Sheila Jackson Lee

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, reserving the status quo is the very point we are making, that the status quo is the unclarity, if you will, and, therefore, it is important that we pursue this in a manner of constructively understanding what is the best approach to protect the American people. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Takano), the vice ranking member on the Veterans' Affairs Committee.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, if I might inquire how many speakers the gentlewoman from Georgia has remaining.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, earlier I indicated the work of the Judiciary Committee, and it has been enhanced by the ranking member, Mr. Nadler. We have worked on criminal justice issues bipartisanly, and I want to thank Mr. Nadler for doing so. That is the tragedy of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), the ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from New York.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Immigration and Border Security of the Judiciary Committee.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, in closing, sometimes vagueness is the extinguishing of constitutional rights. I know, and I will have the numbers, that the predominant numbers of incarcerated persons throughout the Nation are African Americans and Hispanics. That is men and women. A rising number of women are being incarcerated, some of them tied to crimes of their boyfriend, husband, or other significant other. Juveniles are also being incarcerated throughout the State system. Mass incarceration is a big deal, so it behooves us to be diligent. In this particular bill, yes, Mr. Speaker, it should have been collaborative and bipartisan, because none of us will yield to a dastardly criminal act that impacts our constituents or the American people. But a fact is a fact. This generates racial disparities. As my friend from California indicated, individuals who put on the uniform, who may be legal permanent residents, veterans, have the potential, in spite of the uniform that they put on and their willingness to sacrifice their life for America, caught in the wrong situation, could be deported. This is not to be taken lightly. Frankly, if my friends had studied the Constitution and read the Supreme Court decision, they would have seen the statement that Justice Kagan made, and that is that this is dividing the Federal appellate courts. She raised the question: Does car burglary qualify as a violent felony under 16(b)? She indicated that some courts say yes, some courts say no. She went on to say, residential trespass, what is that? The same is true. She went on to say, it does not exhaust the conflict in the courts. Well, you don't answer the conflict by doing as was stated in the Families Against Mandatory Minimums letter dated September 6. On substantive grounds, H.R. 6691 has the potential to have severe unintended consequences on sentencing in our justice system writ large. Under this bill, seemingly nonviolent offenses will be considered violent offenses, for example, under H.R. 6691, burglary of an unoccupied home. How many teenagers--I am not condoning that--may we find in an unoccupied home? I am not condoning burglary, but it would be considered a violent offense. Burglary is a serious offense, but should it be considered violent if the perpetrator does not even interact with another person? Yes, they should be prosecuted. But you have in this bill violent offense. Then, of course, in this legislation, legal service providers who filed an amicus brief, these are the guys and ladies who are our public defenders who see these people every day--the indigent, and many of them minority--they wind up, as everyone says, up the road in these large, massive prisons, and their lives are ruined because we have not fixed the criminal justice system. Legal service providers who filed the amicus brief in the Dimaya case described the different applications of subsection (b) of section 16 across Federal circuits, using the example of residential trespass, which was considered a crime of violence by the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals but not by the Seventh Circuit. This bill does little to resolve the inconsistent way courts apply the crime of violence based on subsection (b) because it includes vague definitions of offenses and creates definitions for the same crimes that differ from those currently in the criminal code. That is a denial of due process, and that is not taking on this important issue. As was mentioned, there is a list of important elements. I support the fact that these are difficult and a terrible dilemma. But it can be done in a manner that is preferable, and that is through unceasing commitment and effort. Mr. Speaker, this is why we are here today having different positions. I cannot yield to what will be claimed as individuals who do not understand how important this bill is when I know the young African American men and young men of color who are entrapped in this system, and that the better approach and the better angels are for us to do comprehensive criminal justice reform and, I might add, immigration reform as well. But let me indicate that we support victims of crime, especially those who are victims of violent crimes. We want relief for them. This bill dangerously leads to overcriminalization, and we should not take the task of amending the definition of ``crime of violence'' lightly. In the Rules Committee, we addressed overcriminalization and mass incarceration. Representative Torres aptly stated that we should not proceed with haste, which will further exacerbate the overcrowdedness in our prisons. One Member suggested, in the Rules Committee, just build prisons, that is how we stop this criminal siege, as indicated, even though the FBI and the Bureau of Justice Statistics have indicated that crime is going down. Yes, we have our concerns. Even conservative groups that work with these very complicated and important criminal justice reform issues, like the Cook Foundation and Right on Crime, do not agree that building more prisons is the answer. Right on Crime states that, by reducing excessive sentence lengths and holding nonviolent offenders accountable through prison alternatives, public safety can often be achieved. We recognize that the violent perpetrators should be incarcerated. If that is the case, I would stand with my colleague. I would also stand with the Mothers of the Movement who saw their sons gunned down, in that we need to have relief in that direction. There are many issues of criminal justice reform that should be on this floor--as I mentioned, sentencing reduction and juvenile justice reform--but we have not come to that point. So I would ask, Mr. Speaker, that my colleagues vote ``no,'' because as Justice Kagan said in her opinion, the interpretation of crime and violence has divided the Federal appellate courts because the answer is not obvious. Therefore, we must carefully consider the alternatives to the approach prepared in this bill. We must do more than eliminate vagueness. We must achieve a just and fair result. Nothing in this Supreme Court opinion, nothing, says, go alone, put a bill on the floor for 1 week, give Members no chance to amend, try to deny due process, build more prisons, make sure that the disparities of those who go into our jails rises and goes up, rather than giving our young people opportunities, a fair chance, and justice. So I ask my colleagues to oppose this bill. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record letters from the ACLU, the Center for American Progress, Asian Americans Advancing Justice, the National Center for Lesbian Rights, and immigrant rights organizations ranging from the National Immigrant Justice Center to others.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I leave my colleagues with a simple challenge. The simple challenge is: Read the Constitution. Vagueness can be the death of us. This bill is that kind of death, and I would hope that we would have the opportunity to do this as it should be: constitutionally sound and in a bipartisan way to save lives. Mr. Speaker, let me be clear. We support victims of crime, especially those who are victims of violent crime. But classifying particular offenses as crimes of violence has tremendous consequences for the individuals accused of committing them. This bill dangerously leads to over-criminalization and we should not take lightly the task of amending the definition of ``crime of violence.'' At Rules on Wednesday, we addressed over-criminalization and mass incarceration. Rep. Torres aptly stated that we should not proceed with haste, which will further exacerbate the over crowdedness in our prisons. Rep. Bucks responded that we should build more prisons to address that problem. Even conservative groups that work with these very complicated and important criminal justice reform issues, like the Koch Foundation and Right on Crime, do not agree that building more prisons is the answer. Right on Crime states, ``by reducing excessive sentence lengths and holding non-violent offenders accountable through prison alternatives, public safety can often be achieved.'' In a recent forum, the Koch Foundation stated, ``After four decades of increasing punitiveness and sky-rocketing levels of imprisonment, American incarceration rates have declined in many states over the past five years. In fact, a bipartisan consensus has emerged in favor of major criminal justice reforms that would reduce mass incarceration much further.'' The original spark for this coalition of ``unlikely bedfellows'' has come from a group of conservative leaders who emphasize a variety of different factors, ranging from economic, to freedom, to religious groups embracing redemption and second chances. The Koch Foundation went on to say, ``Although the 2016 presidential election temporarily halted this movement's momentum, the coalition has reemerged recently and seems prepared to make progress in 2018.'' So I disagree with the notion that we should build more prisons and not exercise due diligence to ensure that in responding to the Supreme Court's finding that the statute was unconstitutionally vague, that we are doing so in a well-informed, heavily-engaged and thoughtful manner. Due to the seriousness of our criminal justice system, we should always use due care and give thorough considerations when amending the criminal code. For all these reasons, I oppose this bill. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I look forward to having the opportunity to speak about former Congressman Ron Dellums at a lengthier time, but I wanted to stand and pay tribute to him at this time, and to indicate what an important experience it was to serve with him for the short period of time that I had to do so. One of my predecessors, the Honorable Mickey Leland, who died in Ethiopia some many years ago trying to serve those who were starving, had a strong bond and friendship with Congressman Ron Dellums, and it was clear, when I came to the United States Congress, why. Both men had a deep and abiding passion and conscience for what is right. And even as Mr. Dellums ascended to the chairmanship or leadership of the Armed Services Committee, he was always committed and dedicated to his values, and that was peace, and reconciliation, and the idea that it was important to invest in people, as opposed to investing in enormous, large budgets for the defense. We thank him for his work on HIV/AIDS but, more importantly, on his counseling and mentoring, and we are grateful to his family for sharing him with America.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to stand here with our good friend just leaving the podium, the Honorable Lacy Clay. It is good to see the kind of family attitude that we are all expressing. Each person has gone to hug the Honorable Barbara Lee because she is the closest to Congressman Ron Dellums, and we want his family to know of the intensity of our love and respect. Congressman Lacy opened up the gate for me and the door for me because I think Congressman Ron Dellums understood, as Frederick Douglass did, that, where there is no struggle, there is no power. Without struggle, there is no power. For all that he stood for, even in his early years, he had no fear of struggle. So I stand today on the floor of the House to be able to pay tribute to our friend and, might I say, our brother, to be able to thank the gentlewoman from California for her wisdom in allowing us to share this time with him. I thank the gentlewoman so very much for giving us this beautiful portrait for us to stand next to and for America to be reintroduced to the Honorable Ron Dellums. Ron Dellums was a Member of Congress, former bay area Congressman and Oakland mayor, first African American elected to Congress from northern California, tireless champion of racial and social justice, Marine Corps veteran and peace warrior, and Congressional Black Caucus and Congressional Progressive Caucus cofounder. That is a long litany of brilliance, but, as well, a pioneer--legendary, brilliant--and a dynamic former chairman of the House Armed Services Committee. And the fact that he represented constituents so ably. I am glad, as I came here as a newbie, as a new Member of the United States Congress, wasn't I fortunate to get the last years of service of the Honorable Ron Dellums? I saw him as the lead Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, just missed his service as a chair of the Armed Services Committee. I listened to Leader Pelosi, and she will be able to tell her stories going forward as they celebrate in Oakland. Might I pay tribute to his family members who will celebrate in Oakland. Let me say to the family members, my deepest sympathy, but joy for his life, and thank you for sharing him with us. I must start with the story that I heard, which was of the appointment of Ron Dellums and Pat Schroeder to, I believe, the Armed Services Committee, as the committee was convened then by individuals who held themselves high and mighty, including the chairman. There was only one chair, and that chair had to be shared by the first woman and the first African American to be on that committee. Yes. Can you imagine? They were told to sit in one chair. But I am grateful that through that struggle--power in his birth in 1935; power to his parents, Verney and Willa Dellums, and all of his relatives; and, as well, power in what he did in life--his engagement and his passionate commitment were traits of the Dellums family. His father was a longshoreman. There lays the foundation for his love of labor. I understand Cottrell Laurence Dellums helped Asa Philip Randolph organize the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, of which my grandfather was a member. He graduated from high school. He enlisted in the Marine Corps during the Cold War, but he also came back to his community and used the GI Bill. He developed a pathway for education, an associate of arts degree out of Oakland City College, then on to get a bachelor of science degree from San Francisco State. What I want most of all to say is that he then carved his pathway. And Barbara Lee continues to remind us that she is a social worker. Well, Ron Dellums got his MSW from the University of California at Berkeley in 1962. Yes, this manly man, this man of men, was a social worker who understood the needs of people who were vulnerable, a psychiatric social worker where he worked in the department of mental health and mental hygiene and taught at San Francisco State. Interestingly enough, he became a council member, of which I was one as well, at a young age, served only for a short time. And then, in his thirties, he went to the United States Congress and never looked back. He never lost. He ran against an incumbent as an antiwar, anti-Vietnam candidate, and he won overwhelmingly. Again, there is no power without struggle. That was not a friendly place to be, against the war. It was well known to follow you throughout your career. It was viewed as unpatriotic, maybe even as NFL players today are viewed as they take a knee for issues that they believe in. But Ron Dellums was a dignified patriot. He loved his country. He loved his flag. And he came to this Congress with a love of the institution as he served on so many committees, Foreign Affairs. I remember the Post Office Committee because Mickey Leland was on the Post Office Committee, and they served together. They became good friends. It is important to acknowledge them together as good friends. I met Ron, maybe for the first time, as an unelected official when Mickey brought the Congressional Black Caucus to Houston, Texas. It was a day we will never forget. It was a day of happening. It was a day of celebration. We couldn't believe it. The Congressional Black Caucus was coming to Houston, Texas, to the Shamrock Hotel that used to be a segregated hotel, and all of us came to pay homage, tribute, and honor to these Congresspersons who had come to celebrate. He was of grand stature, being a member of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, and then, of course, going on to be a founder of the Congressional Black Caucus. I stand here as the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation to express my deepest appreciation for that service. In the Progressive Caucus, Ron Dellums again became a soldier on the battlefield for so many issues, in particular, ending and breaking the shackles of apartheid in South Africa. Remember, when I started out, there is no power without struggle. He participated in that struggle, and I remember that fight, that magnificent day when he brought forward this bill in 1986 to overturn Reagan's veto, the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986. He had a congressional override where the President of the United States was vetoing the sanctions that Congress was attempting to put forward. That was a legacy, or that was the pathway, the struggle, that helped to propel the end of apartheid, the vicious cycle of apartheid in South Africa. He continued to champion Africa even after he retired. He continued to mentor and to stay around to give us inspiration, to tell us that we could do it, that we could be strong. Of course, how I remember when this Congresswoman, the Honorable Barbara Lee, came and touched all of us and came with that inspiration and that idea and vision that Ron Dellums had about ending the horrors of HIV/AIDS in Africa, the whole idea of PEPFAR, the whole idea of the Millennium Fund. All of these were visionary ideas that came about for him to help save lives. So as I said, in my early years, he retired in 1998, but he then continued on to be the man that he is, being the mayor of Oakland, and being a striking mayor, a truth-telling mayor, somebody who was loved and beloved by all those whom he had the privilege of serving. Then, of course, to his family, he was that giant, that husband, that father and brother and just someone whom they could look up to. So I thank the gentlewoman for organizing this Special Order, and I thank this giant of a man in stature but, as well, in purpose and in heart. I thank him so very much for serving his nation and showing us what patriotism is, what the flag really means. It is the opportunity to protest, petition, and to speak to your government, and also to protest to make your government a better place. This is a great, great nation. Ron Dellums understood that. Marine Corps Ron Dellums understood that. Social worker Ron Dellums understood that. Husband, father, and relative understood that. And, of course, United States Congressperson Ron Dellums understood that. But never would he yield his values, his heart, his passion, and his sense of justice just because he had a title. He believed that America's greatness was one based upon her people's willingness to challenge her and to make her the very best that she can be. My heart goes out to his family and I continue to mourn, but I celebrate his life with joy.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 6461, the ``TSA National Deployment Force Act''. At a time when the aviation transportation sector is undergoing substantial changes, it is crucial that we take steps to ensure the Transportation Security Administration is able to protect the skies. Any holes or deficiencies in the security of our aviation sector pose a great risk to the traveling public. As a tireless advocate for public safety, I am pleased to see that this bill would establish a National Deployment Office within TSA that has the ability to help fill security gaps. Because of the nature of air travel, the security risks posed to the aviation sector are constantly changing. These shifting risks can depend on a number of various factors, and it is important that TSA have the capacity to adapt in a flexible way to changing circumstances. The National Deployment Office will allow TSA to deploy additional security officers when: Airports request them due to emergencies, staff difficulties, or other unforeseen issues. Special events that may potentially affect National Security are occurring. A natural disaster or weather event occurs, and additional security staff are needed. It is absolutely critical that TSA has adequate resources to ensure that the traveling public is both protected, and confident in the safety of air travel. To that end, this measure emphasizes the importance of a flexible approach that will give TSA greater capabilities for rapid response to a security risk.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, 1 minute is really not enough time, but I really wanted to highlight, as quickly as I can, some crucial issues that we have experienced over the work recess. First of all, I condemn the actions of Saudi Arabia as it relates to the bombing of the two or at least one bus of children. I believe the United States should address this question immediately, for children are our most precious resource. I am concerned that now 497 children still remain without their families at the border, that 300 of those parents have been deported, and most of the children are under 5. This is inhumane, cruel. And it is, of course, the most tragic act that this Federal Government could have done. I ask the Trump administration immediately to respond. Listening to the hearings of Justice Kavanaugh, let me indicate that there is no comment on the character of the man, but there is a comment on the appointment. And that appointment involves an individual, the President of the United States, who is under investigation, and, also, the papers that are needed have not been provided. Finally, Mr. Speaker, let me indicate that I note that the State Department and the Defense Department decided to cut the funding for Pakistan. Pakistan is a nation that we should attempt to continue negotiations and diplomacy, and we should recognize that those military dollars are important for the fight against terrorism. These things should be taken up on behalf of the American people.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commemorate the 100th Anniversary of the 1918 influenza pandemic also known as the ``Spanish Flu'', which killed 50 million people worldwide, including 675,000 in the United States. The Spanish Flu was the deadliest known global pandemic of the world, second only to the Bubonic Plague. In 1918 there was no health insurance; people paid for healthcare out of their own resources and many had a harder time gaining access to healthcare. There was no flu vaccine to protect against the influenza infection and no antibiotics to treat secondary bacterial infections that are associated with influenza infections, control efforts worldwide were limited to non-pharmaceutical interventions such as isolation, quarantine, good personal hygiene, use of disinfectants, and limitations of public gatherings, which were applied unevenly. Today we have the antibiotics, However, when the next pandemic hits it will be a full out race to not only identify the pandemic but also to develop a cure and lessen the amount of mass casualties. It is time that we cease this debate on universal healthcare as if it is not a societal benefit. The Affordable Care Act assures that millions of Americans have access to healthcare which includes annual flu vaccines. It is important to remember that before the era of modern medicine, the Spanish Flu pandemic infected an estimated 500 million people worldwide, which at that time was about one-third of the Earth's population. The Spanish Flu killed 10 percent of the 500 million people who contracted the disease. Mortality was high for people younger than 5 years old, 20-40 years old, and 65 years and older. The high mortality in healthy people, including those in the 20-40 year age group, was a unique feature of this pandemic. While the Spanish Flu virus has been synthesized and evaluated, the properties that made it so devastating are not well understood. The Spanish flu occurred during WWI, and in fact killed more soldiers than those lost in baffle. On September 24, 1918, the Houston Chronicle reported that there were between 600 and 700 cases of the Spanish Flu at Camp Logan, now Memorial Park. By the end of October 1918, more than 106,000 residents in Texas' urban centers had been afflicted. It is estimated that 20,000 Texans died during the pandemic. There have been three additional flu pandemics since the Spanish Flu of 1918, including the 2009 H1N1 flu pandemic which spread to over 214 countries and overseas territories or communities, but none has been nearly as deadly. We must continue to provide resources to fund our disease preventing and disease fighting institutions throughout the Federal government including the Department of Health and Human Services and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the Department of Homeland Security and others who work tirelessly to protect the health and welfare of our citizens. As global citizens, we must also keep our borders open and continue to share information with our neighbors and global partners, like the World Health Organization who are committed to the prevention and arresting of pandemics. We know that when a fatal pandemic strikes there is no limit to where its reach might spread. Mr. Speaker, I call on my colleagues to join me in remembering the 675,000 Americans who died during the 1918 Spanish Flu pandemic. I also call on my colleagues to continue supporting research and innovation into these and other diseases that will build a greater global preparedness for the next pandemic which we know is inevitable. We must remain ever vigilant to the possibilities of future pandemics that could have a similar impact as the Spanish Flu. As leaders of this nation, we must stress the need to be prepared while also hoping that we never see this kind of devastation again.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 6459, the ``TSA OPEN for Business Act,'' which amends the Homeland Security Act of 2002, to diversify the technology stakeholder marketplace for TSA acquisitions. I would like to thank Ranking Member Thompson for his leadership on the Committee on Homeland Security and for introducing this important bill to improve transportation security. H.R. 6459 directs the Administrator of the U.S. Transportation Security Administration to develop and submit to Congress a strategy to diversify the technology stakeholder marketplace regarding the acquisition by the TSA of security screening technologies. That strategy must include: 1. Information on how Administration solicitation, testing, evaluation, piloting, acquisition, and procurement processes impact the Administrator's ability to acquire from a technology stakeholder, including a small business innovator, that has not previously provided technology to the Administration, an innovative technology or capability with the potential to enhance transportation security; 2. Specific actions that the administrator will take to foster diversification within the technology stakeholder market along with a timeline for such actions; 3. Plans for how the administrator may assist a small business innovator at certain points in such process; and 4. A feasibility assessment of partnering with an organization described in section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 and exempt from tax under section 501(a) of such Code. I represent the 18th Congressional District of Texas which is situated in Houston and home to 2 major airports, the George Bush International Airport and William P. Hobby Airport, which are essential hubs for domestic and international air travel for Houston and the region. Nearly 40 million passengers traveled through George Bush International Airport (IAH) and an additional 10 million traveled through William P. Hobby (HOU). More than 650 daily departures occur at George Bush International Airport, which is also the 11th busiest airport in the U.S. for total passenger traffic and annually handles more than 419,205 metric tons of cargo. As better transportation security technology becomes available, it is imperative that it be adequately evaluated for use in our nation's airports. The size of a company should not limit it from contributing to the important work of aviation security. We should support advances in transportation security technology that are positive and help fulfill the TSA's mission to protect our nation's transportation systems from terrorist threats. I ask that all members join me in voting to pass H.R. 6459, the ``TSA OPEN for Business Act.''

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 6443, the ``Advancing Cybersecurity Diagnostics and Mitigation Act'' which codifies the Continuous Diagnostics and Mitigation (CDM) Program administered by the Department of Homeland Security. At a time when the computer networks of our government are under constant attack, and have suffered serious breaches in recent years, we must take action to ensure that the information of our citizens and the ability of federal agencies to carry out their duties are resilient. As a long-time advocate of a government that works efficiently for the people, it is clear that current information security practices of federal agencies are neither sufficient nor consistent. Without an honest effort to even get to obtain a view of the security state of federal networks, users, and devices, we will continue to be increasingly vulnerable. To that end, H.R. 6443 recognizes the importance of a dynamic approach that will help secure federal networks and data, as well as provide improved information on vulnerabilities and security practices across the various agencies. In particular, this measure codifies the Continuous Diagnostics and Mitigation (CDM) Program to which: 1. Deploys DHS sensors which perform ongoing scans for vulnerabilities and known flaws; and 2. Feed the collected data to an enterprise dashboard to provide increased insight into the information security posture of federal agencies. Without codifying this concrete measure to fortify federal networks and devices, federal agencies will remain vulnerable. While codifying the DHS CDM Program will harden the security posture of the federal government, we are still suffering from a shortage of workers with the requisite skills in this area. To address this, I have introduced the Cyber Security Education and Federal Workforce Enhancement Act (H.R. 1981), which would address our cyber workforce shortage by establishing an Office of Cybersecurity Education and Awareness within DHS which will focus on: 1. Recruiting information assurance, cybersecurity, and computer security professionals; 2. Providing grants, training programs, and other support for kindergarten through grade 12, secondary, and post-secondary computer security education programs; 3. Supporting guest lecturer programs in which professional computer security experts lecture computer science students at institutions of higher education; 4. Identifying youth training programs for students to work in part- time or summer positions at federal agencies; and 5. Developing programs to support underrepresented minorities in computer security fields with programs at minority-serving institutions, including Historically Black Colleges and Universities, Hispanic-serving institutions, Native American colleges, Asian-American institutions, and rural colleges and universities. Mr. Speaker, government agencies and the private sector alike continue to struggle to identify the motivations and methods behind a cyber-attack and, in many cases, lack timely information on tactics and techniques hackers are using. Despite this, the White House has eliminated the position of Cybersecurity Coordinator from the National Security Council. This occurred even after Federal Risk Determination Reports found that communication of threat information within agencies is also inconsistent, with only 59 percent of agencies reporting a capability to share threat information to all employees within an enterprise so they have the knowledge necessary to block attacks. Federal agencies are not taking advantage of all available information such as threat intelligence, incident data, and network traffic flow to improve situational awareness regarding systems at risk and to prioritize investments. For this reason, earlier this Congress, I introduced H.R. 3202, the ``Cyber Vulnerability Disclosure Reporting Act'', which was passed by the full House and is now in the Senate. H.R. 3202 requires the Secretary of Homeland Security to submit a report on the policies and procedures developed for coordinating cyber vulnerability disclosures. The report will include an annex with information on instances in which cyber security vulnerability disclosure policies and procedures were used to disclose details on identified weaknesses in computing systems or digital devices at risk. The report will provide information on the degree to which the information provided by DHS was used by industry and other stakeholders. I would also like to recognize the University of Houston, which has been recognized by the Department of Homeland Security and the National Security Agency as a Center of Academic Excellence for the programs in cybersecurity and cyber defense. In closing, Mr. Speaker, I urge all members to join me in voting to pass H.R. 6433, the ``Advancing Cybersecurity Diagnostics and Mitigation Act''.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 5869, the ``Maritime Border Security Review Act,'' which directs the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security to submit a report on DHS's maritime border threat analysis based on the work that the agency is doing to secure the border. During the markup of this legislation by the Committee on Homeland Security, a Jackson Lee amendment for this bill was adopted. This Jackson Lee Amendment requires a review of the metrics and performance parameters used by the Department of Homeland Security to evaluate maritime security effectiveness. This amendment will provide a report on the data that is required by this bill's report. The generation, collection, and use of data can create greater transparency on processes that can better inform our work on the Committee. Reporting requirements are an important committee oversight tool that can provide relevant information on the programs and policies authorized by Congress. The more important aspects of data collection require that the information be relevant, accurate, and consistent. The private sector is making great strides in the use of data science and big data to better understand the past and present in order to make more informed decisions that will impact the future. Data collected and used for the purposes of this bill can support data analytics for Maritime Border Security. Data analytics is the process of examining data sets in order to draw conclusions about the information they contain, increasingly with the aid of specialized systems and software. Data analytics technologies and techniques are widely used in commercial industries to enable organizations to make more-informed business decisions and by scientists and researchers to verify or disprove scientific models, theories and hypotheses. The Jackson Lee amendment supports data analytics for the maritime border threat analysis the bill will provide to the committee. I urge my colleagues to vote for the passage of H.R. 5869.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6374, the ``Fitness Information Transparency Act of 2018,'' or the ``FIT Act,'' which will streamline federal contractor fitness determinations for receiving and maintaining contract awards for the Department of Homeland Security. This bill will standardize the fitness standards for contractors for the Department of Homeland Security that reflect employability standards to ensure contractors meet public trust obligations relating to the work they will do on behalf of the American people. During the Homeland Security Committee markup of H.R. 6374, an amendment I offered was adopted. The Jackson Lee Amendment improves the FIT Act by establishing an ``Exigent Circumstances Fitness Determination Review'' process. The Jackson Lee Amendment provides that ``The Chief Security Officer may conduct an immediate review of a contractor employee's fitness determination when a contractor employee has engaged in violent acts against individuals, property, or public spaces based on the contractor employee's association with persons or organizations that advocate, threaten, or use force or violence, or any other illegal or unconstitutional means, in an effort to prevent others from exercising their rights under the Constitution or laws of the United States or of any State, based on factors including, at a minimum, race, religion, national origin, or disability.'' In July 2018, news reports surfaced that Northrup Grumman had business with a government contractor who employed Michael Miselis, an active member of the California-based Rise Above Movement (RAM), a well-known violent white supremacist group. RAM's membership has deep roots in California's racist skinhead movement and the violence of RAM members has been a hallmark of the group and its members. The Anti-Defamation League describes RAM as a white supremacist group whose members believe they are fighting against a ``modern world'' corrupted by the ``destructive cultural influences'' of liberals, Jews, Muslims and non-white immigrants. RAM members consider themselves to be part of the ``Alt Right'' and operates like a street-fighting club. RAM members actively train to do physical battle with their ideological foes, and have been involved in violent clashes during political rallies and demonstrations. Mr. Miselis had a security clearance and worked for Northrup Grumman, a major defense contractor, at the time he engaged in physical violence against persons protesting racism and white supremacy in Charlottesville, Virginia. In May 2018, Northrup Grumman was informed of Mr. Miselis' membership in RAM and the violent assaults he initiated while he was in Charlottesville participating in activities in support of white supremacy, which were captured on video and in photos. Mr. Miselis worked for a government contractor and held a security clearance authorizing him to work on projects that were of vital interest to our nation and its defense. Northrup Grumman did not dismiss him until the story broke earlier this month with media reports on the violence Mr. Miselis engaged in at the white supremacists' rally held in Charlottesville, Virginia. Mr. Speaker, the United States is a nation of laws, which gives us the freedom to agree, and most importantly disagree, with not only each other, but with our government. But the limitations on the right to express political views was best described by Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., who said: ``The right to swing my fist ends where the other man's nose begins.'' There is a limit to the expression of free speech and the freedom to assemble and that limit is violence. The awarding of security clearances to contractors must be better managed and the consequences for involvement in activities that would be cause for dismissal from the armed services or any federal agency should not go unnoticed. The Jackson Lee Amendment makes the clear statement to DHS contractors that the awarding of contracts that involve the security of our nation should not be taken lightly and that the allocation of federal funds to contractors who employ persons who advocate or participate in acts against persons on account of their race, creed, religious beliefs, or gender who engage in constitutionally protected activities will not be tolerated. For these reasons, I support H.R. 6374 and urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise not to mourn the death but to celebrate the remarkable life of John Sidney McCain III, the lion of the Senate, a valiant naval aviator, and an `American Pericles' who always put country first. In degree and kind, it will be a long time before our nation again sees the likes of John McCain, whom we lost at the age of 81. The son and grandson of Navy admirals, Senator McCain chose to give back to this country through service, as has been the calling of his family since the early years of the last century. Senator McCain's love of country was manifested not merely through words; he showed his fidelity to this nation through his deeds. During his six years as a prisoner of war during the Vietnam War, Senator McCain endured the torture and indignities of the infamous Hanoi Hilton. When his imprisoners realized he was of official stock, they offered him early release. Then-naval aviator McCain refused, and showed the valor and courage for which he would soon become known. After his time as a POW, he was elected in 1982 to the U.S. House of Representatives and served for two terms prior to his election to the United States Senate in 1986, a position he held until his death. Through his six terms in the U.S. Senate, Senator McCain developed a well-deserved reputation as a statesman--a legislator who did not conform to partisan entrenchment and worked to formulate innovative solutions with members across the aisle. John McCain's first duty always was to country. When President Bill Clinton called for the nation to bind the wounds of the Vietnam War, President Clinton sent Senator John McCain. When the pervasive, and at times corrosive, effect of money in politics reached critical mass, Senator John McCain reached across the aisle and championed landmark legislation to curb the excesses of our system of campaign finance. And, when the Trump Republicans' threat to the landmark Affordable Care Act came within striking distance of reality, Senator John McCain--by then diagnosed with terminal brain cancer--appeared on the floor of the institution he loved so much, and saved the law championed by his former political rival, President Barack Obama. Through it all, Senator John McCain exhibited grace, class, and sacrifice; he was the very embodiment of the civic virtue this country needs and requires of its public servants. Senator John McCain's record of service has both earned the respect of his colleagues throughout the years and has been a source of inspiration to millions of young people across the nation and around the world. Senator John McCain's dedication to country over party, to his fellow countrymen over self, and to the greater good over personal gain, is a model of conduct for those who seek to lead this nation. I send my sincerest thoughts and prayers to his family in this most difficult time, and urge all Americans, in celebration of this extraordinary statesman, to work to recover our sense of civility and to find the common ground needed to advance the common good. I ask the House to observe a moment of silence in memory of an American hero, John Sidney McCain III.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in remembrance of the 50th anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Even at the height of the Cold War, the Soviet Union was struggling to maintain order in its brutally enforced communist bloc. Czechoslovakia, a vibrant democracy prior to the Second World War, had been annexed by the Nazis then subjugated by the Russians in the postwar Soviet takeover in 1948. For 20 years, the pro-Soviet government installed in Prague stifled public dissent and maintained the charade of communist paradise amidst a crumbling economy. But in early 1968, conservative leader Antonin Novotny was ousted as the head of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and he was replaced by Alexander Dubcek. The Dubcek government ended censorship in Czechoslovakia, and in April, the Czech Government issued a formal plan for further reforms. Recalling the 1956 uprising in Hungary, leaders in Moscow worried that if Czechoslovakia carried reforms too far, other satellite states in Eastern Europe might follow, leading to a widespread rebellion against Moscow's control of the Warsaw Pact, the eastern bloc of nations created by the Soviets to rival the NATO alliance. These fears, rising from the Kremlin's determination to maintain totalitarian control of its subjugated peoples, was the chief reason for Russian aggression 50 years ago today. In addition, the Kremlin guessed--correctly--that given past U.S. pronouncements on non-intervention in the Eastern Bloc, the United States would condemn the invasion but might refrain from intervening. An emboldened Soviet government under Leonid Brezhnev asserted as justification for the invasion ``the Brezhnev Doctrine,'' which held that Moscow would intervene in any nation where a communist government was under threat. Mr. Speaker, I hope to have spoken today of these egregious Russian violations of sovereignty and self-determination as a recollection of times past; an episode consigned to the annals of history. But this history provides a lesson that we dare not ignore. In 2008, Vladimir Putin's Russia invaded the nation of Georgia in coordination with separatists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Putin's Kremlin claimed that it was protecting Russian nationals in the region, but the American intelligence community accurately assessed that Moscow's involvement in South Ossetia and Abkhazia was a gambit to prevent Georgia's accession to NATO. In Crimea and the Donbas, too, the Kremlin pursued its aggressive violation of international laws to illegally occupy those territories under the pretense of protecting Russian nationals and Russian interests. The emboldened Putin regime continues its efforts to destabilize not only Georgia and Ukraine, which have expressed interest in joining the Western Alliance, but also linchpins of liberalism in Europe--from supporting populist nationalists in Austria and Hungary, to conducting extralegal assassinations in England, to influencing our very own elections in the United States. Putin's actions have been further emboldened by the President's pronouncements casting doubt on the value of the Western Alliance and his moral ambivalence on Russian violations of international law. Mr. Speaker, those who forget history are doomed to repeat it. Russian aggression in Georgia, Ukraine, and elsewhere--as well as the continued human suffering thereafter--unequivocally reveals Vladimir Putin's disregard for international law and hostility to our Western alliance. When confronted with such a foe, the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia demonstrates that it is imperative that we draw our allies and partners in Europe closer, not antagonize them. Between its oppression of the Georgian people, poisoning of expatriates, assassination and imprisonment of dissenters, ruthless bombing of Syrian civilians, illegal occupation and deployment of mercenaries in Ukraine, and its active undermining of U.S. alliances and political systems, we must now, more than ever, stand fast with our allies and clearly signal our commitment to democratic institutions and international organizations and alliances. Mr. Speaker, our partnerships in Europe advance U.S. interests and protect our allies from Russian aggression. So on this 50th anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, it is critical that the United States Congress reaffirm our nation's unwavering commitment to Article 5 of the NATO Treaty and maintain its vigilance to the lasting humanitarian, social, and other costs that Russian aggression has imposed in Georgia, Ukraine, and elsewhere.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the extraordinary and consequential life of Aretha Franklin, the ``First Lady and Queen of Soul.'' Aretha Franklin passed away this morning at the age of 76 at her home in Detroit after waging a long and valiant battle against pancreatic cancer. For more than a half-century the world was thrilled, inspired, and captivated by the scintillating presence and magical voice of the woman instantly known and recognizable the world over simply as ``Aretha.'' Born in 1942 in Memphis, Tennessee, Aretha's family eventually relocated to Detroit, where she was raised and learned to sing. When Aretha was 10, her mother passed, and a number of women, including the legendary gospel singer Mahalia Jackson helped take care of Aretha and her siblings. It was around this time that Aretha started playing piano, singing and performing gospel songs at her father's church in Detroit. On singing in church Aretha once remarked, ``You have the ethereal feeling there. It is the house of the Lord. It is the Supreme Being. So there is no greater space to sing in than the church.'' Aretha recorded a gospel album when she was just 14 and four years later signed with Columbia Records then Atlantic Records, where she achieved international recognition for internationally loved songs such as ``Rock-a-Bye Your Baby with a Dixie Melody'' and ``Natural Woman.'' Aretha's music defined a modern female archetype: sensual and strong, long-suffering but ultimately indomitable, loving but not to be taken for granted. Aretha's contributions to music and pop culture received several honors throughout her life. She won a total of 18 Grammy awards; the first in 1967 for ``Respect.'' Aretha's ``Respect,'' the Otis Redding song that became her signature anthem, was never just about how a woman wanted to be greeted by a spouse coming home from work. It was a demand for equality and freedom and a harbinger of feminism, carried by the voice of a woman who would accept nothing less. Aretha's rendition of ``Respect'' resonated beyond individual relationships to the civil rights, counterculture and feminism movements. As Aretha wrote in her autobiography, ``It was the need of the nation, the need of the average man and woman in the street, the businessman, the mother, the fireman, the teacher--everyone wanted respect.'' Aretha was later honored with a Grammys Legend Award in 1991 and a Lifetime Achievement Award in 1994. In 2014, Aretha reached a new milestone by becoming the first woman to have her 100th hit on Billboard's Hot R&B and Hip-Hop Songs Chart. In a career spanning more than 50 years, Aretha's performances marked certain pivotal moments in U.S. history. A longtime family friend of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., she sang ``Precious Lord'' at the civil rights leader's memorial service. Aretha was the first woman inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 1987. Aretha's stirring rendition of the ``Star Spangled Banner'' at the 1992 Democratic Convention In New York City is considered one of the greatest of all time. Aretha performed ``America (My Country 'Tis of Thee)'' at the inauguration of President Barack Obama. And Aretha brought President Obama--and much of the audience--to tears six years later when she surprised Kennedy Center honoree Carole King with ``Natural Woman'' in 2015. Aretha's legacy goes far beyond music. By the standards of Paradise Valley, the business district and entertainment center of a densely-populated African-American residential area in Detroit, Aretha was a young woman of status and privilege. Nevertheless she suffered the same humiliations as any black woman travelling through the South or venturing into the white precincts of Detroit. By the time of the murder of Emmett Till, in 1955, her father, Rev. C. L. Franklin had opened New Bethel Baptist Church to the movement, and, from his pulpit, he denounced segregation and white supremacy. When Dr. King came to Detroit, he stayed at the home of the Franklins. On June 23, 1963, Rev. C. L. Franklin helped Dr. King organize the ``Walk to Freedom,'' the march of more than a hundred thousand people through downtown Detroit that set the stage for the March of Washington two months later. At Detroit's Cobo Hall, Dr. King, acknowledging ``my good friend'' Rev. C. L. Franklin, delivered a speech filled with passages that would become world famous two months later when spoken at the March on Washington: ``This afternoon I have a dream,'' he told the crowd. ``I have a dream,'' that ``little white children and little Negro children'' will be ``judged by the content of their character and not the color of their skin.'' Dr. King later confided to Rev. C. L. Franklin, ``Frank, I will never live to see forty.'' At Dr. King's funeral, in April, 1968, Aretha was asked to sing Thomas Dorsey's ``Precious Lord.'' Aretha was now a central voice in both the black community, eclipsing her father, and in the musical world. In 1970, Aretha offered to post a $250,000 bond to free Angela Davis, the demonized black activist then being held on charges of conspiracy, kidnapping and murder--charges of which she was later acquitted. Quoted in Jet magazine at the time, Aretha said: ``Angela Davis must go free. Black people will be free.'' Mr. Speaker, it is easy to forget how unusual this was in an era when Aretha's Grammy-winning albums were still sold in segregated ``race music'' sections of record stores and when even the suggestion that a black woman might one day appear on the cover of September Vogue, as Beyonce now does, would have seemed like a pipe dream. It is important, too, to note that wearing an Afro or the head wraps Aretha was early to adopt was once as risky a political statement as taking a knee would later become. And while many of her musical contemporaries rarely ventured from their sartorial safe zones, Aretha remained boldly and exuberantly unconstrained in her tastes, confident about demonstrating both her individuality and her economic might by doing as another powerful black woman, Oprah Winfrey, one day would. Mr. Speaker, Aretha was a musical, spiritual, and cultural leader for America and around the world. Aretha exemplified the best of America--powerful, compassionate, fearless, and kind. Aretha personified the community from which she came: forever young, gifted, and black. Mr. Speaker, I ask the House to observe a moment of silence in memory of one of the greatest performing artists in American history, the inimitable, indomitable, and irrepressible Aretha Franklin, the First Lady and Queen of Soul.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commemorate the 83rd anniversary of the passage of the landmark Social Security Act of 1935, the most famous of the New Deal measures and perhaps the most beneficial and consequential government program in American history. On August 14, 1935, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed into law the Social Security Act of 1935 and made good on the Democratic Party's commitment to provide income security to Americans in their old age. Social Security has transformed what it means to grow old in this country. For 83 years, Social Security has represented a bedrock promise to the American people: that a lifetime of work will be rewarded with the peace of mind, certainty, and sense of security of a stable retirement. As we celebrate the 83rd anniversary of the Social Security Act of 1935, we should reflect also on the real-life transformative impact America's most successful program continues to have on millions of Americans each year. Social Security has been a stable and secure source of income for millions of seniors and families, many of whom desperately need it, over these last more than seven decades. In the 18th Congressional District of Texas, Social Security is the primary economic lifeline for more than 91,000 seniors and disabled persons. Social Security's economic impact also goes well beyond the seniors and families receiving benefits. It also benefits state economies and local businesses all across the country. In the 18th Congressional District of Texas, Social Security recipients inject more than $97 million into the local economy annually; nationwide, this figures is $775 billion. When more than 58 million Americans use the purchasing power of those benefits, they are supporting businesses with dollars they would not have without Social Security. It is shameful that there are congressional Republicans who continue to promote various plans to privatize or partially privatize Social Security--plans that would rob seniors of the economic security they count on. Over the last 83 years, House Democrats have protected and strengthened Social Security; and now and in the future, House Democrats will always act to preserve Social Security and safeguard the rights of our nation's seniors. And as we look to the future, we can celebrate that what was put in place in 1935 with the Social Security Act of 1935 has given us the foundation for a secure and prosperous future for all Americans.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the memory of former Nevada Senator and Governor Paul Laxalt. Mr. Laxalt passed away this past Monday in McLean, Virginia. A child of immigrants and a Nevada native from Carson City, he served our nation with distinction in the Pacific during the Second World War. He applied himself to serving his community, first as a district attorney in 1950, then as Lieutenant Governor in 1962. After winning the governorship of Nevada in 1968, he stabilized the state's gambling industry from the grips of organized crime and developed a system of community colleges. Mr. Laxalt is perhaps best remembered as President Reagan's campaign chairman and the moderate Republican Senator from Nevada. But he was above all a man who cared deeply for the nation, which he served with dignity and integrity. Former Senator Harry Reid, whom Mr. Laxalt defeated in 1974 when Senator Reid was the state's lieutenant governor, and who succeeded him in the Senate in 1987, said of Mr. Laxalt, ``We have been political adversaries all my adult life, but he and I are friends.'' Though they disagreed on many policy issues, Senator Reid added, he viewed Mr. Laxalt as a man of utmost integrity in the Senate. Mr. Speaker, I therefore pay tribute today not only to Paul Laxalt's honorable life of service, but also to the spirit of upholding integrity over bitter ideological entrenchment. The life and story of Mr. Laxalt--his dedication to country over party, to the public over self, and to the greater good over personal gain--is certainly a model of conduct for those who seek to lead this nation. I urge my colleagues, in memory of this statesman of integrity, to work to recover our sense of civility and work toward mending our differences for the common good.

Ms. JACKSON LEE

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in remembrance of the long national nightmare that ended 44 years ago today when Richard Milhous Nixon addressed the nation from the Oval Office and announced that he would resign the office of the Presidency. The next day, August 9, 1974, he submitted his letter of resignation to Henry Kissinger and left for California. In November 1973, long before it was clear that Richard Nixon would be driven from office, the noted historian Arthur Schlesinger explained in his essay, ``The Runaway Presidency,'' why Nixon's malfeasance was unique, and why it would eventually lead to his downfall: The presidency has been in crisis before; but the constitutional offense that led to the impeachment of Andrew Johnson was trivial compared to the charges now accumulating around the Nixon Administration. There are, indeed, constitutional offenses here but . . . what is unique in the history of the presidency is the long list of potential criminal charges against the Nixon Administration. When the Watergate burglars were arrested in 1972 after breaking into the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C., White House press secretary Ron Ziegler dismissed the incident as a ``third-rate burglary.'' The execution of the plot to burglarize the DNC may have been third- rate and amateurish, but that was not the essence of the vast criminal enterprise that would become known as ``Watergate.'' ``Watergate'' is short-hand for the systemic, calculated effort conceived and managed from the inner circle of the Nixon White House to subvert elections, punish political enemies, undermine the media, and mislead the American people. President Nixon obstructed justice from the Oval Office, used the Internal Revenue Service to go after his political enemies, launched an illegal war in Cambodia, waged dirty tricks against his opponents, kept an ``enemies list,'' was recorded in the Oval Office describing Jews as ``aggressive, abrasive and obnoxious'' and Italians as not having their ``heads screwed on tight,'' had articles of impeachment against him approved by the House Judiciary Committee, and left a permanent stain on American democracy. In short, President Nixon attempted to subvert our democratic institutions and flout the rule of law. America's democratic institutions, however, are made of sterner stuff, and withstood this assault because in America, no one office or person is above the law. As President Theodore Roosevelt put it so well on December 7, 1903 in his third Annual Address to Congress: ``No man is above the law and no man is below it: nor do we ask any man's permission when we ask him to obey it.'' That is why former FBI agent G. Gordon Liddy and former CIA employee James McCord, security director of the Committee to Re-elect the President (CREEP) would be found guilty of conspiracy, burglary and bugging DNC headquarters. E. Howard Hunt, a former CIA operative and head of the White House ``Plumbers'' unit, and four others would plead guilty. In April, White House counsel John Dean, chief of staff H.R. Haldeman, domestic policy chief John D. Ehrlichman, and Attorney General Richard Kleindienst resigned amidst the growing scandal. On October 20, 1973, President Nixon ordered Attorney General Elliot Richardson to fire Special Counsel Archibald Cox, who refused, as did Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus. Solicitor General Robert Bork did not refuse and executed Nixon's order, setting off what is now known as the ``Saturday Night Massacre.'' In January 1975, several high-ranking Nixon appointees--including H.R. Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman, and John Mitchell--would be tried, convicted, and sentenced to prison. White House Counsel Charles Colson pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice and served seven months. White House Counsel John Dean pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice and served four months. White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman was convicted of conspiracy and obstruction of justice and served 18 months. In all, more than 40 government officials were indicted or jailed. As we look back on the Nixon resignation and his imperial presidency, it is worthwhile to reflect upon the statements of Congresswoman Barbara Jordan, who held the seat I currently hold, made during a House Judiciary Committee impeachment hearing: Common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this process for petty reasons. Congress has a lot to do: Appropriations, tax reform, health insurance, campaign finance reform, housing, environmental protection, energy sufficiency, mass transportation. Pettiness cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems. So today we are not being petty. We are trying to be big, because the task we have before us is a big one. Mr. Speaker, the circumstances in which we find ourselves today do not call for pettiness. Nor do they call for twitter politics and spectacle. They call for leadership; a recognition that a respect for the rule of law and holding our leaders accountable for their misdeeds is a fundamental democratic responsibility. In August 1974, the vigilant and tireless efforts by law enforcement, journalists, and our nation's leaders led President Nixon to yield to the rule of law. The saving grace of Richard Nixon is that, at the end, he put the interests of the nation ahead of himself by resigning his office. Arthur Schlesinger's 1973 essay appears prescient in its prediction that ``corruption appears to visit the White House in fifty-year cycles.'' As Professor Schlesinger wrote, ``If the trails are followed to their end, many, many years will pass before another White House staff dares take the liberties with the Constitution and the laws the Nixon White House has taken,'' which ``suggests that exposure and retribution inoculate the presidency against its latent criminal impulses for about half a century.'' Professor Schlesinger also offered a warning that ``corruption appears to visit the White House in fifty-year cycles.'' Mr. Speaker, on this historic day, let us remember that Congress is a co-equal branch of government and has a duty to hold the executive accountable for misconduct, abuse of power, and `High Crimes and Misdemeanors.' As Congresswoman Barbara Jordan declared: ``My faith in the Constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. And I am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the Constitution.'' And today, Mr. Speaker, let me affirm that my faith in the Constitution is whole, complete, and total. Our nation is founded on the principle that all are equal under the law, and that one can only delay--never escape--the swift sword of justice. We must always be faithful to the duties imposed upon us by the Constitution.