Sheila Jackson Lee

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chairman, the purpose of this amendment is to encourage the Secretary of Defense to allocate resources needed to provide technical assistance by U.S. military women to military women in other countries combating violence as a weapon of war, terrorism, human trafficking, narcotics trafficking, and their impact on women and girls across the globe. Let me thank the chairman and ranking member of the Subcommittee on Defense for the work they have done in the backdrop of the very overwhelming sequester, which I certainly oppose so that all of the appropriators will have the ability to provide the resources that they need. In particular, my amendment is recognizing the new face of war and the new fight of terrorism. I hold up these pictures of the numbers of countries who are adding women to their forces. America, of course, has had women in different parts of its military for a number of years, going back to nurses in World War I and II and in the various types of work that have been done recently in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the women are enormously proud and very effective. My amendment simply says that, in this new war on terrorism and human trafficking, we would have the opportunity to use the women in the United States military who have achieved levels of rank that are extremely important to be able to train and to provide technical assistance to those who are just adding women to their military. The United States Armed Forces possesses an unparalleled expertise and technological capability that will aid not only in combating and defeating terrorists, who hate our country and prey upon innocent persons--especially women, girls, and the elderly--but we must also recognize that, notwithstanding our extraordinary technical military capabilities, we face adversaries who adapt very quickly because they are not constrained by geographic limitations or norms of morality: the Caliphate, ISIL, ISIS, Boko Haram, al Shabaab, al Qaeda, all. We are also finding that these organizations are using women, but then, of course, the institutionalized militaries are also putting more women in. What better interface than that of the United States military and women, in particular. I have an article that I would like to submit into the Record, ``Turkey's Women Expand Role in Military.'' Turkey's Women Expand Role in Military At the 24th International Defence Film Festival in Rome, a documentary by film director Elif Ovar of the Turkish Army's Photo-Film Center was selected for the Jury's Award. Her documentary ``Light of Hope''--about Senay Haydar, Turkey's first female gendarmie commander and senior noncommissioned officer (NCO), against the backdrop of gender discrimination and violence against women in the small Anatolian town of Mesudiye--attracted much interest. Haydar works closely with local officials and families and has been credited for eradicating violence against women among the 40,000 residents of Mesudiye. Thanks to Haydar's actions, there hasn't been a single case of violence against women in the last nine months in Mesudiye. Ovar told Al-Monitor that as a woman she has been much impressed with Haydar's accomplishments in a small Anatolian town where traditional culture prevails. ``NCO Senay's success, as much as this is due to [her own accomplishments], is also the success of the commanders who believed in her,'' Ovar said. ``Appointing a female NCO as a representative of law and order to a town with 40,000 residents is truly a revolution for the Turkish army.'' Over the last three years, there have been extensive changes in the personnel policy of the Turkish army with the increase of the number of female officers and NCOs and, as was the case with Haydar, in assigning women to active field positions instead of just to administrative work at the headquarters. In an interview with Al-Monitor Haydar said: ``I always wanted to be a field commander who takes decisions instead of working at a desk. I was encouraged by the Gendarmerie General Command. When the results [of my employment] turned out to be positive, scores of female officers and NCOs followed in my footsteps.'' According to a source at the Gendarmerie School in Beykent, Ankara, in October alone, 67 female NCOs have been assigned to Gendarmerie General Command field posts after they completed their basic training; another 90 female NCOs and 30 officers will follow. Capt. Hulya Ercan, an instructor of the UH-60 Sikorsky helicopter at Ankara's Gendarmerie Aviation School, is the first female gendarmerie pilot in Turkey. In an interview with Al-Monitor she said: ``My husband is a captain. I raised my daughters Bensu and Beren without giving up my profession. I actually flew until the third month of my pregnancy with my youngest. My most memorable moment was one time when my husband was away on a mission and I was ordered to fly an urgent mission. I had to leave my 1\1/2\-year-old daughter with the duty officer at the base. When I returned five hours later, I found the duty officer and many soldiers entertaining my daughter. That was memorable and funny.'' A source at the Turkish General Staff who works on planning of the personnel policies told Al-Monitor that today there are 1,350 female officers in the Turkish army, which is 3.3% of the total number of officers. The target is to increase this to 5% in the next three years. The Turkish army wants to further increase the number of female NCOs, which today stands at 843 (0.9%). The aim is to also increase this to 5% by 2018, which means the employment of an additional 4,000 female NCOs. To achieve these objectives, the Turkish army has been trying to embrace more female-friendly personnel policies. The Turkish army employs 96 female colonels, 140 female lieutenant colonels and 360 female majors. Colonels generally work at headquarters while majors are usually unit commanders. Staff Maj. Bilgehan Bulbul is the commander of the largest transport fleet of the Air Force Command in Ankara and is also the first female fleet commander. There is a noticeable increase of Turkish female staff officers in important headquarter posts in the army and NATO. For example, naval staff officer Maj. Yasemin Bayraktutan is Turkey's current naval attache in London. Within six-seven years, she may well become the first female admiral of the country. In an email to Al-Monitor, she said she wants to return home after excelling in her current position and before becoming an admiral she wants to command a frigate. What is behind the Turkish army's decision to increase the number of female officers and NCOs? There are two practical reasons and one ideological one. The first practical reason is the relative reduction in the number of personnel called up for compulsory military service, as the Turkish army is moving toward becoming a professional entity--increasing the number of females in the army makes up for this loss in man power. The second practical reason is a need for female personnel because of a change in security issues the Turkish army is dealing with--notably, the shift from rural to urban areas of the Kurdistan Workers Party violence in Turkey's southeast. In addition, there is a need for female personnel in international missions that the Turkish armed forces are undertaking in Afghanistan, Kosovo and Bosnia, among others. To have ranking female officers provides significant advantages in communicating with the local population, especially with women, and carrying out civil-military cooperation projects effectively in the health care and education sectors. Thus, the Turkish army is determined to establish more effective links with local populations in low- intensity conflict areas and peace support missions. The ideological reason for increasing the number of females in the Turkish army is that the latter has always been the leading cause of modernization and Westernization of the republic. The army sees itself as a pioneer in all transformation processes in society, and more females and an increase in the visibility of their presence in the Turkish army delivers crucial messages--especially to the rural population--on equality for women and a more active participation of women in society. A female in uniform backed by the Turkish army can better dissuade a man in rural Turkey, for instance, inclined to violence against his wife. ``Because of my uniform and as stipulated by law, I will go after anyone committing violence against his wife or any other female,'' Haydar said.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. So my amendment, of course, is to provide that pathway for the collaboration of U.S. military women with other excellent forces to be able to help these women and to be able to fight the global war on terrorism through technical assistance, counsel, and advice, which I think will add to the expertise of those militaries but, more importantly, to the work of the United States military. Mr. Chair, I want to thank Chairman Frelinghuysen and Ranking Member Visclosky for shepherding this legislation to the floor and for their devotion to the men and women of the Armed Forces who risk their lives to keep our nation safe and for their work in ensuring that they have resources needed to keep our Armed Forces the greatest fighting force for peace on earth. Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to explain my amendment, which is simple and straightforward and affirms an example of the national goodness that makes America the most exceptional nation on earth. The purpose of the Jackson Lee amendment is to provide the Secretary of Defense flexibility to allocate resources needed to provide technical assistance by U.S. military women to military women in other countries combating violence as a weapon of war, terrorism, human trafficking, narcotics trafficking. Mr. Chair, the United States is committed to combating violent extremism, protecting our borders and the globe from the scourge of terrorism. The United States Armed Forces possess an unparalleled expertise and technological capability that will aid not only in combating and defeating terrorists who hate our country and prey upon innocent persons, especially women, girls, and the elderly. But we must recognize that notwithstanding our extraordinary technical military capabilities, we face adversaries who adapt very quickly because they are not constrained by geographic limitations or norms of morality and decency. Al Qaeda, Boko Haram, Al Shabaab, ISIS/ISIL and other militant terrorists, including the Sinai's Ansar Beit al-Maqdis in the Sinai peninsula which poses a threat to Egypt. The Jackson Lee amendment will help provide the Department of Defense with the resources needed to provide technical assistance to countries on innovative strategies to provide defense technologies and resources that promote the security of the American people and nation states. Terrorism, human trafficking, narcotics trafficking and their impact on women and girls across the globe has had a great adverse impact on us all. According to a UNICEF report, rape, torture and human trafficking by terrorist and militant groups have been employed as weapons of war, affecting over twenty thousand women and girls. Looking at the history of terrorism alone highlights the importance of providing technical assistance through our military might, as this enables us to chip at terrorism which has plagued us here in the United States. The Jackson Lee amendment will help curb terrorism abroad by making available American technical military expertise to military in other countries, like Nigeria, who are combating violent jihadists in their country and to keep those terrorists out of our country. Time and again American lives have been lost at the hands of terrorists. These victims include Christians, Muslims, journalists, health care providers, relief workers, schoolchildren, and members of the diplomatic corps and the Armed Services. This is why the technical assistance offered by our military personnel is integral to promoting security operation of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance aircraft for missions to empower local forces to combat terrorism. Terrorists across the globe have wreaked havoc on our society and cannot not be tolerated or ignored, for their actions pose a threat to our national security and the security of the world. Mr. Chairman, from the United States to Africa to Europe to Asia and the Middle East, it is clear that combating terrorism remains one of highest national priorities. Collectively, through every action and effort towards empowering our neighbors and their military to combat terrorism, eradicate human trafficking, stop narcotics trafficking and negate their impact on women and girls across the globe is in our national interest. I urge my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee amendment. I reserve the balance of my time. Point of Order

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Again, I want to begin by thanking the chairman of the subcommittee and the ranking member of the subcommittee and their staff because I have worked on this in past appropriations and had the privilege of receiving the support of both the chair and the ranking member on the question of post-traumatic stress disorder. I heard the chairman mention both Chairman Young and Chairman Murtha. Over the years, I have had the privilege of working with them on this question of post-traumatic stress disorder. I just want to use a little anecdote, particularly as it relates to Vietnam vets. Many of us remember Vietnam vets coming back and, some long years later, getting a better understanding of Agent Orange. I remember a Vietnam vet telling me about it, but as he indicated, they mentioned it or spoke about it or tried to explain it when they came back directly from Vietnam. It was a long time before the understanding came about Agent Orange, and in years going forward, there was great medical care needed, medical costs needed, because those veterans had been suffering for a long time. We now understand post-traumatic stress disorder; and, as I look over the landscape of the last years of war, Operation Iraqi Freedom and Operation Enduring Freedom, about 11 to 20 out of every 100 veterans, or 11 to 20 percent, who served have post-traumatic stress disorder in any given year. In the Gulf war, Operation Desert Storm, about 12 out of every 100 Gulf war veterans who still live have PTSD in any given year. In the Vietnam war, about 15 out of every 100 Vietnam vets, or 15 percent, are currently diagnosed with PTSD. In a recent study in the late 1980s, the National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study stated that it is estimated about 30 out of every 100. Other factors contribute to it, and, if you listen to individuals who have PTSD, they seek to be part of a normal life and to work and survive and provide for their families. My amendment is simple. It adds an extra $1 million to increase funding for PTSD. These funds will be used to outreach activities targeting hard-to-reach veterans, especially those who are homeless and reside in underserved urban and rural areas who suffer from post- traumatic stress disorder. I had the privilege a couple of years ago to provide a PTSD facility that was offsite of a veterans hospital in a small, community-based hospital. Mr. Chairman, the response from veterans was amazing because they were able to come to an offsite location for counseling in PTSD. We know that the tragedies of war last with men and women for a very long time. I am hoping that my colleagues will support this amendment again to ease the trauma of the thoughts that these men and women have, the nightmares when they sleep, because they really want to be--as they are--contributing members of society. Again, I ask my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee amendment.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank the staff, first, for working with Members and getting Members in order to be able to present their amendments; and then I want to thank the chairman and the ranking member for their understanding of this amendment and, again, make the point that this amendment that I am offering at this time I have been able to work on with the appropriators over the years. I am a breast cancer survivor, and as I, myself, was going through that period, I met women who were experiencing triple negative, which is a very deadly aspect of breast cancer. My amendment increases funding for Defense Health Program's research and development by $10 million, and these funds will address the question of breast cancer in the United States military. Just the fact, to take note of the point, that more than 800 women have been wounded in Iraq and Afghanistan, according to the Army Times, 874 military women were diagnosed with breast cancer just between 2000 and 2001. My amendment will add additional research dealing with this question. And the good news is that, when the military research component works on this, there is a great possibility of moving forward. Breast cancer strikes relatively young military women at an alarming rate, but male servicemembers, veterans, and their dependents are at risk as well. `` `Military people in general, and in some cases very specifically, are at a significantly greater risk for contracting breast cancer,' says Dr. Richard Clapp, a top cancer expert at Boston University. Clapp, who works for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on military breast cancer issues, says life in the military can mean exposure to a witch's brew of risk factors directly linked to greater chances of getting breast cancer.'' Just a moment about the triple-negative breast cancer, when I saw firsthand a very wonderful professional in my community go very quickly, first at the diagnosis and then the short-term survival that she experienced. It is a term used to describe breast cancer whose cells do not have estrogen receptors and progesterone receptors and do not have an excess of the HER2 protein on their cell membrane of tumor cells. So what does that mean? TNBC accounts for between 13 and 25 percent of all breast cancer in the United States. It is a higher grade, onset is younger, is more aggressive, and is likely to metastasize. Currently, 70 percent of women with metastatic triple-negative breast cancer do not live more than 5 years after being diagnosed, and it impacts various ethnicities and ethnic groups in a far different way. We find that African American women are more likely to be diagnosed with large tumors, but it impacts women of all backgrounds, racial backgrounds as well. So I ask my colleagues to consider this amendment that I have had the privilege of offering in years past. Might they also take note of the fact that the amendment would not change the overall level of budget authority, and it would lower the overall level of outlays. I ask my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee amendment. I add this article into the Record, ``A New Drug for Triple Negative Breast Cancers Seems Promising,'' dated June 5, 2015. Again, the research that the United States military can do under the research development test and evaluation is powerful. There are many women and men in the military and many women throughout the Nation and around the world who would benefit greatly from the additional focus on this very deadly disease, deadly form of breast cancer. Mr. Chair, I want to thank Chairman Frelinghuysen and Ranking Member Visclosky for shepherding this legislation to the floor and for their devotion to the men and women of the Armed Forces who risk their lives to keep our nation safe. Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to explain my amendment, which is identical to an amendment that I offered and was adopted in last year's Defense Appropriations Act (H.R. 4870). My amendment increases funding for the Defense Health Program's research and development by $10 million. These funds will address the question of breast cancer in the United States military. Women in the military have had to fight battles against Triple Negative Breast cancer and far too many of them are losing the battle. My amendment is designed to advance the study of triple negative breast cancer which is an aggressive and deadly type of breast cancer. Currently, 70% of women with metastatic triple negative breast cancer do not live more than five years after being diagnosed. TNBC accounts for between 13% and 25% of all breast cancer in the United States. It is essential to support research to identify multifaceted targeted treatments for this type of breast cancer. TNBC is an extremely deadly form of breast cancer. Unlike traditional forms of breast cancer there are no targeted treatments for TNBC. Additional research is necessary to find the molecular cause for TNBC in order to develop an effective treatment regime. It is only in the last few years that professionals studying breast cancer have concluded that breast cancer is not one disease, but many different forms of cancer all originating in the breast. Triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) is a term used to describe breast cancers whose cells do not have estrogen receptors and progesterone receptors, and do not have an excess of the HER2 protein on their cell membrane of tumor cells Triple Negative Breast Cancer (TNBC) cells: TNBC accounts for between 13% and 25% of all breast cancer in the United States; usually of a higher grade and size; onset at a younger age; are more aggressive; and are more likely to metastasize. Currently, 70% of women with metastatic triple negative breast cancer do not live more than five years after being diagnosed. African American women are 3 times more likely to develop triple-negative breast cancer than White women. African-American women have prevalence TNBC of 26% vs. 16% in non-African Americans women. The survival rate for breast cancer has increased to 90% for White women but only 78% for African American Women. African-American women are more likely to be diagnosed with larger tumors and more advanced stages of breast cancer. Currently no targeted treatment for TNBC exists. Breast cancers with specific, targeted treatment methods, such as hormone and gene based strains, have higher survival rates than the triple negative subtype, highlighting the need for a targeted treatment. There continues to be a need for research funding for biomarker selection, drug discovery, and clinical trial designs that will lead to the early detection of TNBC and to the development of multiple targeted therapies to treat this awful disease. Depending on its stage of diagnosis, triple negative breast cancer can be extremely aggressive and more likely to recur and metastasize than other subtypes of breast cancer. It typically is responsive to chemotherapy, although it can be more difficult to treat because it is unresponsive to the most effective receptor targeted treatments. There is no question that researchers are increasingly recognizing the importance of TNBC as an entity and focusing their efforts on several key areas. On June 5, 2015, it was reported that ``A New Drug For Triple Negative Breast Cancer Seems Promising--Enzalutamide.'' Research on effective treatment options for triple negative breast cancer is critically need to improve the survival rates of women who are diagnosed with the disease. We must also improve upon tests that can detect triple negative breast cancer while it is in its early stages, which could increase survival rates. I urge my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee Amendment. [From The Inquisitr, June 7, 2015] A New Drug For Triple Negative Breast Cancer Seems Promising-- Enzalutamide Breast cancer. The two words strike fear in nearly everyone's heart, as, by far, it is the most common cancer that women can get. In fact, one-out-of-eight women will be diagnosed at some point in their lives. Early detection remains the most important tool we have against fighting breast cancer, but it's only one tool. Not at all tests reliably show all breast cancers in their early stages, and many breast cancers are not detected until they begin to metastasize, or spread to remote locations in the body, which makes them incurable. They can be treated, but it is medically deemed impossible to cure at that point in time, with various metastatic lesions having to be handled as they appear--which means more chemo, more radiation, more lost quality of life. What many people don't realize is that there are actually several kinds of breast cancer--not all are the same or are treated the same. Many breast cancers have hormone receptors which are considered easier to treat the other types, because when biological therapy denies the tumor of the particular hormone that feeds it, the tumor dies. Triple-negative breast cancer, however, does not respond to hormone or biological therapies--that's because the tumor does not have those receptors. It also is a particularly aggressive cancer that usually strikes women in their childbearing years and moves quickly to the brain and bones. Lumpectomies, Mastectomies, chemotherapy, and radiation have been the medical standard, but often with dismal results--the five year prognosis for triple-negative breast cancer is not good. However, a new drug on the market seems promising in the fight against this disease that takes far too many young women. A drug used to treat prostate cancer in men seems promising--called Enzalutamide--shows promise in a subset of women with advanced triple-negative breast cancer. For women whose tumors express the androgen receptor (approximately 40 percent) the drug shrank or stopped tumor activity. Tiffany Traina, a medical oncologist at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center in New York, who specializes in breast cancer, spoke about the trial which included 118 women, 47 percent of which had triple-negative breast cancer with androgen receptors. ``Enzalutamide is an oral therapy and extremely well tolerated. We are seeing impressive improvements in progression-free survival [PFS] and in the clinical benefit rate. AR by immunohistochemistry is not perfect in predicting who is going to respond. This is not the whole story. We found that even those with really low AR expression level have had great responses [on trial. Combining AR expression with the gene signature has allowed us to enrich for the population that appears to truly benefit from enzalutamide. This is the most exciting data we have had in triple-negative breast cancer and certainly supports moving this therapy forward in development.''

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I ask my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee amendment. Again, I thank the staff, the chairman, and the ranking member for their commitment to the betterment of the lives of our young men and women in the United States military. Mr. Chairman, with that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. We have often worked, in the Judiciary Committee, as Mr. Goodlatte has so noted, because of the bipartisan leadership, including the offerer of this bill, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo), in a bipartisan manner as it deals with this new phenomena, and when I say ``new phenomena,'' continually changing phenomena, the Internet and the entire world of social media and the new technologies that we face today in communications. So, I am always eager to find common ground and would have liked to have done so as we worked together on this very important bill, H.R. 235. As a senior member of the House Judiciary Committee, and as the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, Homeland Security, and Investigations, coming from Houston, I rise with great concern on H.R. 235, the Permanent Internet Tax Freedom Act. When originally enacted in 1998, the Internet Tax Freedom Act established a temporary moratorium on multiple discriminatory taxation of the Internet, as well as new taxes on Internet access. This moratorium, however, is due to expire on October 1 of this year. Since 1998, Congress has extended the moratorium on a temporary basis. The bill before us, H.R. 235, will make that moratorium permanent. Unfortunately, in doing so, H.R. 235 also ends the act's grandfather protection for States that imposed such taxes prior to the act's enactment. There lies the crux of the problem: intrusion into individual States' authority dealing with taxation and providing them with a bridge of revenue. H.R. 235 is problematic for several reasons. First, Congress, instead of supporting this seriously flawed legislation, should be focusing on meaningful ways to help State and local governments, taxpayers, and local retailers. The House can do that by addressing the remote sales tax issue. In addition to extending the expiring moratorium on a temporary basis, the House should take up and send to the Senate legislation that would give States the authority to collect sales taxes from remote sellers. Such a proposal would incentivize remote sellers to collect and remit such taxes, as well as require States to simplify several procedures that would benefit retailers. Such legislation would enable States and local governments to collect more than $23 billion in estimated uncollected sales taxes each year. The measure would also help level the playing field for local retailers who must collect sales taxes when they compete with out-of- state businesses that do not collect these taxes. Retail competitors should be able to compete fairly with their Internet counterparts, at least with respect to sales tax policy. Now, I do know that a lot of our businesses are taking to the Internet, and I applaud that. But before I came here today I spoke before at least 100-plus small businesses. I can tell you that they are worth considering, for many of them are in bricks-and-mortar, and they are small businesses trying to increase their revenue and trying to employ a number of employees. We should thank them for the energy that they provide to the economy. I believe the House should do its part and address the remote sales tax disparity before the end of this Congress. Second, this legislation will severely impact the immediate revenues for the grandfather-protected States and all States progressively in the long term. The CBO, for example, estimates that this bill will cost certain States several hundred million dollars annually in lost revenues. Indeed, the Federation of Tax Administrators has estimated that the bill will cause the grandfather-protected States to lose at least $500 million in lost revenue. For my home State of Texas, enactment of this bill will result in a revenue loss of $358 million, and Texas will not be alone in those losses annually. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, as senior member of the House Judiciary Committee; as the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, Homeland Security, and Investigations; and as the representative from Houston, I rise in opposition to H.R. 235, the ``Permanent Internet Tax Freedom Act.'' When originally enacted in 1998, the Internet Tax Freedom Act established a temporary moratorium on multiple and discriminatory taxation of the Internet as well as new taxes on Internet access. This moratorium, however, is due to expire on October 1st, of this year. Since 1998, Congress has extended the moratorium on a temporary basis. The bill before us, H.R. 235 will make that moratorium permanent. Unfortunately, in doing so, H.R. 235 also ends the Act's grandfather protections for states that imposed such taxes prior to the Act's enactment date. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 235 is problematic for several reasons. First, Congress, instead of supporting this seriously flawed legislation, should be focusing on meaningful ways to help state and local governments, taxpayers, and local retailers. The House can do that by addressing the remote sales tax issue. In addition to extending the expiring moratorium on a temporary basis, the House should take up and send to the Senate legislation that would give states the authority to collect sales taxes from remote sellers. Such a proposal would incentivize remote sellers to collect and remit sales taxes as well as require states to simplify several procedures that would benefit retailers. Such legislation would enable states and local governments to collect more than $23 billion in estimated uncollected sales taxes each year. The measure would also help level the playing field for local retailers--who must collect sales taxes--when they compete with out-of state businesses that do not collect these taxes. Retail competitors should be able to compete fairly with their Internet counterparts at least with respect to sales tax policy. The House should do its part and address the remote sales tax disparity before the end of this Congress. Second, this legislation will severely impact the immediate revenues for the grandfather-protected states and all states progressively in the long term. The Congressional Budget Office, for example, estimates that this bill will cost certain states ``several hundred million dollars annually'' in lost revenues. Indeed, the Federation of Tax Administrators has estimated that the bill will cause the grandfather-protected states to lose at least $500 million in lost revenue annually. For my home state of Texas, enactment of this bill will result in a revenue loss of $358 million per year. Texas will not be alone in these losses, annually: Wisconsin will lose about $127 million, Ohio will lose about $65 million, and South Dakota will lose about $13 million. Should this bill become law, state and local governments will have to choose whether they will cut essential government services--such as educating our children, maintaining needed transportation infrastructure, and providing essential public health and safety services--or shift the tax burden onto other taxpayers through increased property, income, and sales taxes. Meanwhile, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities has estimated that the permanent moratorium will deny the non-grandfathered states of almost $6.5 billion in potential state and local sales tax revenues each year in perpetuity. H.R. 235 will burden taxpayers, while excluding an entire industry from paying their fair share of taxes. Finally, this bill ignores the fundamental nature of the Internet. The original moratorium was intentionally made temporary to ensure that Congress, industry, and state and local governments would be able to monitor the issue and make adjustments where necessary to accommodate new technologies and market realities. The Act was intended as a temporary measure to assist and nurture the fledgling Internet that--back in 1998--was still in its commercial infancy. Yet, this bill ignores the significantly changed environment of today's Internet. The bill's supporters continue to believe that the Internet still is in need of extraordinary protection in the form of exemption from all state taxation. But, the Internet of 2015 is drastically different from its 1998 predecessor. And, surely the Internet and its attendant technology will continue to evolve. Permanently extending the tax moratorium severely limits Congress's ability to revisit and make any necessary adjustments. Simply put, a permanent moratorium is unwise. In closing, urge my colleagues to oppose H.R. 235.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen), who is the ranking member on the Judiciary Committee's Regulatory Reform, Commercial and Antitrust Law Subcommittee.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Eshoo), the longstanding author of this legislation.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. First of all, let me again say that in the Judiciary Committee, we have consistently worked together on issues dealing with the Internet, continue to work together on issues dealing with innovation, so I would hope as this bill makes its way to the Senate we will find an opportunity to work together again. But I want to make mention of the fact that in addition to Texas, Wisconsin will lose about $127 million, Ohio will lose about $65 million, and South Dakota will lose about $13 million. Should this bill become law, State and local governments will have to choose whether they will cut essential government services, such as educating our children, maintaining needed transportation infrastructure, and providing essential public health and safety services, or shift the tax burden onto other taxpayers to increase property income and sales taxes. Now let me be very clear: I am not interested in taxing the Internet. I am interested in the process that most States are utilizing. It is the purchase of items that juxtapose against those who have bricks and mortar, and particularly small businesses. Meanwhile, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities has estimated that the permanent moratorium will deny the non-grandfathered States of almost $6.5 billion in potential State and local sales tax revenue-- sales tax, not access to the Internet. H.R. 235 will burden taxpayers while excluding an entire industry from paying their fair share of taxes. I want this industry to grow, and, again, I do not want taxing on access. You can be on the Internet from morning until the early sunrise again, the next day. But for those States who have worked and worked with our committee, trying to find a pathway forward, I would like to see us find a compromise. Finally, this bill ignores the fundamental nature of the Internet. The original moratorium was intentionally made temporary to ensure Congress, industry, and State and local governments would be able to monitor the issue and make adjustments where necessary to accommodate new technologies and market realities, such as acts. The act was intended as a temporary measure to assist and nurture the fledgling Internet that back in 1998 was still in its commercial infancy, yet this bill ignores the significantly changed environment of today's Internet. The bill's supporters continue to believe that the Internet still is in need of extraordinary protection in the form of exemptions from State taxation, but the Internet of 2015 is drastically different from 1998. It is standing on its own two legs. It is not a toddler. It is a full-grown adult. Permanently extending the tax moratorium severely limits Congress' ability to revisit and make any necessary adjustments, though I hope we will. Simply put, the permanent moratorium is unwise, and I urge my colleagues to consider the problems of H.R. 235. H.R. 235, I think, should be addressing these issues dealing with the many who have opposed it. Let me, as I close, mention that the National Governors Association recently introduced the following statement: ``The National Governors Association is disappointed that the House Judiciary Committee is moving to make the Internet access tax moratorium permanent.'' NGA Statement Regarding Internet Access Tax [For Immediate Release, June 17, 2014] Washington--The National Governors Association today released the following statement regarding the Internet access tax moratorium: ``The National Governors Association (NGA) is disappointed that the House Judiciary Committee is moving to make the Internet access tax moratorium permanent. ``Federal prohibitions on state taxing authority are contrary to federalism and the sovereign authority of states to structure and manage their own fiscal systems. ``NGA encourages the committee instead to act to address the disparity between Main Street retailers and online sellers regarding the collection of state and local sales taxes. Leveling the playing field for all retailers is a priority for governors, consistent with federalism and the best opportunity for states, Congress and the business community to work together.''

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I would like to make note that I came from local government, so I have a letter signed by representatives of the National Association of Counties, National League of Cities, U.S. Conference of Mayors, International City/County Management Association, Government Finance Officers Association, and the National Association of Telecommunications Officers and Advisors. In part, they simply say that they are writing on behalf of local governments: ``We urge you to oppose the legislation. . . . The most recent estimates provided by the Congressional Budget Office,'' they write, ``indicate that, if enacted, H.R. 3086 would cost State and local governments hundreds of millions of dollars in lost revenues.'' National Association of Counties, National League of Cities, U.S. Conference of Mayors, International City/ County Management Association, Government Finance Officers Association, National Association of Telecommunications Officers and Advisors July 8, 2014. Dear Representative: On behalf of local governments across the nation, our organizations write to express our continuing opposition to H.R. 3086, the Permanent Internet Tax Freedom Act. We urge you to oppose the legislation when it is considered on the House floor. The most recent estimates provided by the Congressional Budget Office indicate that, if enacted, H.R. 3086 would cost state and local governments hundreds of millions of dollars in lost revenues. These are revenues that local governments rely upon to fund essential services in their communities, including well-trained firefighters and police officers; schools, parks, community centers and libraries to support youth; retirement security for dedicated career employees; and continued investments to fix aging infrastructure. In addition, now that Internet access is ubiquitous and its use generates scores of billions of dollars in revenue annually, it no longer justifies protection from state and local taxation. When the law was first enacted in 1998, the Internet access and commerce industries were in their infancy and only beginning to be significantly available to households. The intent of the moratorium was to give the then-nascent Internet industry time to grow and become established. However, even at that time, Congress recognized that the ban should not be permanent. Finally, as the telecommunications and cable service industries transition to broadband, the scope of what the ITFA immunizes from state and local taxation is rapidly expanding. Over time, the ITFA would arbitrarily exempt this fast growing, prosperous sector of the economy from taxation, and unfairly shift the burden of supporting essential local services onto other businesses and residents in a community. For all of these reasons, we urge you to vote against the Permanent Internet Tax Freedom Act, H.R. 3086. Sincerely, Matthew D. Chase, Executive Director, National Association of Counties; Clarence E. Anthony, Executive Director, National League of Cities; Tom Cochran, Executive Director, U.S. Conference of Mayors; Robert J. O'Neill, Executive Director, International City/ County Management Association; Jeffrey L. Esser, Executive Director, Government Finance Officers Association; Stephen Traylor, Executive Director, National Association of Telecommunications Officers and Advisors.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I want to be very clear: I am here, as many Members are, to extend our hand of friendship for the protection of the Internet and the question of sales on the Internet. I hope we will be able to do that. I ask my colleagues to consider the failings of the present bill and to, in its present form, oppose it. To Members of the Texas Congressional Delegation: As some of you already know, this bill would make permanent the Internet Tax Freedom Act and, importantly for Texas, would repeal the existing grandfather clause that has been in place since the original passage of the Act in 1998 that has allowed Texas to impose sales and use taxes on Internet access services at the state and local level. The Texas legislature just finished its regular session on June 1, and while it decided to cut property and franchise taxes, it chose to maintain the sales and use tax imposed on these services and anticipates receiving that revenue during the next two year budget cycle. The estimated revenue loss to the state and local jurisdictions if the grandfather is not extended is as follows: State: $280 million City: 51 Transit: 18 County: 5 Special districts: 4 Total: $358 million (per year) Please feel free to get in touch with me if you need input from the Comptroller's office on this or any other state/ local tax bills that come before the House. Thanks, Nancy L. Prosser, Special Counsel to the Deputy Comptroller, Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume as I am the final speaker. First of all, I thank the gentleman from Texas for his very eloquent explanation of this legislation. Let me add my appreciation as well to Chairman Goodlatte, to Ranking Member Conyers, and to Chairman Sensenbrenner. It is certainly my pleasure to manage and to work with this legislation, in the purpose of this legislation. I close with just a few points that I feel compelled to comment on. As I do so, I am not giving all of the names of those fallen. As I have indicated, we tragically buried an HPD officer just a couple of weeks ago and, of course, officers in Mississippi, officers in New Mexico, in Omaha, Nebraska, and in Pennsylvania, among others. We recognize that we are challenged and that we must find that common ground. Again, I note that this kick start will help us to look at comprehensive criminal justice reform. Let me just add one last point on the young offenders issue that may be somewhat similar to the video that has now imploded across the airwaves of America in McKinney, Texas. One study dealing with young offenders or individual adolescents includes a report by the Journal of Adolescent Health which demonstrates that the adolescent brain continues to develop as young persons mature well into their twenties; yet we begin holding our young offenders accountable as adults when they reach the age of 18 and sometimes earlier, and we send them off to what many describe as a criminal college. So I am hoping that we will have legislation that can address by science the concept, if you will, of how we treat those from 18 to 24. This legislation allows us to build on policing and community trust. I am looking forward to working with law enforcement agencies with the funding and assistance to put in place the policies and protocols dealing with training, deescalation, accreditation. That is, of course, something that we hope to be working on with the full Judiciary Committee. There are some stark differences of treatment between two cities--the city of Charleston, South Carolina, where a tragic incident occurred and where the city responded immediately, and the city of Cleveland, where a tragic incident occurred and where the city did not respond immediately. Then, this past weekend, we saw confusing footage, I think, that dealt with teenagers at a pool party. We know that police were called. We know that this party was, really, a party of girls who happened to be African American, and we understand that some boys, who tend to like to find girls, came and may have caused somewhat of a disturbance. The reason I think it is important as we discuss this legislation is that the bill does indicate our appreciation for law enforcement. My words say that this will allow us to kick-start and look at issues where we can work together to get along. But as the video indicates, we see a scattering of young people, and we see a number of foul-mouthed comments being made coming from one particular officer. They are quotes I will not offer to repeat on this floor. I submit for the Record, Mr. Speaker, an article from The Atlantic as, I think, this is a testament to how we can work to avoid this kind of public incident. [From the Atlantic, June 8, 2015] (By Yoni Appelbaum) On Friday, a large group of teens gathered for a pool party in the city of McKinney, Texas. Shortly thereafter, someone called the police. And by Sunday night, as footage of the police response spread across the internet, the McKinney Police Department announced it was placing Eric Casebolt, the patrol supervisor shown in the video, on administrative leave. It is the latest in a string of incidents of police using apparently excessive force against African Americans that has captured public attention. And it took place at a communal pool--where, for more than a century, conflicts over race and class have often surfaced. The video shows a foul-mouthed police corporal telling the young men he encounters to get down, and the young women to take off, although far more obscenely. When several seated young men appear to ask, politely, for permission to leave, he explodes at them: ``Don't make me fucking run around here with thirty pounds of goddamn gear in the sun because you want to screw around out here.'' The corporal was white. The young people he detained were, almost without exception, black. The video next shows him repeatedly cursing at a group of young women, telling them to move on. Then he wrestles one to the ground. As bystanders react in horror, and several rush toward the young woman as if to her assistance, he draws his sidearm. They flee. He returns to the teenager, wrestles her back down, forces her face into the ground, and places both knees on her back. The McKinney police said, in a statement, that they were called to respond to the Craig Ranch North Community Pool for a report of ``a disturbance involving multiple juveniles at the location, who do not live in the area or have permission to be there, refusing to leave.'' They added that additional calls reported fighting, and that when the crowd refused to comply with the first responding officers, nine additional units were deployed. The mayor, Brian Loughmiller, described himself as ``disturbed and concerned,'' and the police chief vowed ``a complete, and thorough, investigation.'' Like many flourishing American suburbs, McKinney has struggled with questions of equity and diversity. The city is among the fastest-growing in America, and its residents hail from a wide range of backgrounds. Formal, legal segregation is a thing of the past. Yet stark divides persist. In 2009, McKinney was forced to settle a lawsuit alleging that it was blocking the development of affordable housing suitable for tenants with Section 8 vouchers in the more affluent western portion of the city. East of Highway 75, according to the lawsuit, McKinney is 49 percent white; to its west, McKinney is 86 percent white. The plaintiffs alleged that the city and its housing authority were ``willing to negotiate for and provide low-income housing units in east McKinney, but not west McKinney, which amounts to illegal racial steering.'' All three of the city's public pools lie to the east of Highway 75. Craig Ranch, where the pool party took place, lies well to its west. BuzzFeed reports that the fight broke out when an adult woman told the teens to go back to ``Section 8 housing.'' Craig Ranch North is the oldest residential portion of a 2,200 acre master-planned community. ``The neighborhood is made up of single-family homes,'' says the developer's website, ``and includes a community center with two pools, a park and a playground.'' Private developments like Craig Ranch now routinely include pools, often paid for by dues to homeowners' associations, and governed by their rules. But that, in itself, represents a remarkable shift. At their inception, communal swimming pools were public, egalitarian spaces. Most early public pools in America aimed more for hygiene than relaxation, open on alternate days to men and women. In the North, at least, they served bathers without regard for race. But in the 1920s, as public swimming pools proliferated, they became sites of leisure and recreation. Alarmed at the sight of women and men of different races swimming together, public officials moved to impose rigid segregation. As African Americans fought for desegregation in the 1950s, public pools became frequent battlefields. In Marshall, Texas, for example, in 1957, a young man backed by the NAACP sued to force the integration of a brand-new swimming pool. When the judge made it clear the city would lose, citizens voted 1,758-89 to have the city sell all of its recreational facilities rather than integrate them. The pool was sold to a local Lions' Club, which was able to operate it as a whites- only private facility. The decisions of other communities were rarely so transparent, but the trend was unmistakable. Before 1950, Americans went swimming as often as they went to the movies, but they did so in public pools. There were relatively few club pools, and private pools were markers of extraordinary wealth. Over the next half-century, though, the number of private in-ground pools increased from roughly 2,500 to more than four million. The declining cost of pool construction, improved technology, and suburbanization all played important roles. But then, so did desegregation. As historian Jeff Wiltse argues in his 2007 book, Contested Waters: A Social History of Swimming Pools in America: Although many whites abandoned desegregated public pools, most did not stop swimming. Instead, they built private pools, both club and residential, and swam in them. . . . Suburbanites organized private club pools rather than fund public pools because club pools enabled them to control the class and racial composition of swimmers, whereas public pools did not. Today, that complicated legacy persists across the United States. The public pools of mid-century--with their sandy beaches, manicured lawns, and well-tended facilities--are vanishingly rare. Those sorts of amenities are now generally found behind closed gates, funded by club fees or homeowners' dues, and not by tax dollars. And they are open to those who can afford to live in such subdivisions, but not to their neighbors just down the road. Whatever took place in McKinney on Friday, it occurred against this backdrop of the privatization of once-public facilities, giving residents the expectation of control over who sunbathes or doggie-paddles alongside them. Even if some of the teens were residents, and others possessed valid guest passes, as some insisted they did, the presence of ``multiple juveniles . . . who do not live in the area'' clearly triggered alarm. Several adults at the pool reportedly placed calls to the police. And none of the adult residents shown in the video appeared to manifest concern that the police response had gone too far, nor that its violence was disproportionate to the alleged offense. To the contrary. Someone placed a sign by the pool on Sunday afternoon. It read, simply: ``Thank you McKinney Police for keeping us safe.''

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise today to support this resolution and to thank my colleagues for putting forward H. Res. 295, particularly Mr. Al Green of Texas and Mr. Clay and Mr. Cleaver--both of whom represent the Missouri area--and a number of other Members who have joined in on sponsoring this legislation. I like this because it is a kick-start to what Members of Congress, Mr. Speaker, have been talking about, and what we have talked about, criminal justice reform. As we well know, we in the Judiciary Committee are receiving information. We are listening to Members; we are obviously listening to Members who are committed and dedicated, and we are committed to criminal justice reform. This is the right kind of kick-start to be able to put on minds of individuals that we know that this effort of criminal justice reform requires the communication and cooperation of our law enforcement officers and as well to recognize the vitality and the importance of communities who have argued Black lives matter--or they have just argued that lives matter, which they do. Let me, first of all, join Mr. Goodlatte on acknowledging the tragedy of police shootings. Whether or not it was the heinous shootings in New York on two occasions and probably more or whether or not it was a recent incident in Houston, Texas, when a valiant officer was mowed down by a fleeing felon, or any number of incidents that have caught our men and women in the line of fire--and their families have seen their service, their life, and their contributions snuffed out by violence--that is not something that we applaud and we certainly abhor. I believe the language in this resolution gives us the sense of Congress that allows us to recognize all law enforcement agencies and officers, thanking them for their tireless work to protect us and make our communities safer, and recognize the potential for the use of body- worn cameras by on-duty law enforcement officers, to improve community relations, increase transparency, and protect both citizens and police. I will assure you that the Judiciary Committee will thoughtfully look at legislation that fits squarely on the framework of this taking into consideration many concerns and encourages State and local law enforcement agencies to consider the use of body-worn cameras, including policies and protocols, to handle privacy, storage, and other relevant issues. I am glad those are recognized because we are a country of laws, and we recognize the civil liberties and civil rights of all citizens. As we discuss this legislation, however, I want to emphasize the importance of the timing. It is time for comprehensive policing and criminal justice reform. We are witnessing a sea change unlike many others with support for this great cause spanning the ideological and party divide. We in the Judiciary Committee have spoken about it and are finding common ways to work together. In the area of policing, the problems revealed by several of the more notorious incidents involving the use of lethal force against unarmed citizens have captured the attention of the Nation over the past few months and demonstrates a critical need for a national response. Law enforcement officers individually will indicate training is a key element of this. Any response to these tragic events must go hand in hand with a holistic view of criminal justice reform. It will do us no good to be able to point at one group and not try to help another, so I am very grateful that my State, the State of Texas, has contributed to this dialogue and most recently in grand jury reform. As I have joined with my colleagues to acknowledge and celebrate law enforcement and encourage the move forward on criminal justice reform, I am grateful to again do it today, but we should also look at a vast array of opportunities. Sentencing and prison reform should be on our agenda. One such proposal would give the Federal Bureau of Prisons the discretion to release nonviolent prisoners who served at least half of their sentence, are 45 or more years old, and who have not been disciplined for a violent offense. This would not only alleviate some prison overcrowding, but it would dip into the $75 billion that we are paying for incarceration. Congress should also look at the fact in the Federal system that right now we give 47 days for 54 days of good time. If we did one for one, it would be an opportunity to save millions of dollars, at least $41 million; and 4,000 persons would be able to be lifted who would be able to be rehabilitated. One of the more difficult parts of coming into the criminal justice system is the journey of coming out of it. Where an individual has paid his or her debt, the process of reentering society is paid with tremendous and often insurmountable obstacles. I have drafted legislation that will allow those with a criminal conviction to have a fair chance to compete for jobs with Federal agencies and contractors. This ``ban the box'' measure delays a potential employer's inquiry into the applicant's criminal history until later in the hiring process. Employers can still ask, but pushing the inquiry into a later stage in the process where you have seen whether this person is ready and able to have a job. Again, this resolution speaks about our view and affection for our law enforcement and adding more tools. Each of us have had wonderful experiences with those men and women who serve. Mr. Speaker, the time for comprehensive policing and criminal justice reform has arrived. We are witnessing a sea shift unlike any others, with support for this great cause spanning the ideological and party divide. In the area of policing, the problems revealed by several of the more notorious incidents involving the use of lethal force against unarmed citizens has captured the attention of the nation over the past few months and demonstrates the critical need for a national response. And any response to these tragic events must go hand-in-hand with changes to the entirety of our criminal justice system. As a member of the House Judiciary Committee; as the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, Homeland Security, and Investigations; and as a Representative from Houston, let me extend my thanks to the Congressman from my home state of Texas for contributing to the discussion of this very important and timely issue. Just as I have joined with him in Houston before--to acknowledge and celebrate law enforcement and to encourage and move forward criminal justice reform--I am grateful to do so again today. The very fact that this measure is on the floor today is a great indicator that Congress is ready for comprehensive criminal justice and policing reform. This is why I am looking at reforms that will address all aspects of our criminal justice system and drafting legislation accordingly. One such proposal would give the Bureau of Prisons discretion to release nonviolent prisoners who have served at least half their sentence, are 45 or more years old, and who have not been disciplined for violent conduct while in prison. This would would not only alleviate some prison over-crowding, it would result in substantial cost savings by removing the expensive medical care for older prisoners. By including a clarification of the federal prisoner good time credit law, the cost savings of this proposal is even more significant. Congress intended for all federal prisoners to be eligible for 54 days of good time credit, not 47 days as currently interpreted by the Federal Bureau of Prisons. This small change--just one week per year--will not only reflect our original intent, it will save at least $41 million annually. One of the most difficult parts of coming into the criminal justice system is the journey of coming out of it. For an individual who has paid his or her debt, the process of re- entering society is paved with tremendous, and often insurmountable, obstacles. I have drafted legislation that will allow those with a criminal conviction to have a fair chance to compete for jobs with federal agencies and contractors. This ``ban-the-box'' measure delays a potential employer's inquiry into the applicant's criminal history until later in the hiring process. Employers can still ask--but pushing the inquiry until a later stage in the process allows applicants to get a foot in the door and be considered at the early stage on their merits alone. Many studies, including one released by the Journal of Adolescent Health, demonstrate that the adolescent brain continues to develop as young persons mature well into their 20s. Yet, we begin holding our young offenders accountable as adults when they reach the age of 18, 16, and sometimes even earlier. And we send them off to what many describe as ``criminal college.'' This is why I am developing legislation that will provide judges with new and different options when a young offender comes before them. These options will give judges discretion to tailor a punishment to that young offender's needs. And, when sending a young offender to prison is necessary, my legislation will ensure that the Bureau of Prisons separates these young offenders out from the rest of the prison population and provides specialized programs for their needs. This will put young offenders on a path for change, not one of crime. It is not enough to improve the system of criminal justice, we must also address the unnecessary loss of life that can result from police and civilian interactions. Reform must take a step towards increasing trust between our communities and law enforcement. This is why I am developing legislation that will provide law enforcement agencies with the funding and assistance to put in place the policies, protocols, and training programs in accord with national accreditation standards. But rebuilding the trust in this relationship also requires greater transparency when government responds to incidents involving the use of lethal force against unarmed citizens. This is why I have drafted legislation that provides incentives and support for jurisdictions to bring in an independent investigation and prosecution team for an unbiased review of such incidents. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time on this debate.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure at this time to yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Al Green), the author of this legislation.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. I yield the gentleman an additional 2 minutes.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, this is not dealing with a vast group of protesters, which, ultimately, did occur in the last 24 hours in that area. This is dealing with youngsters. Many of us raise children and send them to pools and various camps, and we hope they will be well, but this is understanding the whole level of law enforcement. Again, I believe it is time for the Congress to re-create the criminal justice system. Juveniles are naturally fearful of authority and lack maturity when faced with fearful events. Running is the natural instinct of most youth, and in this case, the youth attempted to leave when the police approached to disperse the crowd. Then the police chased, shooting a Taser. When the officer confronted the young girl with aggression, other youth attempted to help her--that is, teenagers--who were also threatened with force by the officers. These children received mixed messages. Establishing trusting relationships between youth and police officers is of the utmost responsibility. What I would say is that the outrage and the expressions of a community and parents came about because we were not talking to each other, because actions did not track what those young people were doing in McKinney. They were being teenagers. They were running. They may have had the incidences of misbehavior, and, frankly, they could have been handled in a way that the misbehavior could have been addressed. Why now? Again, I opened with the remarks that we now have an opportunity to kick-start this wonderful discussion of criminal justice reform. Wonderful? Yes, because, in America, we are a nation of civilians and law. The civilian law enforcement is made up of those who implement those laws, but the Constitution reigns as well. I look forward to working with the chairman and the ranking member and all of the Members of this body and the Judiciary Committee for a very constructive journey on letting the American people know that we hear their pain, that we respect those who uphold the law, and that we are going to work constructively to do that. I left Houston while talking to a police officer. I know he is not listening, but let me just simply say thank you for the service that you give. Hopefully, he will hear this and will know that we are committed to working together in this Congress. I ask my colleagues to support House Resolution 295. I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank Mr. Goodlatte, Mr. Chabot, and Mr. Cohen for their great work on this instructive legislation. My appreciation for the Judiciary Committee is how we clarify the law, and in this instance the subcommittee has brought two conflicting legal tenets as relate to statutes and clarified them. So I want to celebrate it because it is directly impacting on the Nation's museums and educational institutions. Let me cite some in my congressional district. Texas Southern University has an African American history museum. It is a beautiful display. This legislation will allow a small entity that could not stand under a lawsuit to be able to secure international gifts which they have received without the burden of litigation. In the early stages of my career in Congress, I represented, extensively, Houston's museum district: the Museum of Foreign Arts, with an outstanding curator, museum director; the Children's Museum; the Health Museum; and the Museum of Natural Science. All of those have the tendency to receive these international gifts and also be subjected, potentially, because of the conflict to seizure. In particular, I remember working with the Museum of Fine Arts, maybe one of my greatest early opportunities of service, and to help them bring the Russian jewels to Houston, Texas. It was a long, long journey, not because of the distance but because of the conflicting laws and the entanglement of imports and protection of the jewels. I remember being at the dock receiving those jewels after a long wait. Just imagine if there had been this potential of seizure, which there was, but that there was the glaring opportunity there for seizure and it had occurred. What would have happened to this great art exchange and, as well, to what we were doing in Houston? Let me close by saying, Mr. Speaker, I want to support this bill extensively, and it will help all of these institutions across America.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Let me thank the ranking member, Mr. Price, and his staff, as well as the chairman, Mr. Diaz-Balart, for their work on something that is very close and near and dear to many Members' hearts. It certainly is close to mine. The Jackson Lee amendment was passed last year. I am grateful to have the opportunity this year to restate the fact that this amendment indicates that none of the funds made available by this act under the heading ``Federal Transit Administration: Transit Formula Grants'' may be used in contravention of section 5309. This is, as I said, an amendment identical to the Jackson Lee amendment. Might I just briefly speak to this amendment. It affirms the importance to the Nation of projects that create economic development, particularly in the transportation area. It particularly says that the Secretary of Transportation may make grants under this section to State and local governments; it has the authority to assist in financing capital projects, small start-up projects, including the acquisition of real property. The key is that these grants under State and local authority can undertake capital projects, which means that, when local governments propose their projects, the Secretary has the authority to go forward. Nothing can contravene that authority. It is well documented that nothing enhances the competitiveness of a Nation in this increasingly globalized economy than investments in transportation and infrastructure capital projects. I will include an article about transportation dated March 31, 2015, into the Record. [From the Houston Chronicle, Mar. 31, 2015] Study Finds Houston Traffic Congestion Worsening (By Dug Begley) As workday commutes go, Raj Dada's isn't terrible. He lives east of Jersey Village, an easy drive from the freeway. His off-ramp from Interstate 10 puts him practically in front of his job near Bunker Hill. In each of the past three years, though, the daily drive has gotten worse, Dada said. ``I leave earlier than I used to,'' he said Monday morning as he stopped for gas near his office. ``Even on weekends, it's taking longer to get around all the construction and traffic.'' It's a common dilemma for Houston motorists. Congestion in Houston increased sharply from 2013 to 2014, according to a report released Tuesday by TomTom, developer of the mapping and traffic data fed to phones and other GPS devices. Analysts said trips in the region on average last year took 25 percent longer than they would have in free-flowing conditions, compared with 21 percent longer in 2013. This means that a hypothetical 30-minute, congestion-free trip, on average, takes about 52 minutes at peak commuting times. For an entire year, it means drivers waste 85 hours-- more than 3.5 days--plodding along the highways and streets of Houston. It's the first increase in TomTom's traffic index for Houston in four years after three consecutive years of slight declines. Growing cities with robust economies tend to experience the biggest increases in traffic. Oil price dips notwithstanding, Houston certainly fits the bill, said Tony Voigt, the program manager for the Texas A&M Transportation Institute's Houston office. Voigt said local analysis supports the conclusion in the TomTom report: More local streets and highways are more congested for more hours of the day. Even weekend trips to some spots--notably retail corridors--can be increasingly time-consuming. ``This is a result of more people living here as compared to two or three years ago and our economy being very active and healthy,'' Voigt said. Nick Cohn, senior traffic expert for TomTom, said the opposite is true in places where job prospects are not as strong, based on the company's worldwide traffic research. ``In Moscow, where there has really been an economic slowdown and gas prices are up, there has been a slowdown,'' Cohn said. Moscow and other international cities continue to experience traffic far worse than cities in the U.S. In the United States, Houston ranked 12th-worst among major cities for traffic, compared to 85th worldwide. News that 11 other American cities have worse congestion isn't comforting to Houston drivers. ``It's terrible,'' said Debbie Curry, 60, a lifelong Houstonian. ``Traffic in this city has gotten worse. When I moved (to western Houston) I thought it would get better. It did for a little while; now it's as bad as it's ever been.'' Reasons why Houston drivers spend so much of their time in traffic vary, but most theories circle back to explosive growth. ``Some of the congestion on U.S. 290 and on (Loop 610 North) is, of course, construction-related,'' Voigt said. ``But what we are really seeing is travel demand is greater overall, and this is causing the peak congestion periods to spread out.'' Peak commutes, once contained to two hours each in the morning and evening, are spreading to three and sometimes four hours. Though it means more days when traffic is heavy for longer periods, the gradual growth of peak commuting periods isn't all bad, Cohn said. ``It means at least when possible they are being flexible with those work-to-home and home-to-work trips,'' Cohn said, noting that an alternative could be a more compressed--but more severe--peak commuting period. Houston-area officials have a long list of road-widening projects planned over the next decade, along with some transit growth. Suburban areas, notably Conroe and The Woodlands, are exploring their own transit options. It's a pattern across the U.S., Cohn said. Each city faces different obstacles, Cohn said. Houston's lack of density could make transit less effective, but public transportation remains a critical part of any congestion relief as roads dominate. Many municipalities, state transportation officials and counties in the area have made ``significant requests for roadway dollars,'' said Houston Councilman Stephen Costello, chairman of the Transportation Policy Council of the Houston- Galveston Area Council. Those projects are not just about relieving traffic now, but about building before it gets worse, Costello said. Any improvements are constrained by funding, which federal and state lawmakers have been slow to deliver. Federal officials remain at an impasse about a long-term transportation bill, and many have shown reluctance to increase federal highway spending. Texas voters last year approved $1.7 billion for state highways, leaving about $3.3 billion in additional money needed, according to the Texas A&M Transportation Institute. That funding shortfall has many, especially officials in suburban Houston, worried as their traffic worsens and projects crawl toward completion, said West University Place Mayor Bob Fry. ``I think outside (Loop 610) is going to be worse for traffic than inside the Loop,'' Fry said. ``Inside is built out, and it's not going to get worse like it is outside.'' In the urban core, Fry said, transit is the important investment. He said Metro's upcoming redesign of bus service will ``help quite a bit.'' Personal choice With projects slow to take shape, Cohn said drivers might see the best results by using an increasing and improving array of traffic information available to them. Houston's TranStar system--a partnership of Houston, Harris County, the Texas Department of Transportation and the Metropolitan Transit Authority--is one of the largest and most comprehensive real-time traffic systems in the country. ``There used to be a big difference between what the highway authority has and what real-time traffic systems have,'' Cohn said. ``It is more of a unified service now.'' When a motorist finds alternate routes to avoid congestion, it helps not just that driver but also others because one less vehicle is clogging up the problem spot. Reliance on the information, and better personal planning, might be the best relief for traffic now. ``I don't think drivers can sit back and wait for some big infrastructure project,'' he said.