Hank Johnson

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, a pig with lipstick is still a pig, and a military-grade helicopter secured from the battlefields of Afghanistan is still a military-grade helicopter being used against the citizens. Now, if the gentleman's jurisdiction, the city council or the county commissioner agreed to purchase and voted on that, agreed to accept the material, then that is good, but that is not required under the 1033 program, which allows law enforcement agencies to petition directly to the Department of Defense and get this equipment like those helicopters without the consent of the governed. And that is wrong. Over the last several decades, the 1033 program has transferred more than $7.4 billion in surplus military equipment to over 8,000 Federal, Tribal, State, and local law enforcement agencies across the country. When I first introduced this language in 2014, I have heard every single excuse why we should not do something about this program, but it needs to end. The militarization of our police departments needs to end so that we can begin the process of restoring confidence in law enforcement. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I rise to support the INVEST in America Act, which is landmark legislation that provides critical funding to repair our crumbling infrastructure, makes long-overdue investments in public transit, and improves overall safety. Together, the reforms respond to the climate crisis by reducing emissions from transportation, which represents the largest share of greenhouse gas emissions in our economy. This bill includes several provisions that I authored, including a boost to disadvantaged business enterprises, a requirement that trucks be equipped with lifesaving, automatic emergency braking systems, and critical funding for public transit. The bill would also fund five projects in my district to expand or add public transit service and improve rider safety, including the Stonecrest Transit Hub. Moving forward, I am hopeful that a final law will include a dedicated public transit operating program, such as the one that I have proposed, to grow and improve service around the Nation. Madam Speaker, I applaud the chairman for his leadership.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for leading this Special Order today on behalf of the Congressional Black Caucus as we rise together to celebrate the African-American community and to commemorate an unsung holiday known as Juneteenth. Now, I was 21 years old when I first heard of Juneteenth. That was the year that I arrived in Texas to go to law school at Texas Southern University. Having been born here in the District of Columbia, somewhat north-- some folks say it is south, but I considered it to be the north, but now I accept it as being in the south. Back then, I didn't learn anything about Juneteenth living here in Washington, D.C., nor did I learn about it when I moved south to Atlanta at the age of 17. So the first time I heard was in Texas, and it was a joyful celebration, a joyful day. But since I have left Texas and gone back to Georgia, we don't really celebrate Juneteenth in Georgia. Right now, this year, will constitute the first county in Georgia--it would be my home county, DeKalb County--that will recognize and celebrate Juneteenth as a holiday. And it is a holiday that should be enjoyed by all of Americans, not just by Black people, but by White people, too, because when one of us are in bondage, it means all of us are in bondage. When all of us are free is when we are truly free. So Juneteenth marks the 156th celebration of the ending of slavery in this Nation, and since then we have made significant strides in the expansion of civil rights. We have outlawed segregation, integrated our schools, and done important work to increase access to the polls. Nonetheless, even 156 years later, America and the way her laws are applied remain biased against the Black man. Our neighborhoods and our schools are still subject to de facto segregation, and schools with larger African-American populations are unlikely to receive adequate funding and support. Our justice system is a continuation of this systemic bias. Under the guise of public protection, we arrest and forcibly confine African Americans five times as often as White Americans for the exact same crimes. Now, these realities directly contradict American ideals. And so on this anniversary of Juneteenth, I believe the best way to celebrate the community and honor our past is to take deliberate action to make our country a just and equitable home for all Americans. But how can we do that when Republicans are now on this issue called critical race theory, and they want to ban all discussion about this legal concept that they have turned into a political football. It was a legal concept that now has taken on some kind of a dastardly meaning. And the only thing it is, is first an acknowledgment that the vestiges of racism, the vestiges of slavery and racism still exist in this country, and a discussion about how it impacts our current reality. That is all that we are talking about. We are talking about realizing history, celebrating history in the case of Juneteenth. We have a lot to celebrate, and all of us should celebrate, but we cannot do that unless we know what our history is. And my friends on the other side of the aisle are taking deliberate acts now to suppress it. I told you, I just heard about it, you know, when I was 21 years old. You know, we need our people to know about this. We need America to know about it, and we can all celebrate together, just like we do with all the other holidays like Thanksgiving, for instance. Madam Speaker, I don't mean to be divisive, but I do want to speak truth.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, 100 years ago this month, hundreds of Black men, women, and children were brutally terrorized, brutalized, and murdered in a massacre in the Greenwood district of Tulsa, Oklahoma. Their homes, businesses, and churches were burned to the ground. Their land was stolen from them. The thousands of survivors were locked down and deprived of their liberty without charges. As the 100-year anniversary of the Greenwood massacre approaches, it is important that we bring a focus to and examine this piece of history that has been swept under the rug lest we be bound to repeat it. If the events of January 6 showed us anything, it is that we are so close to repeating history. That is why I stand today in full support of passing H. Res. 398, a resolution offered by my good friend, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, that commemorates in the Congressional Record for posterity the 100th anniversary of the Tulsa Race Massacre. This resolution serves as a reminder that Black people in America to this day continue to fight to end racist violence perpetrated against Black people in America. H. Res. 398 also heralds a Congressional Black Caucus initiative that CBC chair Joyce Beatty entrusted to my friend, Congresswoman Brenda Lawrence and I to co-chair; that is, a commemorative virtual event which will commemorate and examine this horrific massacre. The virtual event we are hosting will take place on Thursday evening, May 27, at 8 p.m., and is entitled, Remembering the Greenwood Massacre: 100 Years from Tulsa to the Insurrection (Reconciliation, Restoration, and Reparations). Again, this virtual event will be held on May 27, Thursday, from 8 to 9 p.m. This event will be on Zoom, and we are encouraging all to attend. It is meant to both educate the public about this horrific attack on a thriving Black community and the massacre of its inhabitants. It will highlight the relevance and significance of this race-based attack, especially as it relates to the events of January 6 and the many similarities that exist between these two events. Anyone interested in attending this virtual event--and, again, I encourage all to do so within the sound of my voice--they can go to my website, HankJohnson.House.gov to sign up and receive the Zoom information. It is important that we all participate in this event, even if it is just by listening or hearing from others.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me the time. Madam Speaker, today, I rise in support of H. Res. 275, which is legislation introduced by my friend, Congresswoman Judy Chu, which puts the House on record condemning the racist shootings in Atlanta. That is what it does. That is all it does, plain and simple. There are no politics, no hidden meanings, no digs at ex-President Donald Trump. That has nothing to do with it. It is just putting Congress on record condemning the racist shootings in Atlanta. Atlanta and the South are no strangers to White folks utilizing violence to terrorize and harm communities of color, but even though the cities past and present are marred by white supremacy, Atlanta is also a city too busy to hate. It is a city that continues to be a catalyst for progress and triumph. Madam Speaker, it is a hotbed in the South for justice. The city's heart bled for the victims killed on March 16, but that heart did not stop beating. Last summer, we marched for Black lives. Today, I stand for my Asian brothers and sisters, calling for a stop, an end to Asian hate. I thank Representative Chu for her leadership, and I am proud to support this commonsense, straightforward legislation. I urge as strongly as I can, with as much moral clarity as I can, every Member of this body, both on the other side of the aisle and also on this side of the aisle, to support this legislation.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I thank Congressman Torres for anchoring this very important Special Order hour today. I also want to extend my deepest condolences to the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and my friend, the Honorable Joyce Beatty, who lost her dear husband a few days ago. He passed away. He was a fine public servant and a fine civil rights champion, and he will be missed. We are there in prayer and in spirit with our dear sister. It has been said that sunlight is the best disinfectant, yet the terrible atrocity that took place in Tulsa, Oklahoma, 100 years ago, on May 31 and June 1 of 1921, has lived in the shadows for far too long. It is time that the truth be told. We must know our past or we are bound to repeat it. In 1921, the Black community in Tulsa, Oklahoma, was prospering, despite a racist system designed to marginalize and exclude it and its residents from the fruits of those citizens' labor. It was a community known as Greenwood, and it was also known as the Black Wall Street. It was a thriving community. There were restaurants, grocery stores, hotels, theaters, banks, insurance companies, all owned by Black people. This community was self-sufficient. It was prospering, despite the fact that segregation was the norm and the lynching of Black men was as common as the white hoods of the KKK. The simple fact is this: The Black community was succeeding in Tulsa, so White people burned it down. White supremacy and Jim Crow were the sparks that lit the fire. The massacre occurred over a 24-hour period, from May 30 to June 1 of 1921. And it all began like so many other racially motivated events: A false allegation against a Black man. In response, a White mob of thousands shot, beat, and murdered Black residents, and they did it with impunity. They looted Black homes and businesses and set fires in their wake, this White mob. They were aided and abetted by the National Guard and also deputized killers, looters, and arsonists. Twenty-four hours after the violence began, 35 city blocks lay in ruins. Not a single dwelling or business or building was left standing. Within months of the Greenwood massacre, the KKK's Tulsa chapter became one of the Nation's largest, because what better recruiting tool than plundering and killing Blacks with impunity? No person has ever been held accountable on the State, local, or Federal level, in the criminal courts, or in the civil courts for the atrocities committed against the Black community and the Black people of Greenwood in Tulsa, Oklahoma. And here we are today, 100 years later, still challenged by state- sanctioned violence against Black people. Some things have changed, but some things remain the same. The events of January 6, when Confederate flags flew inside and out of the Capitol, and where a hangman's noose was draped over a functional gallows constructed on the Capitol Grounds to intimidate and terrorize, that proves that not much has changed. And I stand here today to tell you that we have had enough. It is time to fix America and rid racism from its soil. We must fix our country, and that starts with examining our past and looking at how we can heal together as a Nation, and, yes, reparation. Justice delayed is justice denied, and Black Americans in this country have been denied justice for far too long. Enough is enough. At this time, I would like to read from the Tulsa Historical Society and Museum website. It is at TulsaHistory.org. I want to read the following information that it publishes, which comes from the 2001 Tulsa Race Riot Commission report. ``On the morning of May 30, 1921, a young Black man named Dick Rowland riding in the elevator at the Drexel Building at Third and Main with a White woman named Sarah Page. The details of what followed vary from person to person. Accounts of an incident circulated among the city's White community during the day and became more exaggerated with each telling. ``Tulsa police arrested Rowland the following day and began an investigation. An inflammatory report in the May 31 edition of the Tulsa Tribune spurred a confrontation between Black and White armed mobs around the courthouse where the sheriff and his men had barricaded the top floor to protect Rowland. Shots were fired, and the outnumbered African Americans began retreating to the Greenwood district. ``In the early morning hours of June 1, 1921, Greenwood was looted and burned by White rioters,'' as they are called. ``Governor Robertson declared martial law, and National Guard troops arrived in Tulsa. Guardsmen assisted firemen in putting out fires, took African Americans out of the hands of vigilantes and imprisoned,'' locked them up, ``all Black Tulsans not already interned. Over 6,000 people were held at the convention hall and the fairgrounds, some for as long as 8 days. ``Twenty-four hours after the violence erupted, it ceased. In the wake of the violence, 35 city blocks laid in charred ruins, more than 800 people were treated for injuries, and contemporary reports of deaths began at 36. Historians now believe as many as 300 people may have died. ``In order to understand the Tulsa Race Massacre, it is important to understand the complexities of the times. Dick Rowland, Sarah Page, and an unknown gunman were the sparks that ignited a long-smoldering fire. Jim Crow, jealousy, white supremacy, and land lust all played roles in leading up to the destruction and loss of life on May 31 and June 1, 1921. . . . ``Black Tulsans had every reason to believe that Dick Rowland would be lynched after his arrest. His charges were later dismissed and highly suspect from the start. They had cause to believe that his personal safety, like the defense of themselves and their community, depended on them alone. As hostile groups gathered and their confrontation worsened, municipal and county authorities failed to take actions to calm or contain the situation. ``At the eruption of violence, civil officials selected many men, all of them White and some of them participants in that violence, and made those men their agents as deputies. In that capacity, deputies did not stem the violence but added to it, often through overt acts that were themselves illegal. Public officials provided firearms and ammunition to individuals, again, all of them White. Units of the Oklahoma National Guard participated in the mass arrests of all or nearly all of Greenwood's residents. ``They removed them to other parts of the city and detained them in holding centers. Entering the Greenwood district, people stole, damaged, or destroyed personal property left behind in homes and businesses. People, some of them agents of government, also deliberately burned or otherwise destroyed homes credibly estimated to have numbered 1,256, along with virtually every other structure-- including churches, schools, businesses, even a hospital and library-- in the Greenwood district. Despite duties to preserve order and to protect property, no government at any level offered adequate resistance, if any at all, to what amounted to the destruction of the Greenwood neighborhood. Although the exact total can never be determined, credible evidence makes it probable that many people, likely numbering between 100 to 300, were killed during the massacre.'' I am reading to you from the report of the Tulsa commission that was set up by the city of Tulsa to report on the events that happened in Greenwood 100 years ago. ``Not one of these criminal acts was then or ever has been prosecuted or punished by government at any level: municipal, county, State, or Federal. Even after the restoration of order, it was official policy to release a Black detainee only upon the application of a White person, and then only if that White person agreed to accept responsibility for that detainee's subsequent behavior. As private citizens, many Whites in Tulsa and neighboring communities did extend invaluable assistance to the massacre's victims,'' to their credit. ``Despite being numerically at a disadvantage, Black Tulsans fought valiantly to protect their homes, their businesses, and their community. But in the end, the city's African-American population was simply outnumbered by the White invaders. In the end, the restoration of Greenwood after its systematic destruction was left to the victims of that destruction. While Tulsa officials turned away some offers of outside aid, a number of individual White Tulsans provided assistance to the city's now virtually homeless Black population. . . . ``In recent years, there has been ongoing discussion about what to call the event that happened in 1921. Historically, it has been called the Tulsa Race Riot. Some say it was given that name at the time for insurance purposes. Designating it a riot prevented insurance companies from having to pay benefits to the people of Greenwood whose homes and businesses were destroyed.'' Now, this is not me talking. I am still reading from that report. ``It also was common at the time for any large-scale clash between different racial or ethnic groups to be categorized a race riot. ``What do you think?'' the report asks. ``Definition of `riot': a tumultuous disturbance of the public peace by three or more persons assembled together and acting with common intent. ``Definition of `massacre': the act or an instance of killing a number of usually helpless or unresisting human beings under circumstances of atrocity or cruelty.'' So, that is why I personally refer to it as the Tulsa Greenwood massacre, as opposed to a race riot.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, on Tuesday, April 20, 2021, my vote was not recorded on the Motion to Table H. Res. 331. To clarify, here is the correct information with respect to that vote: Roll Call Vote Number 122: Yea.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding. Madam Speaker, the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act is a critical step towards ensuring a country where Black people are treated as equal citizens, not just in theory, but in real life. This bill weaves into our laws the truism that Black Lives Matter. This bill will help build trust between law enforcement and the communities that they are sworn to protect and serve. ``Equal Justice Under the Law'' may be etched atop the entrance to this Nation's highest court, but it is not a privilege enjoyed by each of us. We must act now to ensure that we protect the humanity of every person. Stand up for the principle of equal justice for all. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to vote ``yes'' for the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I am certain that every Member of Congress would say, if they had been in Congress when John Lewis walked across that Edmund Pettus Bridge and the Civil Rights Act was passed, they would have stood on the right side of history. Well, Madam Speaker, today, we are going to see exactly what side of history Members are going to be on.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, for 244 years, America has stood as the world's bellwether of democracy. Last week, the world saw America at perhaps her lowest moment. It was crazy. We all took the same oath when we swore to protect this country from enemies, both foreign and domestic; and now with a domestic enemy having arisen that is crazy, only the Vice President has the power to invoke the 25th Amendment and protect this country from this domestic enemy. The 25th Amendment was written for this moment. If not now, when would its use ever be appropriate? Vice President Pence, you have an opportunity to put country before self by implementing the 25th Amendment. Please muster the courage to protect America from maniacal behavior that threatens the very foundations of our democracy. Stop the violence, Mr. Vice President.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 8235) to provide for the modernization of electronic case management systems, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 8235, as amended, the Open Courts Act, which would require the Federal judiciary to allow free public access to court records over the internet and modernize the court records system so that it will cost less to maintain and be more secure. This act is the product of over 5 years of bipartisan effort, and I am so proud that we have gotten the bill to this moment. I first want to thank the majority leader, Steny Hoyer, for his involvement and commitment to bringing this important legislation to the floor, and I would like to thank Director Duff and his staff for their recent attention to this bill. I also want to thank Mr. Jordan for his support for this bill at the committee's markup. I would be remiss if I did not recognize our partners in the Senate, Senators Portman and Wyden, for their leadership and commitment to this effort. Finally, I extend sincere appreciation to my colleague from Georgia, Doug Collins, the colead on this bill. I want to thank him for his partnership in working to make the Federal court records system freely accessible to all Americans. I would also like to thank Perry Apelbaum with the Judiciary Committee, Jamie Simpson and Matt Robinson of my subcommittee, Jon Ferro with Congressman Collins' office, and I would also like to give a special thanks to Keith Abouchar with Leader Hoyer's office for all of his efforts to help us be on the floor today with this bill. Without everyone's persistence, dedication, and countless hours of hard work behind the scenes, we would not be here today. Mr. Speaker, wealth should not act as a barrier to access our courts. Whether it is a journalist reporting on the courts' activities or a citizen petitioning the court for redress, access to the courts should be free to all, not just to those who can afford it. Forcing the public to pay for access to court records imposes an unnecessary and unconscionable burden on people who are simply engaging in a constitutionally protected activity. Transparency and accessibility should be our goal, not profits and limited access. Court records should be as easy to access as legislation is on Congress.gov. All you have to do is put in that website, go to it, and look at all of the legislation that we produce, Mr. Speaker, and you should be able to do the same thing at the Federal courthouse. Our courts are a vital part of America's government, and we in Congress have a responsibility to ensure that public records in public courthouses are accessible for free to the public. This bill provides such protection of our most sacred democratic ideals. Technology has become essential to preserving our First Amendment rights by helping to ensure meaningful access to justice and to court records. It is past time that we bring our Federal court records system into the 21st century. Convenient access to public records in public courthouses shouldn't be a privilege for the few who can afford it. It is our duty to change the system, and that is what this bill does. It finally makes it fairer for everyone else. Mr. Speaker, I encourage all of my colleagues to join us voting on this bipartisan piece of legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. It is a state-of-the-art, 21st century system as opposed to a 1985 system, one that will cost, in the CBO's assessment, about $46 million over 10 years. That is a drastic difference than a $2 billion cost estimate submitted at the last minute to confuse and try to derail passage of this very commonsense, necessary legislation that brings judicial records into the 21st century. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 8235 is a bill that will make a meaningful difference in the accessibility and transparency of an entire branch of the Federal Government. It vindicates our critical First Amendment rights and it will establish a level playing field for access to critical government documents. For those reasons, I urge my colleagues to support the bill, as amended. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments of my friend. This has been a 5-year, bipartisan effort that only recently yielded the ability of the Judicial Conference, through the Administrative Office, to actually come to the table and talk to Congress to try to work out their concerns. After about a week of lots of conversation, hours upon hours of conversation, dialogue, and negotiations, we came up with an amended bill. Then at the very last minute, today, the Judicial Conference issues a letter citing a preposterous figure--$2 billion--for this system, which is not attached to any realistic cost estimate whatsoever. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the CBO's, Congressional Budget Office's, estimate of the cost of the Open Courts Act to put in a new system that is more secure and more user friendly than the one that is in place right now. CBO Estimate of the Statutory Pay-As-You-Go Effects of H.R. 8235, the Open Courts Act of 2020, as Posted on the Website of the Clerk of the House on December 8, 2020 Estimates relative to CBO's March 2020 baseline. Components may not sum to totals because of rounding. H.R. 8235 would require the Administrative Office of the United States Courts (AOUSC), working in coordination with the General Services Administration, to develop and implement a modernized software system to manage the electronic records of the court. The legislation would require that public court records be accessible to the public, and would authorize the AOUSC to impose new fees--particularly on high-volume, for- profit users--to cover the costs of developing and maintaining the new system. If enacted, CBO expects those fees would generate $47 million in additional revenue over the 2021-2030 period, mostly from high-volume users of the system. CBO believes that the new fees should be recorded in the budget as revenues, because they are new and an exercise of the government's sovereign power over the federal judiciary. Those revenues would be offset by a decline in other revenues of approximately 22 percent to account for indirect tax effects. As a result, CBO estimates that the legislation would increase net revenues by $37 million over that period. Under the bill, the additional revenue would be deposited in the Judiciary Information Technology Fund, and the AOUSC would be authorized to spend those fees without further appropriation. As a result, CBO estimates H.R. 8235 would increase direct spending by $46 million over the 2021-2030 period. CBO expects that most of those costs would be incurred during the 2021-2025 period as major work on software development is completed and the system is deployed across the federal judiciary. On net, CBO estimates that enacting H.R. 8235 would increase the deficit by $9 million over the 2021-2030 period. If enacted, H.R. 8235 also would affect spending subject to appropriation by the AOUSC; CBO has not completed an estimate of that effect.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the MORE Act. The war on drugs targeting communities of color, primarily, has resulted in the advent of the prison industrial complex that has fed on and consumed the lives of countless individuals and families. Too many Black and Brown children in our country have grown up without a parent because of government-sponsored crony capitalism which saw profits and policies that put people in prison rather than dealing with drug abuse as a public health issue. The criminalization of marijuana was used to disenfranchise an entire generation of Black men and women. The MORE Act is an important step forward toward more enlightened policy. I am proud to vote in favor of this bill, and I encourage my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow, the Federal Government will execute a Black man named Orlando Hall in the middle of a deadly pandemic that is spiking toward unprecedented levels. The death penalty is cruel, unusual, barbaric, and immoral. Mr. Hall will be the eighth prisoner executed under Bill Barr's leadership since June--eight expedited executions since June in this country--and the first by a lame duck President in a century, the eighth one being done tomorrow. Carrying out Federal executions during a deadly pandemic puts hundreds of people at risk, from local community members, to Bureau of Prison employees, to lawyers and advocates. The Trump administration's choice to risk life in an expedited rush to take life is morally bankrupt. To quote my dear friend and late colleague Elijah Cummings, we, as United States citizens, are better than this.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in full support of this resolution offered by my colleague, my dear colleague, Pramila Jayapal and others. I thank her for her hard work. Halloween is getting close, but it is Halloween every day at the Irwin County Detention Center. Many of the police officers just outside the facility when we arrived were not wearing masks, and it was only the day before our visit that detainees were issued masks. Prior to that, many had worn the mask they had had on when they were first booked into the facility many months ago. Some had been wearing old panties as masks. But the horror stories were the experiences these women told of being subjected to gynecological surgery, intrusions into their body absent their informed consent. As these women spoke, their eyes revealed the horror of what had been done to them. Many clutched or rubbed their midsection, still in physical pain as they recounted what they had been through and the mental and physical pain they still endure after being traumatized by Dr. Amin. The Irwin County Detention Center is managed by a for-profit corporation. That industry's stock went through the roof when Trump was elected. He has delivered on their investment, and it has been open season on detainees ever since. These companies rake in billions in taxpayer dollars to house, clothe, and feed detainees. Some of the women had been issued deportation orders 6, 8 months, even a year ago, but they are still being detained, and taxpayers foot the bill so that corporations can maximize huge profits. They profit by paying slave wages to detainees to cook and clean the facility. They profit off of phone calls in the commissary. Somebody is also profiting off of churning these women's bodies for unnecessary medical procedures, paid for by the taxpayers. This is not right. It is immoral to profit off of human suffering and misery. This horror show must end. We need to shut it down and shut it down now.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Madam Speaker, during Roll Call Vote Number 161 on H.R. 7608, I mistaken recorded my vote as Yea when I should have voted Nay.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, much has been said about my friend, teacher, and mentor, John Lewis. He was a family man, married to Lillian for 44 years, and to that union bore a son, John-Miles, who is with us today. Along with John Lewis' brothers and sisters, he was number three of ten. He has a large extended family. And that family entrusted John to the world. And for 33 years, he was our colleague. For 14 years, he was mine. I just want to say to the family that we here in Congress feel your pain. We appreciate your sacrifice in allowing John to do what he did for the world and for Congress. I want you to know that we stand with you, we feel your pain, and we will never forget your dear brother, uncle, cousin, whoever he was to you. We will never forget him. We know that he loved you. He would depart this place to go to the family reunion during the summer down in Alabama where the family still owned hundreds of acres of land that they farmed even when his two sharecropping parents gave birth to John. And so he was a family man. Thank you, family, for entrusting him to us.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2, the Moving Forward Act. This transformative legislation will revitalize our Nation's infrastructure, including our most vulnerable communities. The last several weeks have, once again, brought attention to the legacy of vulnerability Black Americans and other minorities suffer at the hands of a global health crisis, a shuttering economy, and systemic racism. With this backdrop, people of color should not assume that this massive infrastructure bill has little to do with them. In fact, there are many aspects of H.R. 2 that are intended to assist people who have routinely been left out and left behind. One of the most powerful is the Disadvantaged Business Enterprise program. This program, when properly administered and enforced, ensures that businesses owned by women and minorities have a fair chance to compete for federally assisted transportation projects and contracts. A 2016 report, in my home State of Georgia, found that women- and minority-owned construction prime contracting businesses earned about 7 cents on the dollar, and women- and minority-owned subcontracting businesses made about 39 cents on the dollar. This is unfair, and this evidence abounds. And it is not limited to any one region. The data underscores the continued need for the DBE program. I am proud to see it reauthorized in this bill, and I am proud to have been a part of its reauthorization. We must right the wrongs of business inequity in this country, and programs like the DBE, the Disadvantaged Business Enterprise program, will help us do just that.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, Article IV, Section 3.1, provides that new States may be admitted by Congress into this Union. There is absolutely no requirement for a constitutional amendment. I was born and raised in Washington, D.C., spending my formative years in this great domain, and I grew up knowing that my parents paid taxes but had no voting representation in Congress. It was paradoxical that I learned in school that the cries of patriots, ``No taxation without representation,'' did not apply to the people of this great domain. We obeyed the same laws and paid the same taxes as our fellow Americans, but we had no hope in taking part in the governance of America. I thank the Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton for keeping hope alive. I am here today to say that it is time to end the legal disenfranchisement of a population larger than the States of Vermont and Wyoming. This vote is long overdue, and I intend to vote in favor of D.C. statehood, and I encourage my colleagues to vote ``yes.''

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill under consideration.

Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 7259, which strengthens the U.S. Patent and Trademark Offices' Patents for Humanity Awards competition by allowing the competition's prize to be transferable to third parties, introduced by my colleague, Lucy McBath, the Representative from the great State of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 7259 has bipartisan support. As chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary's Intellectual Property Subcommittee, I am proud to cosponsor this legislation alongside Representative Martha Roby, ranking member of the subcommittee, and our subcommittee colleague, Representative Ben Cline. Intellectual property and innovation are what help our country flourish. In Congress, we have been committed to ensuring that the intellectual property system incentivizes innovation to the greatest extent possible. Through its support for the USPTO's Patents For Humanity Program, this bill accomplishes that goal. And I want to read a little bit from the USPTO.gov website about the Patents for Humanity Program. How do patents help improve lives globally through inspired innovators making a difference? And I will quote here: ``Patents for Humanity is the USPTO's awards program for those using game-changing technology to address global challenges. It provides business incentives for patent holders who find ways to reach underserved communities. These success stories can help others learn how to harness innovation for human progress. All patent holders can participate,'' it says. Since 2012, the program has given 21 awards, not just to big companies, but also small and medium-sized enterprises, startups, universities, and non-profits. Together, their work has improved millions of lives around the globe. In addition to receiving public recognition of their work, winners will be issued certificates entitling them to expedite select proceedings at the USPTO. Mr. Speaker, I believe we have a list of some of those winners thus far, and I would love to read those names into the Record. The Patents for Humanity Program highlights the ways that innovation and intellectual property can help solve global humanitarian challenges. Past award recipients have created low-cost phototherapy devices to treat infants with jaundice and distributed chemical packets that removed contaminants from drinking water, to name just a few. Winners receive a certificate that allows them, as I said, to accelerate certain patent matters at the USPTO. Mr. Speaker, I would read into the Record the names of some award winners to you: In 2018, Russell Crawford won the award for creating tools for low- cost drilling of water wells to reach deep aquifers free from soil contaminants. The organization, Brooklyn Bridge to Cambodia, Incorporated, won in 2018 for creating an affordable rice planting device that helps Cambodian farmers improve their crop yields and which minimizes the number of farmers--mostly women--who have to work in the most exhausting and unhealthy conditions. Also, the firm, Solight Design, won the award in 2018 for designing a portable solar light that has been distributed to over 200,0000 people worldwide, including many in refugee camps. Also, the firm, Sanivation, LLC, for designing a waste processing plant that transforms human waste into sanitary briquettes that replace wood and charcoal for heating and cooking, with four plants serving 10,000 people in Kenya by the end of the year. And also, in 2018, Because International won the award for distributing 180,000 pairs of resizable shoes in over 95 countries, with local manufacturing taking place in Ethiopia, and plans for Haiti and Kenya. And there are a number of others that have won this prestigious Patents for Humanity Award. All the way back to 2013, American Standard, SunPower Corporation, Nutriset, Golden Rice, GRIT: Global Research Innovation and Technology. And also, Nokero, DuPont Pioneer. And last but not least, Intermark Partners Strategic Management, LLP. Mr. Speaker, all should be commended for winning this prestigious award and contributing to the betterment of humanity. Mr. Speaker, under H.R. 7259, award winners will be able to transfer this acceleration certificate to third parties. This will strengthen participation in the Patents for Humanity Program and further encourage the use of innovation and the intellectual property for critical humanitarian purposes. The USPTO's program and this legislation reflect our country's strong commitment to intellectual property and our understanding of the important ways that innovation can do good and solve hard problems. I am pleased to cosponsor this legislation, which is sponsored, as I said, by my colleague, Lucy McBath from Georgia's Sixth Congressional District. And I am pleased to cosponsor this legislation, and I urge my colleagues to support its passage. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.