultant and Vice-President of the Congolese Chamber of Mines) 29. Josaphat Musamba (Assistant Professor, Universite Simon Kimbangu of Bukavu) 30. Joschka Havenith (Independent Researcher and Consultant, Cologne). 31. Jose Diemel (Researcher, Special Chair for Humanitarian Aid & Reconstruction, Wageningen University) 32. Joshua Walker (Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of the Witwatersrand) 33. Josue Mukulumanya (President of the South Kivu mining cooperatives board GECOMISKI) 34. Justine Brabant (Independent Researcher and Journalist) 35. Juvenal Munubo (Member of Parliament, Democratic Republic of the Congo) 36. Juvenal Twaibu (Director, Centre Independant de Recherches et d'Etudes Strategiques au Kivu) 37. Ken Matthysen (Researcher on artisanal mining in eastern Congo, Antwerp) 38. Kizito Mushizi (Member of Parliament, Democratic Republic of the Congo) 39. Koen Vlassenroot (Director, Conflict Research Group & Professor, Ghent University) 40. Kris Berwouts (Independent Consultant and Author). 41. Kristof Titeca (Assistant Professor, University of Antwerp) 42. Laura Seay (Assistant Professor of Government, Colby College) 43. Ley Uwera (Independent Journalist and Author, Goma) 44. Loochi Muzaliwa (Programme Coordinator, Life and Peace Institute DRC) 45. Micheline Mwendike (Activist, on behalf of LUCHA--Lutte pour le Changement/Struggle for Change) 46. Manuel Wollschlager (Conseiller Technique, ZFD-AGEH in Bukavu) 47. Milli Lake (Assistant Professor, Arizona State University) 48. Nicole Eggers (Assistant Professor of African History, Loyola University New Orleans) 49. Odile Bulabula (Deputy Coordinator, RIO--Network for Organisational Innovation, Bukavu) 50. Padraic MacOireachtaigh (Regional Advocacy and Communications Officer, Jesuit Refugee Service). 51. Pamela Faber (Researcher, St Catherine's College, University of Oxford) 52. Passy Mubalama (Independent Journalist and Author, Goma) 53. Paul Muhindo Mulemberi (Member of Parliament, Democratic Republic of the Congo) 54. Paul-Romain Namegabe (Professor of Law, Director of CEGEMI, Universite Catholique de Bukavu) 55. Paulin Bishakabalya (Director of Humanitarian Assistance and Development Committee, Bukavu) 56. Peer Schouten (Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Gothenburg) 57. Phil Clark (Reader in Comparative and International Politics, SOAS / University of London) 58. Rachel Niehuus (Postdoctoral Researcher at University of California, San Francisco) 59. Rachel Strohm (Researcher in Political Science, University of Berkeley) 60. Raf Custers (Independent Journalist and Author on Mining). 61. Remy Kasindi (Director, Centre for Research and Strategic Studies in Central Africa, Bukavu) 62. Rodrigue Rukumbuzi (Coordinator, AGAPE-Hauts Plateaux, Uvira) 63. Rosebell Kagumire (Independent Consultant and Blogger, Kampala/Addis Ababa) 64. Salammbo Mulonda Bulambo (Director, PIAP, Bukavu) 65. Sara Geenen (Postdoctoral Researcher, Institute of Development Policy, Antwerp University) 66. Sekombi Katondolo (Director, Radio Mutaani, Goma) 67. Severine Autesserre (Assistant Professor, Barnard College, Columbia University) 68. Thomas Idolwa Tchomba (Consultant and Mining Expert, Goma) 69. Timothy Makori (Researcher, Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto) 70. Timothy Raeymaekers (Lecturer in Political Geography, University of Zurich) 71. Yvette Mwanza (President of the Mining Committee, Federation des Entreprises Congolaises North Kivu) 72. Zacharie Bulakali (Independent Researcher on mining in eastern Congo). All the signatories listed express their support to the open letter in its above form but not necessarily approve of accompanying opinion pieces and/or explanatory notes, which remain their respective authors' views.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Chair, my amendment would prohibit funds from being used to implement a misguided and harmful rule from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration regarding occupational exposure to respirable crystalline silica. This destructive rule was first proposed in 2013 and significantly threatens jobs in a number of industries around the country including: construction, foundries, aggregates, oil and gas, brick manufacturers, maritime as well as several other industries. The limits set in this rule are simply unworkable, without extraordinary costs to both workers and job creators in my district and manufacturing centers across America. We are talking about the loss of thousands upon thousands of American jobs. Furthermore, even if these companies were able to meet this unreasonable requirement without putting hardworking Americans out of work, commercial laboratories have not been able to measure workplace silica levels with any accuracy or consistency making it nearly impossible for employers to determine if they are in compliance. We are in the midst of strong economic growth, but burdensome regulations like this threaten our economic well-being. In fact, the cost of compliance for the construction industry alone has been estimated to be nearly $5 billion per year. This rule's impact on the Foundry industry would also be catastrophic. Independent analyses show it would cost the industry $2.2 billion annually, which represents 9.9 percent of the industry's revenue and an astounding 276 percent of its profits. Another key industry that will suffer under this regulation is hydraulic fracturing which uses tremendous amounts of sand. The American energy sector has boomed in recent years--increasing economic prosperity and creating thousands of jobs across America. Hydraulic fracturing is also a major reason why our nation has become more energy independent and allowed us to help our allies in Europe while countering countries such as Russia and Iran. The deadline for the construction industry to comply with this rule is September 23. We cannot stand by while another burdensome and unworkable regulation is piled on job creators that are finally starting to see growth. We need to act now to protect American Jobs. I encourage you to join me in voting for this amendment to stop this job-destroying rule.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to welcome Admiral Paul F. Zukunft, Commandant of the United States Coast Guard, to the 2017 Coast Guard Festival in Grand Haven, Michigan. 2017 marks the fourth consecutive year that Admiral Zukunft has traveled to west Michigan to celebrate the Coast Guard Festival as Commandant. In 1977, Admiral Zukunft graduated from the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, where he received a Bachelor of Arts in government. He went on to earn a Master of Arts in management from Webster University in 1988 and a Master of Arts in national security and strategic studies from the U.S. Naval War College in 1997. All the while, he rose through the ranks of the Coast Guard. Admiral Zukunft became the 25th Commandant of the U.S. Coast Guard on May 30, 2014. In this capacity, he leads upwards of 88,000 personnel composed of active duty, reserve, civilian and volunteer Auxiliarists. Prior to this, Admiral Zukunft served as Commander of the Coast Guard Pacific Area, Commander of the Eleventh Coast Guard District and Director of the Joint Interagency Task Force West. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the Second District of Michigan, we thank Admiral Zukunft for his tireless efforts to serve and protect our nation. It is with great pleasure that I welcome Admiral Zukunft to Grand Haven, Michigan.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the village of Pentwater, Michigan on the occasion of its 150th Anniversary. On March 16, 1867, the former settlement of Pentwater was officially incorporated as a village by the Michigan Legislature. The Victorian homes and cottages scattered around the village remind visitors of Pentwater's historic past. Its first sawmill--opened in 1867--turned into a booming lumbering industry, including the largest shingle mill in the United States. As we look back at Pentwater's historic past, we hope to preserve that which has made it special. From early on, Pentwater was known as a scenic resort destination. Today, with its picturesque location on Lake Michigan, Pentwater offers countless options for recreation and entertainment. Charles Mears State Park provides visitors the opportunity to hike, fish, sail and enjoy all that Lake Michigan has to offer. Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to join me in celebrating the 150th Anniversary of the village of Pentwater, Michigan.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Baldwin Family Health Care, a community health center in Baldwin, Michigan, for their 50 years of dedicated service. On Friday, August 11, 2017, they will celebrate this momentous anniversary. Founded in 1967, Baldwin Family Health Care is a non-profit, Federally Qualified Health Center that provides quality, integrated, and comprehensive health care services that are accessible to all. At the time, it was the nation's third community health center and the first of its kind in Michigan. Committed to providing primary health care to families in the surrounding communities, Baldwin Family Health Care offers one-stop medical shopping opportunities. This includes primary medical care, dental, lab, x-ray, pharmacy, behavioral health, health education, perinatal services, and vision services. They also provide school-based child and adolescent health centers for the Baldwin area. Baldwin Family Health Care serves the uninsured and underinsured in Lake County. Baldwin Family Health Care is purposely located to care for families in need, especially those in Lake County's nearby public housing. Baldwin Family Health Care is implementing new health initiatives to further strengthen health services for the poor. It is more than just treatment for illnesses and injuries; there is also an emphasis on education and prevention that promotes wellness to help people lead healthier lives. Today, they have additional centers in White Cloud, Grant, Cadillac and McBain. In all, Family Health Care serves 30,000 medical patients and nearly 8,000 dental patients. The efforts and success of Baldwin Family Health Care in providing health education, health care, and community services should be celebrated. Congratulations to Baldwin Family Health Care on your 50th Anniversary, and thank you for your compassion for communities in West Michigan.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, let's talk about a stacked deck: trial attorneys putting cash over conscience. That is not the answer that we are in search of, but it is the answer that others who are opposed to this certainly are. The CFPB, the so-called Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, has a study itself that shows that consumers who actually use arbitration reach more favorable outcomes than those who are roped into lawsuits with cash-starved trial lawyers. It is astounding that only 13 percent of these lawsuits provide any benefit to actual consumers, but the Bureau is still pushing this ill- advised rule. Arbitration decisions also come much more quickly for consumers. Again, the Bureau's own study concludes that arbitration decisions come 12 times faster than lawsuits. So let's review quickly: a faster, more favorable outcome for consumers versus helping trial lawyers line their pockets. This should not be hard. In fact, Mr. Speaker, according to the D.C. Circuit Court, unelected Bureau Director Cordray has more unilateral authority than any other single commissioner or board member in any other independent agency in the entire U.S. Government. Congress must begin to use its authority to hold this agency accountable for its anticonsumer policies and actually provide the checks and balances that our Founders would have intended. That is the stacked deck that we have right now, folks. The Bureau's flawed arbitration rule does absolutely nothing to protect the consumers it is charged with protecting. Instead, it is nothing more than a windfall for trial lawyers and well-connected Washington elites. The rule's only accomplishment will be to create more class action lawsuits, lining trial lawyers' pockets with more cash while providing no real protection to consumers. This anticonsumer rule will have the effect of making consumers wait longer for worse decisions as they seek resolutions for their disputes. In no way, shape, or form does this rule actually do what the Bureau was created to do: protect consumers. This CRA is an important step in allowing Congress to rein in this rogue agency. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate a humble public servant and someone, frankly, I am proud to call a friend, Chief James Carmody of the Wyoming, Michigan, Police Department, who was recently named Michigan Police Chief of the Year. Jim Carmody began his career in 1975 as a police officer in Port Huron, Michigan, where he rose to the rank of deputy chief. In 2006, Jim made the decision to join the Wyoming Police Department as chief and call west Michigan home. Chief Carmody has led the charge to strengthen the relationship between police officers and the community that they serve, while providing the residents of Wyoming, Michigan, with topnotch law enforcement. Chief Carmody's relentless commitment to public safety doesn't end there. He also chairs the Michigan Police Chiefs' Traffic Safety Committee and was recently appointed to serve on the Governor's Traffic Safety Commission. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the Second District of Michigan, I congratulate Chief Carmody on being named the top Michigan Police Chief for 2016. We thank him for his 42--and keep counting--years of service to Michigan and to our Nation.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate my neighbor and friend, Chief Bill Olney, on his retirement from the Zeeland Police Department, and to thank him for his work and his service. After attending both Grand Valley State University and Wayne State University, Bill received a degree in criminal justice from Madonna University. He began his career in law enforcement in 1976 as a Michigan State Police trooper, where he served for 25 years protecting our great State. In 2001, just one day after he retired from the Michigan State Police, Bill Olney joined the Zeeland Police Department, where he served as our chief of police for 16 years. Chief Olney has dedicated his career to providing the highest quality law enforcement service and professionalism to the residents of Zeeland. His relentless work for our committee and dedication is clearly reflected by the numerous awards and commendations he has received over his career. Chief Olney has served on the West Michigan Criminal Justice Training Consortium, Ottawa Substance Abuse Prevention Coalition, and Stop Child Abuse and Neglect Council. As a lifelong Detroit Lions and Michigan State Spartans fan, I know he will enjoy his retirement with his wife, Kathryn; and his children, Shannon and Matt. I think some football is in his kids' future. Mr. Speaker, I want to ask my colleagues to join me in saying ``thank you'' on behalf of the Second District of Michigan as we thank Chief Bill Olney for his 41 years of service to the State of Michigan and to our country.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today regarding a missed vote due to a meeting with a constituent. Had I been present for Roll Call vote No. 341, on H. Res. 3003 on Ordering the Previous Question, I would have voted Yea.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate a longtime public servant, Daryl Delabbio, on the occasion of his retirement. Daryl has served as Kent County Administrator/Controller since 1998. Prior to his time with Kent County, he spent 11 years as Rockford city manager. In all, Daryl has dedicated four decades to the people of Kent County and the greater Grand Rapids area. As Administrator/Controller, Daryl oversaw Kent County's daily activities, acted as its chief financial officer and headed project management. Under his leadership, Kent County maintained a balanced budget and saw the development of Millennium Park and the DeVos Place Convention Center. Most importantly, he has led the county in a non- partisan, fair, and fiscally responsible manner. I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the career of Administrator/Controller Daryl Delabbio for his service to Kent County.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to recognize the 50th anniversary of Grand Valley State University's pioneer class. In June of 1967, in a tent on its Allendale, Michigan campus, Grand Valley held its long dreamed of first commencement ceremony. On that day, 138 seniors, including 86 members of the pioneer class that started in 1963, received their diplomas from Michigan's newest college. These first graduates laid the foundation of a university that would grow to offer 124 degrees, enroll students from 82 different countries, and boast a 94 percent employment rate for its graduates--always a good thing. After that first graduation ceremony in 1967, GVSU had 138 alumni. Today, the university has over 110,000 proud alumni throughout Michigan and, frankly, around the globe. Under the leadership of its first president, James Zumberge, followed by the continued guidance of Arend Lubbers, Mark Murray, and current president, Thomas Haas, Grand Valley has come to be a renowned institution and one of the 100 largest universities in this Nation. During the very first commencement address, a speaker noted: ``No one could ever possibly chart your course through these years.'' And it is hard to imagine that the pioneer class could have dreamed of the role that they would be playing in helping Grand Valley State University achieve such great heights. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring Grand Valley State University's pioneer class of 1967, the original ``Lakers for a Lifetime.''

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today regarding a missed vote due to a meeting with constituents on the House steps. Had I been present for rollcall vote No. 303, H. Res. 378, The Rule providing for consideration of the bill H.R. 2581--Verify First Act and S. 1094-- Department of Veterans Affairs Accountability and Whistleblower Protection Act, I would have voted ``yea.''

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 303.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Chairman, by enacting the CHOICE Act, community banks and credit unions can utilize their resources to help their individual customers and small businesses achieve financial independence. If we want small businesses to continue to be the engine of economic growth, we must remove the regulatory red tape that is preventing community lenders from supporting these small business job creators. We hold Wall Street accountable. We hold the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau accountable, and we make it more effective to do its job. No government agency should be unaccountable to the American taxpayer. Dodd-Frank was a larger social agenda waiting for a crisis, and I understand that from my friends on the other side; but today, small businesses and hardworking Americans continue to pay the price. The Financial CHOICE Act enacts progrowth reforms, restores accountability, and provides opportunity. I encourage a ``yes'' vote.

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Chair, I support this amendment offered by Congressman Hollingsworth, who is a great member of our committee. But folks watching this, you have to understand what is going on. You just heard about how we are trying to roll back things, roll back bipartisan consensus. We have bipartisan consensus on this. This very issue was in a bill that was proposed by current OMB Director Mick Mulvaney. In fact, when it came out of committee, there were 4 ``no'' votes against it. The ranking member herself voted for this very issue in a Business Development Corporation bill, a BDC bill, that had been sponsored the last Congress. In addition, the omnibus bill that had passed had this very provision in it as well. So what you are seeing is hypocrisy, at best. Gamesmanship and politics really is probably what is going on. This amendment builds upon a bipartisan provision in the CHOICE Act that directs the SEC to do something that had been an oversight. It is streamlining these securities-offering provisions. I know it is complicated and very esoteric, but these well-known, seasoned issuers, or WKSIs as they are known, really have been a secure and safe way of investing for Joe and Janet retirement investor. That is what I like to the call them. It is my mom and dad and your mom and dad, us, and our brothers and sisters. It is retail investors. What this amendment does is conforms the filing and offering regulations for closed-end funds to those traditional operating companies. With that, I offer my support and encourage support. Let's stop the hypocrisy and politics.

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Chairman, the economic downturn in 2008 caused Michiganders and folks around the country to lose their jobs, families to lose their savings, and even some to lose their homes. Since that time, folks on the other side of the aisle have been attempting to convince the American people that the Dodd-Frank Act is ``the answer'' to the financial crisis, despite the law failing to actually address the root cause of the downturn. In reality, Dodd-Frank has made it more difficult for hardworking taxpayers to secure a future for themselves and their children by denying them the economic recovery that they deserve. Hardworking Americans rely on capital markets to save for everything from college to retirement. We as Congress must act to eliminate the burdensome and unnecessary red tape created under Dodd-Frank to ensure U.S. capital markets remain the most effective in the world so that all investors can receive the greatest return on their investments. Since Dodd-Frank, our capital markets have become less stable, less efficient, and less liquid, which has made it more difficult for small businesses and American job creators around the country to access the necessary financial resources in order to expand and create jobs. In fact, Dodd-Frank has severed access to the capital markets for Main Street businesses and entrepreneurs who are the heartbeat of the American economy. In order to succeed, small and growing companies need capital and credit--the lifeblood for growth, expansion, and job creation. Yet the government has continued to construct arbitrary walls that cut them off from essential financing as smaller companies are caught in a sea of red tape created by Washington bureaucrats. Enough is enough. In order to increase economic opportunity, we must enact commonsense regulatory reform and restore accountability to Wall Street and to Washington. The House Financial Services Committee achieves this goal through the carefully crafted CHOICE Act, which we are debating here today. The Financial CHOICE Act eliminates Dodd-Frank's one-size-fits-all regulatory structure which has strangled community financial institutions with overly burdensome regulations that were meant for the largest banks here in America.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, this important legislation also holds Washington bureaucrats accountable by creating constitutional checks and balances for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau so that it can more effectively do its job. No government agency should be unaccountable to the American people. Lastly, this commonsense legislation protects taxpayers by eliminating too big to fail, something that my colleague had just talked about, and requires failing institutions to liquidate through a streamlined bankruptcy process, not taxpayer-funded bailouts. The process that she was talking about, this orderly liquidation authority, the government runs the bank for 5 years, and that is unacceptable. So I hope you will join me in supporting this rule and supporting the underlying bill.

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, the economic downturn in 2008 caused Michiganders and citizens around the country to lose their jobs, families to lose their savings, and way too many to lose their homes. Since that time, our friends on the other side of the aisle have attempted to convince the American people that Dodd-Frank was ``the answer'' to the financial crisis, despite the law failing to actually address the root cause of the downturn. In reality, Dodd-Frank has made it more difficult for hardworking taxpayers to secure a future for themselves and their children by denying them the economic recovery that they deserve. Let's be honest: Dodd-Frank was an agenda waiting for a crisis. So many issues not related to economic stability were crammed into this flawed law that, now, big banks have gotten even bigger and small banks have disappeared at an alarming rate. Even worse, Dodd-Frank enshrined ``too big to fail'' and, frankly, put in place ``too small to save.'' Enough is enough. In order to increase economic opportunity, we must enact commonsense regulatory reform and restore accountability to Wall Street and to Washington. The House Financial Services Committee achieves this goal through a carefully crafted Financial CHOICE Act, which we are debating here today. The Financial CHOICE Act eliminates Dodd-Frank's one-size-fits-all regulatory structure that has strangled community financial institutions with overly burdensome regulations that were meant for the largest banks in America. By enacting the CHOICE Act, community banks and credit unions can utilize their resources to help individual customers and small businesses achieve financial independence. If we want small businesses to continue to be the engine of economic growth, we must remove the regulatory red tape that is preventing these community lenders from supporting small business job creators. Additionally, the Financial CHOICE Act holds Wall Street accountable by imposing the toughest penalties in history. To protect consumers from financial fraud is a key goal for all of us.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today regarding missed votes due to family matters. Had I been present for Roll Call vote number 271, Ordering the Previous Question on H. Res. 348, Providing for consideration of H.R. 953, the Reducing Regulatory Burdens Act of 2017, I would have voted Yea. Had I been present for Roll Call vote number 272, H. Res. 348, The Rule providing for consideration of the bill H.R. 953--Reducing Regulatory Burdens Act of 2017, I would have voted Yea. Had I been present for Roll Call vote number 273, H.R. 2288, The Veterans Appeals Improvement and Modernization Act of 2017, I would have voted Yea.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today regarding missed votes due to family matters. Had I been present for roll call vote number 269, H.R. 1862, The Global Child Protection Act of 2017, I would have voted Yea. Had I been present for roll call vote number 270, H.R. 1842, The Strengthening Children's Safety Act of 2017, I would have voted Yea.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the 75th anniversary of the National Association of Home Builders. For three-quarters of a century, the NAHB has been fighting for homeowners, home builders, and communities across the country. Today, the federation includes over 700 local and State home builder associations who are committed to fostering a pro-growth climate and sensible, cost-effective housing policies. How do I know? Because my family has been involved in our local chapter for decades. The NAHB has long supported the builders who create beautiful homes in west Michigan--my home--as well as across the Nation. Many of these builders are small-business men and women who represent the backbone of the American economy. By standing up to regulatory overreach and promoting a pro-growth environment, the NAHB is helping these entrepreneurial small businesses to have a voice. Thanks in part to the efforts of the NAHB, builders and consumers throughout the country are back on their feet, housing production has increased, and builders are increasingly confident in the market. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring the National Association of Home Builders as they work to keep the home building industry moving forward. Congratulations for those 75 years.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize John Russell, Chairman of the Board of Directors for CMS and Consumers Energy, for the dedication of the John G. Russell Leadership Center in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Customer-focused and data-driven, John has inspired countless employees to accomplish extraordinary things, and with the opening of this center, his legacy will continue to train and motivate leaders for generations to come. During his 35-year career in the energy industry, John valued leadership and was deeply committed to developing strong, capable leaders throughout the company. He challenged the organization to consistently deliver breakthrough results and leave Michigan better than he found it. A longtime Grand Rapids resident, John was President and Chief Executive Officer of CMS and Consumers Energy from May 2010 to July 2016. He was named Chairman of the Boards of CMS and Consumers Energy in May 2016. John also served on the boards of Grand Valley State University, Business Leaders for Michigan, Michigan Chamber of Commerce, Hubbell Inc. and The Right Place Inc. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring John Russell for his outstanding leadership and commitment to the state of Michigan.

Mr. HUIZENGA

Mr. HUIZENGA. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Davidson).

Mr. HUIZENGA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), the chairman of the Committee on Small Business here in the House of Representatives and a strong supporter of this bill.

Mr. HUIZENGA. Madam Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling), chairman of the Financial Services Committee.