Daniel Inouye

Mr. INOUYE

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, section 8118 of H.R. 4576, a bill making appropriations for the Department of Defense for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2001, and for other purposes, refers to the National Center for the Preservation of Democracy. What is the National Center for the Preservation of Democracy? What is the rationale and purpose of the National Center for the Preservation of Democracy? I will do my best to respond to the above questions. The history of America demonstrates the vision and intent of its Founding Fathers when framing the Constitution. As a living document the Constitution has proven over time its capacity to meet the changing needs of the United States, ensuring the protection of all of its people. The story of Americans of Japanese ancestry represents a complete lesson of democracy in action and exemplifies the American dream. From immigration in the late 1800s, to issues of citizenship in the early 1900s, to the incarceration of citizens and the heroics of Japanese-American soldiers during World War II, and to redress in the 1980s, the Japanese-American story is about the struggles and victories of individual freedoms in the United States. Through their experiences, Japanese-Americans have validated all that is possible and all that is right with our constitutional guarantees. The Japanese-American story celebrates the triumphs of American democracy. The National Center for the Preservation of Democracy will be headquartered in the renovated and transformed Historic Building of the Japanese-American National Museum in Los Angeles, CA. The Historic Building is a National Historic Landmark as designated by the National Trust for Historic Preservation. This space will keep alive and teach about a remarkable time in U.S. history, a period of shame and sacrifice and insult that ended with a burst of glory demonstrating the majesty of our government to recognize its errors and make a public apology and some restitution. The Japanese-American story illustrates the splendor of the United States and the magnificence of the Constitution. Since their initial immigration in the late nineteenth century, Japanese-Americans have believed strongly in the American dream and have sought to make America their home. Although confronted by prejudice and discrimination, Japanese- Americans have utilized that very democratic process in the spirit intended by the Framers of the Constitution. The story of Japanese- Americans is about democracy in action. Like other immigrants, Japanese journeyed to the United States seeking opportunity and dreams of a better life. From the moment they arrived in the late nineteenth century, however, they were confronted with social prejudice and discriminatory laws already in place. The Naturalization Act passed by Congress on March 26, 1790, which restricted naturalization to ``free white men,'' was unavailable to persons of Japanese ancestry. Designated as ``aliens ineligible for citizenship'' (the only racialized group so defined until 1952), Japanese immigrants were rendered as perpetual aliens, a condition that prevented their full enjoyment of life, liberty and property. Nonetheless, the Issei--Japanese immigrants--courageously maintained their belief in America and moved forward to establish their new lives in the United States. More than that, through hard work and perseverance, Japanese enterprise prospered in the face of indifference. Without citizenship, Japanese immigrants were subject to alien land laws, which prohibited ownership of land by ``aliens ineligible for citizenship.'' Although denied full participation as Americans, Japanese immigrants consistently sought, through non-violent legal efforts, to undo the intent of discriminatory laws through public campaigns, litigation, and other peaceful strategies. Their hopes in becoming citizens were further hindered, however, when on November 13, 1922 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on the Ozawa case, definitively prohibiting Japanese immigrants from become naturalized citizens on the basis of race. Moreover, the future of the Japanese in the United States was further restricted when President Calvin Coolidge signed the Immigration Law of 1924, which was based on race and omitted Japanese from the quota system. When Japan bombed Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, America was stunned and angered. For Japanese Americans, who had been subject to discrimination because of their ancestry, the whole world turned dark. However, as the United States confronted the threat of fascism in Asia and Europe, American democracy itself was put to a challenge and, for Japanese Americans, it fell short. Because they ``looked like the enemy'' and were thought to be a military threat, 120,000 individuals of Japanese ancestry, two-thirds of whom were American born citizens, were excluded from the West Coast, forcibly removed, and incarcerated in concentration camps. These prison camps were at first operated by the Army, and then the War Relocation Authority. This event has become the largest violation of constitutional rights in American history. For Japanese-American males, the beginning of the war was especially humbling and painful as the Selective Service designated them as, IV-C, enemy aliens. Although they were loyal to the United States, these American born citizens were rendered ineligible to enlist in the armed services. Nonetheless, when the government announced the formation of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, a segregated unit of Japanese- Americans, thousands of young Japanese-American men enthusiastically volunteered to serve. Stigmatized by the classification as enemy aliens, they were eager to prove their loyalty to the United States. Government officials were surprised by the overwhelming response. While family and friends were incarcerated behind barbed wire, the soldiers of the 100th Infantry Battalion and the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, as well as the Military Intelligence Service fought and died for the United States and for the preservation of democracy with no guarantee that their civil rights would be restored. There service demonstrates the ultimate in patriotism and love of country. In 223 days of combat, the 100th Infantry Battalion and 442nd Regimental Combat Team became one of the most decorated units in United States military history. Among the many awards and decorations received by the men of the 100th Infantry Battalion and the 442nd Regimental Combat Team are 20 Congressional Medals of Honor, 354 Silver Star Medals, 33 Distinguished Service Crosses and over 3600 Purple Heart Medals. Their distinguished record includes the rescue of the ``Lost Battalion'' and participation in the assault that cracked the Gothic Line of Nazi strongholds. Affirming the unending truth that loyalty to one's nation is not modified by racial origin, these soldiers fought two wars, one for democracy overseas and the other for racial discrimination back home in the United States. As President Harry Truman said, ``You fought not only the enemy but you fought prejudice-- and you have won.'' Indeed, these brave and courageous young men believed that their sacrifices would make life better not only for Japanese-Americans but for all Americans. The privileges of democracy that Americans enjoy today are the result of the blood shed by these American heroes. The sacrifices of officers and men of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, the 100th Infantry Battalion, the Military Intelligence Service, and others have helped to make America a more democratic nation, and their valiant service continues to be a source of pride for all Americans. In response to their heroic achievements, President Harry Truman challenged ``Keep up the fight and we will continue to win and to assure that this republic stands for what the Constitution says it stands for: the welfare of all of the people, all of the time.'' Many members of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team took President Truman's words to heart. Several soldiers went on to fight for democracy through their service as elected officials while others continued to serve in the armed forces. Eventually Japanese-Americans went on to fight in the Korean War and later the Vietnam War. Unlike Japanese-American soldiers during World War II who, after being designated as ``enemy aliens,'' served to prove their loyalty, Japanese-American soldiers in the Korean war and the Vietnam war served in the Armed Forces as Americans, full- fledged citizens of the United States. Without the need to prove their status as Americans, the reason for these courageous men to serve was purely for the love of country. Inevitably, the impact of the heroic service of Japanese-American soldiers during World War II went on to enhance the civil liberties of all Americans. In 1948, segregation in the armed services ended in large part from the efforts of the 442nd and in 1952 the Walter- McCarran Act made all races eligible for naturalization and eliminated race as a bar to immigration. Thus, Japanese immigrants, many of whom were parents of World War II veterans, were able to finally attain their citizenship as Americans. One of the more magnificent examples of American democracy at its most powerful form is the passage of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, signed into law by President Ronald Reagan, in which the United States recognized its grave and fundamental injustice of violating the civil liberties of its own citizens. Advanced by many Japanese-American war veterans, the law makes a formal apology and provides token restitution to former internees. No other country in the world can make the claim of acknowledging and apologizing for its mistakes--a point that further illustrates the grand majesty of the United States. More importantly, to demonstrate its commitment of assuring that similar events do not happen, the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 provided funds to educate all Americans about the lessons from the incarceration. While $50 million was authorized in the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 for educational purposes, the appropriations were significantly reduced because of the lack of funds available to pay the eligible individual claimants. The Civil Liberties Public Education Fund received only $5 million to fulfill its congressional mandate to educate the public about the lessons learned from the incarceration. With limited funding, the education of the exclusion, forced removal, and incarceration of Japanese-Americans during World War II was dramatically compromised and the government's commitment to educating the public has yet to be effectively fulfilled. The National Center for the Preservation of Democracy established in the Historic Building of the Japanese-American National Museum will achieve that objective. Through their efforts since the late 19th century, Japanese-Americans have secured the civil rights of all Americans, contributing to the most basic tenets of America's foundational ideals and promises--of life, liberty, and property. Although clearly denied many of those freedoms at various times throughout history, Japanese-Americans consistently sought, through non-violent legal efforts, to secure Constitutional guarantees and the promise of the American dream. With that, they deepened and enriched the meaning of the American identity-- the notion of who is an American--and the rights, privileges, and obligations that comprise the Republic's very core. The National Center for the Preservation of Democracy will be assisted by the Japanese-American National Museum in the examination of the rights and freedoms of Americans in the United States through the Japanese-American experience. Because its mission is dedicated to the study, preservation, and interpretation of democratic issues, the National Museum maintains extensive expertise that will enable the National Center for the Preservation of Democracy to: Develop and exhibit nationwide programs about the issues of democracy; Have ready access to significant collections relating to these issues, especially the legacy of Japanese-American military service, including artifacts of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team and other military units; Benefit from the relationships established and maintained by the National Museum, especially with federal institutions and related community organizations; and Provide a dynamic visitor experience in a historic building. The National Center for the Preservation of Democracy will be created as a dedicated space where visitors can learn about the enduring fragility and ultimate success of individual and constitutional rights. The headquarters will be established in a renovated and transformed historic building provided by the Japanese American National Museum. Some of the historical highlights of the building, which was constructed in 1925, include: Served as the first Buddhist temple in Southern California and as a center for social and religious life for the immigrant community; Site where priests, who lived in the building, were arrested without due cause immediately following the bombing of Pearl Harbor; Used as one of the sites where the Army instructed ``aliens and non- aliens of Japanese ancestry to assemble for transportation to Santa Anita Racetrack, which had been transformed into an Assembly Center; Served as a storage site for personal articles that could not be taken by those forced to leave; and Served as a hostel for many returning from camp and had no where to go. The National Center for the Preservation of Democracy will provide educational programming that includes exhibitions, media arts presentations, public programs, conferences, and civic dialogue/public forums. The National Center for the Preservation of Democracy will: Present a permanent, audience-focused exhibition addressing American democracy through the Japanese-American experience, including the military service of Japanese-Americans (in World War I, World War II, the Korean war, and the Vietnam war); Maintain and pursue key civil and military materials for a comprehensive collection; Create and esttablish new opportunities for civil and military research, especially through collaboration with federal institutions such as the National Archives and the Smithsonian Institution to make documents more accessible; Conduct education and public programs examining democracy in action; and Produce educational media arts productions that present and interpret related issues of democracy for broad national and international broadcast and distribution as well as for on-site exhibitions. I respectfully believe that the National Center for the Preservation of Democracy is most worthy of our support. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. INOUYE

Mr. INOUYE. I too want to tell my friend from New Jersey that I will work with our chairman in conference to ensure funding for this important program. configuration management information system

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I, too, commend the Senator from Utah for his continuing support of this committee's effort to expand and improve cancer research. This is an important topic in my state of Hawaii, where the Cancer Research Institute at the University of Hawaii has been long committed to finding treatments for the many varieties of cancer common not only to Hawaii but to the rest of the nation. I strongly support the commitment of the chairman to the request made by the Senator from Utah. navy information technology center

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask my colleagues from Alaska and New Jersey for support of additional funding for MOTBY and will join with Senator Stevens to ensure that we do what we can in conference to enable this to happen. lpd 17

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, last year I was pleased to work with Senator Lautenberg and Senator Stevens to provide the startup funds for research and development effort for nonlinear acoustic landmine Detection research, which is being done at Stevens Institute of Technology in New Jersey. This work promises to dramatically improve mine detection, and in so doing prevent serious injury and save lives. I am committed to working with Senator Lautenberg and Chairman Stevens towards the goal of a $3 million increase for the Stevens Institute effort during conference with the House. closed disposal technologies

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, shortly before Memorial Day, an excellent analytical piece was printed in the Washington Post under the headline For Pentagon, Asia Moving. I am afraid that not many of my colleagues had an opportunity to read that piece, because they were preparing to go home to visit their constituents over the Memorial Day recess. I would like to draw their attention to this thoughtful analysis of events and circumstances that will shape American Defense policies for the next several decades. In essence, the article suggests that, of necessity, the focus of American defense planning, our strategy and tactics--our deployments-- will shift from Europe to Asia. Current events in Korea, the rise of China as a modern military power, the spread of nuclear weapons to South-Asia, all of these dictate a re-examination of our defense policies. We must attend to how we train and where we may someday fight. To me, the article suggests the importance of Hawaii to our Nation's defense posture in the twenty-first century. The Washington Post article notes that, to many Americans, Hawaii appears to be well out in the Pacific, but it is another 5,000 miles from there to Shanghai. ``All told, it is about twice as far from San Diego to China, as it is from New York to Europe.'' We need to think about what this means. As U.S. economic interests in Asia come to dominate our economy, so too will U.S. security interests in Asia come to dominate our military policies. We must think about the distances involved and the need to be able to strike distant targets swiftly and with precision. The Air Force will need more long-range bombers and refueling aircraft. I have long advocated the acquisition of more B-2 bombers. The war in Kosovo showed that they could strike at long range and with precision. The Post article suggests to me that we may at some time need them in Asia and that we had better be prepared by making those investments soon. Similarly, the Navy will have to put more of its resources into the Pacific. Already the Navy has placed a larger percentage of its attack submarines in the Pacific. Surely, this will be followed by decisions to forward position carriers and other elements of carrier task forces. I believe Pearl Harbor will become even more important to the Navy. I know the people of Hawaii are prepared to welcome additional ships. The Army, too, is faced with the need to be able to respond quickly to deter future threats in Asia. We need to look to more joint training exercises and even the possibility of keeping some of our forces in Korea after peace takes hold on the Peninsula. Mr. President, I commend this May 26, 2000 Washington Post article to my colleagues. I ask unanimous consent that it be reprinted in full in the Record.

Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. INOUYE. My Chairman is correct in his understanding. The Congress has long been concerned with the ravaging extent of poverty, homelessness, and the high rates of unemployment in Native America. The Congress has consistently recognized that the economic devastation that has been wrought on Native communities can be directly attributed to Federal policies of the forced removal of Native people from their traditional homelands, their forced relocation, and later the termination of the reservations to which the government forcibly relocated them. In 1970, President Nixon established the Federal policy of self-determination, and that policy has been supported and strengthened by each succeeding administration. The Congress has sought to do its part in fostering strong Native economies through the enactment of a wide range of Federal laws, including a series of incentives that are designed to stimulate economic growth in Native communities and provide economic opportunities for Native American-owned businesses. Native American- owned businesses include not only those that are owned by an Indian tribe or an Alaska Native corporation or a Native Hawaiian organization, but those businesses that are 51 percent or more owned by Native Americans. As the U.S. Supreme Court has made clear, time and again, the political and legal relationship that this nation has had with the indigenous, aboriginal, native people of America is the basis upon which the Congress can constitutionally enact legislation that is designed to address the special conditions of Native Americans. In exchange for the cession of over 500 million acres of land by the native people of America, the United States has entered into a trust relationship with Native Americans. Treaties, the highest law of our land, were originally the primary instrument for the expression of this relationship. Today, Federal laws like section 8014, are the means by which the United States carries out its trust responsibilities and the Federal policy of self-determination and economic self-sufficiency. I thank my Chairman for proposing this clarifying amendment which I believe is fully consistent with the original purpose and intent of section 8014.

Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to. Amendment No. 3366, As Modified

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I join with my chairman and will work to favorably resolve this item in conference. C-5 Avionics Modernization Program

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I am not a pilot. However, I believe that in this body I spend more time on aircraft than other Members. My home is in Hawaii. Whenever I leave the city of Washington to return home, I must prepare myself for 11 hours and 15 minutes of flight time. In that sense, I believe I am an experienced person when it comes to flying. However, in my case, because of the uncertainty of the schedule in the Senate, we cannot make reservations 3 or 4 months ahead of time. I have had a reservation for this Friday, but I just canceled that because I think we are going to be handling appropriations measures. As a result, if something should come about making it possible for me to fly back to Hawaii this Friday, I may be able to get a flight, leaving at some strange hour, economy class, which I don't mind. But at the end of the trip, I usually can get home to my apartment and spend an evening of rest. The men who fly these planes have special responsibilities. When they get on a flight to go to Russia, they are not going to be escorted to a fancy hotel as soon as they land. They are expected to go to a meeting at that point. The least we can provide our commanders is some rest and some comfort before they get into some big business. Secondly, these are not just any old aircraft. They have to be specially equipped. In wartime and in peacetime, these planes are their headquarters. They make command decisions on these flights. They are expected to be in contact with the men and women under their command at all times. We are fortunate. In a sense, we are 8-to-8 employees. We get to work about 8 o'clock and we leave work about 8. A military commander is like a police officer. He is on duty 24 hours a day. These aircraft must be equipped to be able to provide support for his 24- hour-a-day responsibility. Yes, we do have 71 Learjets in the inventory at this time. That is a large fleet, 71 Learjets. But they are getting pretty old and inadequate for the assignments. Within 5 years, about 45 are going to be retired. Within 10 years, we will find that all of these will be gone. We have 707s. I don't know how many of my colleagues have been flying on 707s recently, but they are considered pretty old, 35 years old. Whether we like it or not, we will have to retire these aircraft. Yes, we have C-22s, the 727. They are 25 years old. They can't last forever. They are going to be retired pretty soon. A third consideration: This provision in our bill does not specify the name of the aircraft. We do this deliberately because we don't want to favor one company over another. If we put in the G-5 that we are favoring one company, the Grumman, or if we put in something else, we are going to be favoring another company. That is not our wish. We want this to undergo a competitive system. I think we have fulfilled that requirement by this amendment. Overall, there is another consideration. We have been speaking of admirals and generals. Much of the time you will find that these aircraft are being used by our civilian leaders, Cabinet people. Just 2 days ago, the Secretary of State went to Syria, to Damascus, to attend the funeral of President Assad. She did not go on Pan American or TWA. She went on a military aircraft. I would hope that we Americans would want our Secretary of State to travel in an aircraft worthy of her position. We can easily say United Airlines is good enough for me, why is it not good enough for general so-and-so? Well, if he is going home for vacation, he should take United Airlines or Delta, whatever airlines he wants to take. But these aircraft are not being used for personal purposes. They are being used for military purposes. I hope we will understand this. I hope when the vote is called, we will vote against this. I would support my colleagues from Iowa and California if I at any time thought these aircraft were perks. They are not perks. Any person who is willing to command troops and stand in harm's way in my behalf and in behalf of the people of the United States, I say a G-5 is good for them. If we get something better than that, so be it. Nothing is too good for them. I hope my colleagues will support the leadership and managers of this measure and vote against this amendment.

Mr. INOUYE

Mr. INOUYE. I thank the Senator.

Mr. INOUYE. I agree with the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, and I thank the Senator from Michigan for bringing this matter to our attention.

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, may I ask a question of the author of the measure?

Mr. INOUYE. Is the Senator satisfied that her amendment does not violate provisions of rule XVI?

Mr. INOUYE. It is limited only to the Department of Defense.

Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, can we withhold that just for a moment?

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, at this moment I find that mere words are inadequate to express my deep gratitude. Aloha to the senior Senator from West Virginia. May I just simply say I thank him very much.

Mr. INOUYE

Mr. INOUYE. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. INOUYE

Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I join my chairman in supporting the measure.